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<p>The issue of humanitarian intervention presents a perennial conundrum and is one of the hottest topics in contemporary international relations. It contains aspects of both idealism and realism and is largely an issue born out of the end of the Cold War. This paper provides a theoretical and empirical evaluation of this normative shift in interstate affairs.</p><p>The vast growing body of human rights law serves as one indication that international law is changing in terms of a shift of focus, away from states, and towards the international community made up of individuals. However, in absence of a formal agreement on how and to what scope international law has changed, conclusions can only be made based on the emerging, limited and fragile body of state and UN practices. If such a shift were to be accompanied by a corresponding empirical transformation, it would undoubtedly represent a huge leap forward towards a more solidarist underpinned world order. The present trends within international relations represent at least an aspiration towards some more clearly envisioned solidarity. As international actors interact, they generate new norms, but one must remember that the actors and their practices are themselves products of older norms. The present structures of international society are not ready to accommodate such change.</p><p>Human rights are important, not only because they become embedded in institutions and create new coalitions between actors, but also because they help states redefine their national interests and identities, as well as help them to choose among conflicting priorities such as sovereignty and humanity. Under the present global system, any discussion of the international protection of human rights and humanitarian intervention implies changes in both norms and practices. The theoretical part of this paper provides a framework for assessing these recent developments by determining first, how and why values are shared, and what these values need to be in order for international society to be categorized as solidarist. The empirical part, then moves on to assess state and UN practice in order to conclude if solidarism is a reality in today’s international society.</p><p>In this paper, I argue that there is an international consensus in terms of a right to humanitarian intervention in cases of threats against international peace and security and where the UN S.C has given its authorization. Furthermore, even though not clearly establishing any such right to intervention, cases like East Timor, northern Iraq and Kosovo points to a normative shift where the redefinition of the concept of sovereignty might become a reality. This new consensus is a product of mainly three recent developments: a more expansive interpretation of the S.C on what constitutes a threat to international peace and security, the revolution of information technology that has heightened awareness of conflict and suffering, and the increased robustness of international human rights norms. While diversity continues to characterize the 21st century, there is a greater degree of consensus on the meaning of sovereignty and human rights today than most pluralists suggest. Nevertheless, the practical behaviour of the international community shows that the commitment to solidarism remains minimal.</p>

In "American Callings" I argue that late-nineteenth and early-twentieth-century American literature dealing with cross-cultural humanitarianism contains a strand that sought to rectify the potentially oppressive shortcomings of humanitarian practice. The authors whose work I examine--novelists William Dean Howells and Albion Tourgeé, reformer Jane Addams, humorist George Ade, and memoirists Mary Fee and George Freer--grappled in their writing with two reciprocal questions. First, they meditated on how humanitarianism shapes, changes, and constitutes the self. Second, they theorized how increased self-awareness and self-criticism might help the humanitarian actor avoid the pitfalls of humanitarian practice that critics, in their time and ours, have seized upon. "American Callings" thus challenges three critiques that have been instrumental to American literary studies for decades: critiques of sentimental humanitarianism's complicity in projects of cultural domination, realism's investment in the status quo, and reform's role in maintaining social discipline through surveillance. The dissertation disputes the prevalent assertion that literature dealing with cross-cultural humanitarianism constitutes a sentimental, imperialistic, and ultimately violent discourse. I accomplish this by looking to instances of what Gregory Eiselein (1996) has called "eccentric" reform, efforts articulated from within a culture but in opposition to certain aspects of it. Drawing on narratives of what I call "humanitarian selfhood" in three historical contexts--industrializing urban centers in the North, the South during Reconstruction, and the Philippines during the U.S. occupation--"American Callings" traces an "eccentric" literary genealogy, one that offers up the humanitarian dynamic as a heuristic wherein the humanitarian agent arrives at a new kind of self-understanding by way of wrestling with the questions raised by service to others. The literature written by and about these humanitarians, I suggest, then provides an opportunity for readers to be transformed, as well. / text

