Dans ce travail, nous lèverons le voile sur la notion d’État souverain en droit international ainsi que son principe directeur, le principe de l’égalité souveraine des États et son corollaire, la non-ingérence dans les affaires internes d’un État. Dans une première analyse, nous établirons un rapport entre la souveraineté des États en droit international et l’ingérence humanitaire. Cette analyse se fera sur la base de plusieurs questions : l’ingérence dans les affaires internes d’un État pour des motifs humanitaires constitue-t-elle une atteinte au principe de la souveraineté des États ? Mieux, l’affliction des populations légitime-t-elle l’ingérence humanitaire dans un État ? Nous remettrons ainsi en cause le concept de souveraineté des États en faisant la lumière sur la complexité du principe de non-ingérence dans les affaires internes d’un État ; de même que les limites ou atténuations à la souveraineté des États. Ces atténuations nous aideront d’une part, à prouver le caractère licite de l’intervention humanitaire et d’autre part, à déterminer le champ d’application de cette dernière. Nous aboutirons à la licéité de l’ingérence humanitaire sous certaines conditions. Dans une seconde analyse, nous mettrons l’accent sur l’instrumentalisation ou les dérives de l’aide humanitaire ayant pour but la protection des droits humains. Nous nous sommes posé certaines questions : quelle est la légitimité de la croissance des opérations militaires en Afrique par les États dits puissants pour des motifs humanitaires ? Pourrait-on, à la lumière de l’instrumentalisation de l’ingérence humanitaire, parler d’une possible nouvelle forme de colonisation? Notre réflexion sera principalement axée sur les relations nord-sud. Dans une analyse basée sur les instruments juridiques en droit international humanitaire (DIH) et en droit international des droits de l’homme (DIDH) accompagnés d’exemples précis, nous montrerons comment les grandes puissances utilisent l’aide humanitaire pour assouvir leurs propres besoins (généralement d’ordre économique) dans les pays en voie de développement. Nous prouverons au cours de ce travail, à quel point l’action humanitaire est devenue un objet de politique voire un instrument de politique étrangère. En effet, bon nombre d’actions militaires, revêtues de motifs humanitaires, orchestrées dans certains pays du sud par certaines grandes puissances n’ont d’autres buts que la recherche du profit. La pratique humanitaire est trop souvent manipulée et cache des intérêts purement égoïstes des États. Nous conclurons finalement à la nécessité de la neutralité et de l’objectivité de l’action humanitaire. / In this work, we will lift the veil on the notion of sovereign state in international law and its guiding principle, the principle of the sovereign equality of States and its corollary, non-interference in the internal affairs of a state. In a first analysis, we will establish a relationship between state sovereignty in international law and humanitarian interference. This analysis will be made on the basis of several questions: does interference in the internal affairs of a state on humanitarian grounds constitute an infringement of the principle of state sovereignty? Does the affliction of populations legitimize humanitarian interference in a state? Thus, we will challenge the concept of state sovereignty by shedding light on the complexity of the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of a state, as well as the limits or attenuation to state sovereignty. These attenuations will help us, on the one hand, to determine its cope. We will surely end up with the legality of humanitarian interference under certain conditions. In a second analysis, we will focus on the instrumentalization, or abuses of humanitarian aid aimed at protecting human rights. We asked ourselves certain questions: What is the legitimacy of the growth of military operations in Africa by rich countries on humanitarian grounds? In the light of the instrumentalization of humanitarian interference, could we talk about a possible new form of colonization? Our reflection will focus mainly on North-south relations. In an analysis based on legal instruments in international humanitarian law (IHL) and International Human Rights (IHRL) with specific examples, we will show how the major powers use humanitarian aid to meet their own needs (generally economic) in developing countries. In the course of this work, we will demonstrate the extent to which humanitarian action has become an instrument of foreign policy. Indeed, many military actions, with humanitarians’ motives, orchestrated in Black and Arab Africa by certain major powers have no other goal than the pursuit of profit. We argue that humanitarian practice is too often manipulated and hides purely selfish interests of states. In the end, we will conclude that there is a need for neutrality and objectivity in humanitarian action.