Afin de saisir le contexte du phénomène de l’expatriation d’Occidentaux en Inde, nous relevons d’abord certains traits de la modernité occidentale, tels le sentiment d’aliénation, le tournant subjectiviste, la globalisation et les principaux mythes-modèles de l’Inde qui circulent dans les pays occidentaux et donnent naissance aux projets d’expatriation. Une approche expérientielle facilite la compréhension de l’expatriation telle qu’elle est vécue par les acteurs. La collecte de données ethnographiques permet de saisir ces expériences à partir de récits recueillis dans trois zones frontière : 1) à Rishikesh, auprès d’expatriés spirituels; 2) à Calcutta, auprès d’expatriés humanitaires; 3) à Goa, auprès d’expatriés hédonistes-expressifs cherchant à améliorer leur style de vie. Ces données ethnographiques sont présentées dans trois chapitres distincts. Un chapitre comparatif met ensuite en relief quelques points de convergence dans l’expérience des expatriés, soit l’insertion locale au sein de communautés spécifiques, fortement associées à des mythes-modèles de l’Inde; le renouveau identitaire découlant de l’expérience interculturelle; et finalement, l’impact du transnationalisme sur la consolidation du malaise face à la modernité. La discussion théorique présente les solutions mises en branle par les expatriés pour tempérer leur malaise par rapport à l’Occident, soit : 1) l’engagement en profondeur dans un mode de vie permettant de se réaliser selon ses propres aspirations; 2) le regroupement par affinités et l’adoption d’un rôle social clair; 3) l’affranchissement de la pression sociale et l’adoption de pratiques transnationales permettant de préserver une continuité affective avec les proches tout en endossant un statut d’étranger. L’étude révèle aussi qu’on ne peut faire abstraction de l’histoire des relations de l’Occident avec le sous-continent pour comprendre les relations interculturelles des expatriés occidentaux avec les Indiens locaux. Enfin, les privilèges socioéconomiques des Occidentaux en Inde sont clairement identifiés comme étant une condition essentielle de leurs projets d’expatriation, ceux-ci étant néanmoins motivés principalement par un sentiment d’épuisement culturel face à l’Occident et à son mode de vie. Faisant suite à l’analyse des points de vue critiques sur la modernité (renforcés par l’expérience d’altérité), la thèse s’achève sur l’évocation de quelques pistes de recherche pour une anthropologie de l’Occident, tout en interrogeant, implicitement, le projet anthropologique. / The expatriation of Westerners in India is a sociocultural phenomenon, and I shall first highlight a few characteristics of modernity in the West - the feeling of alienation, the subjective turn, globalisation as well as the most significant mythical models of India - to understand which conditions provide the impulse to expatriation projects. An experiential approach will then enable me to understand how expatriation is lived by the actors concerned. Ethnographic data collected in India in three different borderzones give me access to these experiences. Accounts were collected : 1) in Rishikesh with spiritual expatriates; 2) in Calcutta with humanitarian expatriates; and 3) in Goa with hedonistic-expressive expatriates seeking a new lifestyle. These accounts are presented in three different chapters. Following these, a comparative chapter focuses on convergence among the three types of expatriation : local insertion within specific communities highly associated with significant myth models of India; self-renewal deriving from cultural encounters; and lastly, impact of transnationalism on the reinforcement of the malaise of modernity experienced by those I interviewed. The theoretical argument presents the general answers that expatriates find to alleviate their malaise of modernity : 1) a deep commitment to a lifestyle that allows them to find fulfilment according to their own aspirations; 2) gathering with people sharing the same interests and commitment to a clearly defined social role; and 3) liberation from social pressure and integration of transnational practices allowing them to protect affective ties while adopting a convenient outsider status. The study also reveals that we cannot set aside the history of Western encounters with India if we want to understand specific encounters of Westerners with local Indians. While Western socioeconomic privileges in India are clearly described as a basic condition for expatriation, I nevertheless conclude that expatriation is mainly motivated by a feeling of cultural exhaustion with Western lifestyles. Analysis of critical standpoints on modernity (reinforced by cultural encounters) finally leads me to formulate some avenues that need to be explored to develop an anthropology of the West, meanwhile implicitly calling into question the anthropological project.

In response to the German occupation of Belgium in World War I, future U.S. president Herbert Hoover and a handful of his colleagues in the mining engineer industry founded the Commission for Relief in Belgium (CRB). The CRB engineered one of the greatest relief movements in history partly on account of its successful public appeals; nevertheless, the success of these appeals has never been fully explained due to a remarkable dearth of scholarship on the topic. This paper seeks to fill in the gap by analyzing salient documents in the Mudd Family Papers, located in Honnold/Mudd Library’s Special Collections section. The artifacts ultimately evince that the CRB tailored its appeals to the American upper and middle classes, appropriating their respective motifs and lexicons to successfully mobilize both groups; that rumors of wartime atrocities against Belgian children augmented its appeals to the middle class; and that it issued targeted messages to its American supporters after the United States’ entry into World War I, maintaining vital public support. The findings of this paper promise to add invaluable knowledge to an exceedingly understudied historical subject.

This dissertation is about American Red Cross and YMCA work in revolutionary and civil war Russia. It focuses on the most significant phases of these organizations’ efforts in terms of the numbers of personnel involved and the funds expended: Moscow and Petrograd, 1917–18; northern Russia during the Allied military intervention, 1918–19; and Siberia and the Russian Far East, from 1918 through the early 1920s. By drawing on dozens of often underused archival collections this study is able to discuss these “constructive efforts” in much fuller detail than have existing works. The activities of the Americans who worked in Russia, rather than those who made policy from afar, are of primary interest. The concern here, beyond the what, where, and who, is why: Why did American relief or social service work occur? The answers, of which there are several, include a desire to provide assistance to suffering populations. But the humanitarian impulse was often not the one that carried the day when decisions about policy and practice were taken. Military concerns were important, especially while the Great War still raged on the western front, and while Allied and American soldiers fought Russian Bolsheviks. American relief workers also saw themselves as contributing directly to relations between Russia and Russians on the one hand, and the United States, the Allies, and the American people on the other. They were moved to carry out their work because they saw the importance of it for the present and future of relations between the two countries. Americans in Russia also took advantage of the presence of soldiers, civilian refugees, and former prisoners of war from a variety of European countries to spread the good word about all things American. Ultimately, Americans viewed revolutionary Russia through the lens of modernization. With American help, the future could be bright. With the right leadership in place to oversee their education, honest, hardworking, and intellectually curious peasants (as they were described by contemporary observers) could be turned into modern citizens. The Russian project failed to achieve its promise, but for a time Americans retained their optimism about Russia’s future.

This dissertation is about American Red Cross and YMCA work in revolutionary and civil war Russia. It focuses on the most significant phases of these organizations’ efforts in terms of the numbers of personnel involved and the funds expended: Moscow and Petrograd, 1917–18; northern Russia during the Allied military intervention, 1918–19; and Siberia and the Russian Far East, from 1918 through the early 1920s. By drawing on dozens of often underused archival collections this study is able to discuss these “constructive efforts” in much fuller detail than have existing works. The activities of the Americans who worked in Russia, rather than those who made policy from afar, are of primary interest. The concern here, beyond the what, where, and who, is why: Why did American relief or social service work occur? The answers, of which there are several, include a desire to provide assistance to suffering populations. But the humanitarian impulse was often not the one that carried the day when decisions about policy and practice were taken. Military concerns were important, especially while the Great War still raged on the western front, and while Allied and American soldiers fought Russian Bolsheviks. American relief workers also saw themselves as contributing directly to relations between Russia and Russians on the one hand, and the United States, the Allies, and the American people on the other. They were moved to carry out their work because they saw the importance of it for the present and future of relations between the two countries. Americans in Russia also took advantage of the presence of soldiers, civilian refugees, and former prisoners of war from a variety of European countries to spread the good word about all things American. Ultimately, Americans viewed revolutionary Russia through the lens of modernization. With American help, the future could be bright. With the right leadership in place to oversee their education, honest, hardworking, and intellectually curious peasants (as they were described by contemporary observers) could be turned into modern citizens. The Russian project failed to achieve its promise, but for a time Americans retained their optimism about Russia’s future.