Text in English / This study analyses the application of a community based intervention, the Care Group (CG) model, in relief work in Somalia and South Sudan. On the basis of expert interviews and a variety of documents it was researched whether the CG model is applicable to the context mentioned or if adaptations would be necessary. An increase in prolonged crises challenges humanitarian action to adapt relief work to longer-term interventions. The concept of combining the strengths of development cooperation and humanitarian action - Linking Relief, Rehabilitation and Development - is looked at in this study. Furthermore, for example, the asset-based community development approach, humanitarian work and characteristics of a protracted crisis were explored as the theoretical back-ground. The findings and the conclusion of this research may provide inputs for other humanitarian NGOs that are working in chronic conflict situations and being confronted with the need to introduce a long-term method for Behaviour Change Communication. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)

Menstrual management is a pervasive issue for women globally, and it becomes critical in times of crisis. During these times of crisis and disaster, humanitarian response seeks to provide relief of suffering by meeting essential needs, in a comprehensive and predictable manner. Yet the provision of menstrual management remains largely ad hoc. Through a comprehensive literature review of documents pertaining to menstrual management in emergencies, this paper offers a qualitative analysis of modern humanitarian strategic approaches, to explore the place of menstrual management in emergencies. The core findings are that menstrual management is not fodder for strategy in humanitarian aid, and therefore lacks a ‘home’ in any of the humanitarian approaches to response. It is not fully integrated into either technical strategic implementation, typified by the cluster approach, nor through cultural implementation approaches, typified by gender mainstreaming. This paper also offers some explanations of why such an omnipresent need has, as yet, remained un-championed. This discussion is based on a theoretical framework offered by feminist theory. Supplemented by an understanding of organisations as gendered structures (Acker, 1990), this thesis posits that these cavities in modern humanitarian response are due to the inherent inability and reluctance of the humanitarian system to concern itself with a bodily, female issue such as menstrual management.

In the past decades, there has been an alarming increase in the amount of toxicity on earthdue to pollution and consumerism and the natural environment is faster than everdisappearing due to the extensive activity of humans on planet earth (Nations United,2020; United Nations, 2020). The increased amount of rubbish and non-natural waste hasbeen identified as a major issue in the supply chain and waste management inhumanitarian organizations across the board. This thesis has reviewed existing academic research and identified the five commonthemes: Management – training and standardization – stakeholders and donors -transparency - climate change and development, in which the ability to become moresustainable is present. United States Agency for International Development (USAID) hasbeen showing environmental accountability and for that reason, its environmental policyand supply chain have been addressed to understand its waste management and if it issupporting the three sustainable dimensions. Plastic pollution is addressed as a humanitarian crisis and arguing that the devastatingeffects that microplastics are having on our ecosystem and it is clearly showing that it iscausing harm to the environment, the economy, and the social effect. Haiti has since theearthquake in 2010 received a variety of aid, majority from USAID but the sustainableaccountability in their action have been hard to identify. Reviewing the work of USAID and their collaboration with environmental protectioncompanies makes you likely to say that they are supporting the three sustainabledimensions but with further assessment, it is obvious, that humanitarian waste is doingharm and there must be improvements within the organization’s perspective onwaste/plastic while attending a crisis.

This thesis analyzes the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on relationships between international and local humanitarian actors responding to the 4 August 2020 Beirut Port Explosion. The concepts of “the local”, localization, inequality, and remote management provide a theoretical framework for this analysis. Data collection for this case study research includes a review of published and grey literature, and five video interviews with staff of local and international humanitarian organizations in Beirut. Empirical findings show that local-international inequalities—in the forms of limited access, recognition,and control—have been observed in Beirut and Lebanon for decades, and persisted during the port explosion response. This research further suggests that COVID-19 has contributed to an increase in inequality, most notably by reducing the participation of local actors in humanitarian coordination meetings, and disproportionately transferring risk from international to local actors due to a reliance on remote management. Findings also show that the port explosion caused an influx of funding that was disproportionately directed to international actors, and the economic crisis created a currency devaluation that has exacerbated local-international wage disparities and threatened to limit the reach of local NGO activities. Despite the strength of the civil society—shaped by a strong education system, decades of working through crisis, and government inaction—local actors have often been excluded from humanitarian practice in Beirut and Lebanon. At the same time, findings highlight increases in equality: some local actors adapted more quickly than international actors to COVID-19 and were able to leverage their strengths to receive more funding and greater leadership in the port explosion response. These movements demonstrate adaptability in humanitarian practice that would be critically required in any future reform. This thesis concludes with two recommendations: (1) the use of remote management due to COVID-19 is likely problematic and requires further research to identify best practices; and (2) critical localization provides a useful framework to analyze and mitigate the persistence of local-international inequalities infuture humanitarian responses, and helps to find a meaningful way forward.