Cette étude porte sur la participation des organisations catholiques dans le développement des politiques sociales visant les immigrants et les réfugiés résidant au Brésil. Je discute des questions du gouvernement et de la souveraineté et sa relation avec les actions humanitaires et caritatives. Le suivi des activités de l´Instance Permanente sur la Mobilité Humaine de Rio Grande do Sul (FPMH/RS), Porto Alegre, a permis une appróche de l’univers des acteurs religieux impliqués dans la promotion de la citoyenneté et la protection des immigrants. Plus précisément, la thèse examine l’emergence et l’expansion d’une congregation catholique dont le charisme reside dans la migration; ce sont les scalabrinien frères et soeurs, ordre fondé à la fin du XIX siècle par João Batista Scalabrini. La recherche a réalisé une cartographie des agents et des institutions de protection sociale, en mettant l’ accent sur les organisations catholiques conduisant le domaine humanitaire. D’où l’importance relative à la Missão Paz, institution situé à São Paulo qui a pris la plupart des “nouveaux immigrants”. Devant la croissance des flux des Caraïbes et d’Afrique, j’ai remarqué à la fois une perspective qui a defini ces mouvements comme une “menace” et un discours par lequel il était destiné a contrer um monde civilisé et un monde barbare (Suite)Ainsi, un des points que je souligne dans ce travail fait référence à la complicité entre la civilisation et la brutalité. L’immigration est une question historique complexe et controversé; j’essaie de montrer que ce domaine est devenu different, au cours des deux derniers siècles, par l’inclusion de nouveaux vêtements et références conceptuelles, en maintenant, cependant, continuités avec la logique stigmatisante du passé. Une question qui m’a mobilisé pour mener l’étude était d´étudier les technologies de contrôle et les normes de conduite des personnes en déplacement, ainsi que le regime du pouvoir/savoir dans le calcul de confinement et de la solidarité humanitaire. Em bref, guidée par une perspective ethnographique et historique, j’examine: i) l’interface entre les politiques internationales et les pratiques humanitaires et; ii) la façon dont les acteurs sociaux, en particulier religieux, convertissent les discours dominants dans les micro-pratiques de la gestion des arguments moraux qui soutiennent, en grande partie, des décisions politiques inscrits au phénomène de la mobilité humaine contemporaine. / O presente trabalho investiga a participação de organizações católicas no desenvolvimento de políticas sociais voltadas a imigrantes e refugiados residentes no Brasil. Discuto a problemática do governo e da soberania e sua relação com ações humanitárias e assistenciais. O acompanhamento das atividades do Fórum Permanente de Mobilidade Humana do Rio Grande do Sul (FPMH/RS) de Porto Alegre permitiu uma aproximação ao universo dos atores religiosos que atuam na promoção da cidadania e na proteção a imigrantes. Em termos específicos, a tese analisa o surgimento e a expansão de uma congregação católica cujo carisma encontra-se nas migrações; trata-se dos irmãos e irmãs scalabrinianos, ordem fundada, no fim do século XIX, por João Batista Scalabrini. A pesquisa realizou um mapeamento dos agentes e instituições assistenciais, com foco nas organizações católicas que lideram o campo do acolhimento humanitário. Daí o relativo realce conferido à Missão Paz, instituição localizada em São Paulo, que acolheu a maior parte dos chamados “novos imigrantes”. Diante do crescimento do fluxo de caribenhos e africanos, observou-se tanto uma perspectiva que definiu tais movimentos como uma “ameaça” quanto um discurso pelo qual se pretendeu contrapor um mundo civilizado e um mundo bárbaro Por isso, um dos pontos que sublinho neste trabalho refere-se à cumplicidade entre civilização e brutalidade. A imigração é um tema historicamente controverso e complexo; procuro demonstrar que este campo transformou-se, nos dois últimos séculos, pela inclusão de novas roupagens e referências conceituais, mantendo, porém, continuidade com lógicas estigmatizantes do passado. Uma questão que me mobilizou a realizar o estudo foi averiguar as tecnologias de controle e de normalização da conduta das populações em mobilidade, bem como o regime de poder/saber presente no cálculo de contenção e de solidariedade do governo humanitário. Em suma, orientado por uma perspectiva etnográfica e histórica, examino: i) a interface entre políticas internacionais e práticas humanitárias, com destaque especial para o combate ao tráfico de pessoas e; ii) o modo através do qual atores sociais, especialmente religiosos, convertem discursos dominantes em micropráticas mediante o manejo de argumentos morais que, em grande parte, sustentam as decisões políticas arroladas ao fenômeno contemporâneo da mobilidade humana. / This paper investigates the participation of catholic organizations in the development of social policies aimed at immigrants and refugees residing in Brazil. I discuss the problems of the government and sovereignty and their relationship with humanitarian and assistance actions. The monitoring of the activities of the Permanent Forum on Human Mobility of Rio Grande do Sul (FPMH/RS) in Porto Alegre allowed an approach to the universe of religious actors who work to promote citizenship and to protect imigrants. In specific terms, the thesis analyzes the emergence and expansion of a catholic congregation whose charism is founded on migrations; these are the scalabrinian priests and sisters, an order founded at the end of the 19th century by João Batista Scalabrini. The research carried out a mapping of agents and care institutions, focusing on the catholic organizations that lead the field of humanitarian care. Hence the relative importante given to the Missão Paz, an institution located in São Paulo which welcomed most of the so-called “new immigrants”. Faced with the growth of the Caribbean and African flows, I observed both a perspective that defined these movements as a “threat” as also a discourse by which it was intended to oppose a civilized world and a barbaric world For this reason, one of the points I emphasize in this work is the complicity between civilization and brutality. Immigration is a historically controversial and complex issue. I try to demonstrate that this field has become different in the last two centuries by the inclusion of new clothes and conceptual references, maintaining, however, continuity with stigmatizing logics of the past. One issue that mobilized me to carry out this study was to investigate the technologies of control and standardization of the conduct of the populations in mobility, as well as the regime of power/knowledge involved in the calculation of the containment and solidarity in the humanitarian government. In short, guided by an ethnographic and historical perspective, I examine: i) the interface between international policies and humanitarian practices, with particular emphasis on combating trafficking in persons and; ii) the way in wich social actors, especially religious ones, convert dominant discourses into micropractices by handling moral arguments that, in large part, underpin the political decisions related to the contemporary phenomenon of human mobility.

Cette étude porte sur la participation des organisations catholiques dans le développement des politiques sociales visant les immigrants et les réfugiés résidant au Brésil. Je discute des questions du gouvernement et de la souveraineté et sa relation avec les actions humanitaires et caritatives. Le suivi des activités de l´Instance Permanente sur la Mobilité Humaine de Rio Grande do Sul (FPMH/RS), Porto Alegre, a permis une appróche de l’univers des acteurs religieux impliqués dans la promotion de la citoyenneté et la protection des immigrants. Plus précisément, la thèse examine l’emergence et l’expansion d’une congregation catholique dont le charisme reside dans la migration; ce sont les scalabrinien frères et soeurs, ordre fondé à la fin du XIX siècle par João Batista Scalabrini. La recherche a réalisé une cartographie des agents et des institutions de protection sociale, en mettant l’ accent sur les organisations catholiques conduisant le domaine humanitaire. D’où l’importance relative à la Missão Paz, institution situé à São Paulo qui a pris la plupart des “nouveaux immigrants”. Devant la croissance des flux des Caraïbes et d’Afrique, j’ai remarqué à la fois une perspective qui a defini ces mouvements comme une “menace” et un discours par lequel il était destiné a contrer um monde civilisé et un monde barbare (Suite)Ainsi, un des points que je souligne dans ce travail fait référence à la complicité entre la civilisation et la brutalité. L’immigration est une question historique complexe et controversé; j’essaie de montrer que ce domaine est devenu different, au cours des deux derniers siècles, par l’inclusion de nouveaux vêtements et références conceptuelles, en maintenant, cependant, continuités avec la logique stigmatisante du passé. Une question qui m’a mobilisé pour mener l’étude était d´étudier les technologies de contrôle et les normes de conduite des personnes en déplacement, ainsi que le regime du pouvoir/savoir dans le calcul de confinement et de la solidarité humanitaire. Em bref, guidée par une perspective ethnographique et historique, j’examine: i) l’interface entre les politiques internationales et les pratiques humanitaires et; ii) la façon dont les acteurs sociaux, en particulier religieux, convertissent les discours dominants dans les micro-pratiques de la gestion des arguments moraux qui soutiennent, en grande partie, des décisions politiques inscrits au phénomène de la mobilité humaine contemporaine. / O presente trabalho investiga a participação de organizações católicas no desenvolvimento de políticas sociais voltadas a imigrantes e refugiados residentes no Brasil. Discuto a problemática do governo e da soberania e sua relação com ações humanitárias e assistenciais. O acompanhamento das atividades do Fórum Permanente de Mobilidade Humana do Rio Grande do Sul (FPMH/RS) de Porto Alegre permitiu uma aproximação ao universo dos atores religiosos que atuam na promoção da cidadania e na proteção a imigrantes. Em termos específicos, a tese analisa o surgimento e a expansão de uma congregação católica cujo carisma encontra-se nas migrações; trata-se dos irmãos e irmãs scalabrinianos, ordem fundada, no fim do século XIX, por João Batista Scalabrini. A pesquisa realizou um mapeamento dos agentes e instituições assistenciais, com foco nas organizações católicas que lideram o campo do acolhimento humanitário. Daí o relativo realce conferido à Missão Paz, instituição localizada em São Paulo, que acolheu a maior parte dos chamados “novos imigrantes”. Diante do crescimento do fluxo de caribenhos e africanos, observou-se tanto uma perspectiva que definiu tais movimentos como uma “ameaça” quanto um discurso pelo qual se pretendeu contrapor um mundo civilizado e um mundo bárbaro Por isso, um dos pontos que sublinho neste trabalho refere-se à cumplicidade entre civilização e brutalidade. A imigração é um tema historicamente controverso e complexo; procuro demonstrar que este campo transformou-se, nos dois últimos séculos, pela inclusão de novas roupagens e referências conceituais, mantendo, porém, continuidade com lógicas estigmatizantes do passado. Uma questão que me mobilizou a realizar o estudo foi averiguar as tecnologias de controle e de normalização da conduta das populações em mobilidade, bem como o regime de poder/saber presente no cálculo de contenção e de solidariedade do governo humanitário. Em suma, orientado por uma perspectiva etnográfica e histórica, examino: i) a interface entre políticas internacionais e práticas humanitárias, com destaque especial para o combate ao tráfico de pessoas e; ii) o modo através do qual atores sociais, especialmente religiosos, convertem discursos dominantes em micropráticas mediante o manejo de argumentos morais que, em grande parte, sustentam as decisões políticas arroladas ao fenômeno contemporâneo da mobilidade humana. / This paper investigates the participation of catholic organizations in the development of social policies aimed at immigrants and refugees residing in Brazil. I discuss the problems of the government and sovereignty and their relationship with humanitarian and assistance actions. The monitoring of the activities of the Permanent Forum on Human Mobility of Rio Grande do Sul (FPMH/RS) in Porto Alegre allowed an approach to the universe of religious actors who work to promote citizenship and to protect imigrants. In specific terms, the thesis analyzes the emergence and expansion of a catholic congregation whose charism is founded on migrations; these are the scalabrinian priests and sisters, an order founded at the end of the 19th century by João Batista Scalabrini. The research carried out a mapping of agents and care institutions, focusing on the catholic organizations that lead the field of humanitarian care. Hence the relative importante given to the Missão Paz, an institution located in São Paulo which welcomed most of the so-called “new immigrants”. Faced with the growth of the Caribbean and African flows, I observed both a perspective that defined these movements as a “threat” as also a discourse by which it was intended to oppose a civilized world and a barbaric world For this reason, one of the points I emphasize in this work is the complicity between civilization and brutality. Immigration is a historically controversial and complex issue. I try to demonstrate that this field has become different in the last two centuries by the inclusion of new clothes and conceptual references, maintaining, however, continuity with stigmatizing logics of the past. One issue that mobilized me to carry out this study was to investigate the technologies of control and standardization of the conduct of the populations in mobility, as well as the regime of power/knowledge involved in the calculation of the containment and solidarity in the humanitarian government. In short, guided by an ethnographic and historical perspective, I examine: i) the interface between international policies and humanitarian practices, with particular emphasis on combating trafficking in persons and; ii) the way in wich social actors, especially religious ones, convert dominant discourses into micropractices by handling moral arguments that, in large part, underpin the political decisions related to the contemporary phenomenon of human mobility.

Orientador: Ricardo Luiz Coltro Antunes / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T13:01:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Seguy_Franck_D.pdf: 12325038 bytes, checksum: 5a8200079f0b441c718672de85637ef1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Esta tese apresenta uma análise da formação social haitiana no contexto do terremoto que abalou o país, no dia 12 de janeiro de 2010. Partindo das promessas de reconstrução do país e das políticas implementadas pela Internacional Comunitária, a tese procura mostrar que, na verdade, está vigorando no Haiti atualmente uma realidade de tipo colonial, qual, à luz do que já estava acontecendo no país, deixa tudo encaminhado para que apenas as estruturas cujo papel é administrar essa ordem de condenação à precariedade sejam (re)construídas pela ajuda internacional. Para tal demonstrar, a tese procura desvelar as raízes históricas das relações internacionais no Haiti tentando reconstituir o processo e analisar as condições pelas quais se operou o deslizamento do país na tamanha degradação e desumanização da vida das quais padece hoje. Num segundo momento, a pesquisa busca estudar as raízes ontológico-filosóficas desse estado de coisas, examinando principalmente a categoria de modernidade e seu papel na estruturação da sociedade haitiana, realçando principalmente seu lado camuflado ¿ o lado colonial, explorador, como outra parte constitutiva de seu projeto civilizatório dito emancipador. Desta maneira, o estudo estabelece a participação da chamada Comunidade internacional na construção sócio-histórica da catástrofe de janeiro de 2010 que afundou ainda mais as trabalhadoras e os trabalhadores haitianos na mais desumana precariedade imposta, entretanto, como norma de existência. A partir desse ângulo de visão, é argumentado nesta tese que o desastre de 2010 merece ser inscrito no continuum do que é o Haiti: uma anomalia histórica impensável no âmbito do pensamento moderno/colonial/escravista ocidental, uma vez que o Haiti representa o único exemplo na Historia de um povo escravizado que rompeu com os suas correntes e forçou pelas armas uma grande potência colonial/moderna a recuar / Abstract: This thesis presents an analysis of the Haitian social formation in the context of the earthquake that rocked the country on January 12, 2010. Based on the promises of reconstruction and the policies implemented by the International Communitary, the thesis seeks to show that, in fact, is currently in force in Haiti a colonial type of reality, which, in light of what was already happening in the country, lets all routed so that only those structures whose role is to administer this order of condemnation of precariousness may be (re)constructed through international aid. To demonstrate this, the thesis seeks to reveal the historical roots of international relations in Haiti trying to reconstruct the process and analyze the conditions under which has been operated a sliding of the country in such degradation and dehumanization of life which suffers today. In the same purpose, the research seeks to study the ontological-philosophical roots of this state of things, mainly examining the category of modernity and its role in the structuring of Haitian society, particularly highlighting his camouflaged side ¿ the colonial one, explorer, as another constituent part of its civilizing project, called emancipator. Thus, the study establishes the participation of the international communitary called on the socio-historical construction of the January 2010 disaster that sank even more Haitian workers in the most inhuman precariousness imposed, however, as standard of their existence. From this angle of view, it is argued in this thesis that the 2010 disaster should be entered in the continuum that is Haiti: an unthinkable historical anomaly in the context of modern/colonial/western slavery thought, since Haiti is the only example in history of an enslaved people who broke with his chains and forced by arms a great modern/colonial power to retreat / Doutorado / Sociologia / Doutor em Sociologia