This thesis challenges the conventional wisdom that tends to conflate Arab foreign fighters with Islamist terrorists, and ‘martyrdom operations' with ‘suicide attacks.' Overlaps notwithstanding, it aims to draw distinctions between Arab foreign fighters engaged in defensive jihad defending co-religionists against a military foe, and Islamist terrorists engaged in terrorism that indiscriminately targets civilians and non-combatants. Critically, while disaggregating the two transnational cohorts, this thesis also illuminates the nexus between them. It draws on a thesis dataset of 3,010 Arab foreign fighters compiled using biographies, martyrdom eulogies, and postings on ‘jihadi' websites, in both English and Arabic. This dataset is then used to support three case studies involving the defensive jihads in 1980s Afghanistan, Iraq (post 2003), and Syria (post 2011). It leverages a theoretical framework based on the concept of radicalisation and the language of political Islam, whilst concurrently drawing on theories from psychology and historical military examples of combat, germane to defensive jihad and Islamist terrorism. The thesis concludes that Arab foreign fighters involved in defensive jihad employ martyrdom operations against military targets, through tactical necessity. Conversely, Islamist terrorists employ suicide attacks against civilians and non-combatants, through ideological necessity. The trajectory between the two transnational mobilisations appears to be broadly underpinned by facets of the Lucifer Effect – the situational factors encountered whilst participating in defensive jihad, including but not limited to, the experience of close combat in a war zone; being subjected to ideological indoctrination; and being exposed to charismatic authority and obedience to it. This suggests that subsequent involvement in Islamist terrorism by some Arab foreign fighters is primarily forged in the crucible of defensive jihad. Such findings should result in the crafting of more individualised de-radicalisation and rehabilitation programmes for returning foreign fighters, in both the West and the Arab world.

Ideology, as explained by Louis Althusser, is used by ideological state apparatuses (ISAs) to reinforce the control of the dominant class. ISAs in turn consist of elements of society such as families, schools, and churches. In the works of Michael Ende, Astrid Lindgren, and Paul Maars, Momo, Pippi and the Sams defy the ideologies and norms of their respective societies. This thesis shows that the three children can do this because they are alien children and therefore exist beyond the reach of the ISAs of their respective worlds.

Submitted by Bárbara Melissa Santana null (barbaramelissasantana@gmail.com) on 2017-03-21T17:35:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Versão Final.pdf: 8585549 bytes, checksum: 5735dd880e880a7f199c38ec8f311bf2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luiz Galeffi (luizgaleffi@gmail.com) on 2017-03-22T18:39:07Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 santana_bm_me_arafcl.pdf: 8585549 bytes, checksum: 5735dd880e880a7f199c38ec8f311bf2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-22T18:39:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 santana_bm_me_arafcl.pdf: 8585549 bytes, checksum: 5735dd880e880a7f199c38ec8f311bf2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-01-23 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / Este trabalho se volta à análise discursiva do curta metragem francês La Majorité Opprimée, dirigido por Eleonore Pourriat e lançado da rede social Youtube em 2010. A obra selecionada como corpus desta pesquisa explora as relações entre os gêneros masculino e feminino a partir da inversão das performances de gêneros na sociedade contemporânea. A inversão que embasa a narrativa critica e ironiza a desigualdade de gêneros naturalizada nessas relações no mundo contemporâneo, em específico, a sociedade francesa do século XXI. Ao destacar a inversão e a ironia da obra como objetos de análise, nos aprofundamos no estudo dos estereótipos de feminilidade e masculinidade representados em La Majorité Opprimée, bem como nos voltamos à análise da crítica ao patriarcado que é feita no curta a partir da inversão das performances de gênero. O aprofundamento dessas questões leva em consideração a constituição histórica dos gêneros masculino e feminino, que se articula, ao longo do texto, com a contextualização dos sujeitos masculino e feminino sob um olhar cultural ao longo da história. O trabalho se fundamenta nas materialidades verbivocovisuais que compõem o enunciado em questão, com base teórica nos estudos do Círculo de Bakhtin sobre enunciado, signo ideológico, sujeito, dialogia e gênero discursivo, além de ter como referência escritos de Judith Butler e Simone de Beauvoir. A partir do arcabouço teórico bakhtiniano, olhamos para os sujeitos semiotizados na obra como representações dos sujeitos feminino e masculino do mundo contemporâneo e os entendemos como construções sociais e históricas, aspecto que se constitui como fio condutor do trabalho. / This work turns to the discursive analysis of the french short film La Majorité Opprimée, directed by Eleonore Pourriat and released on the social network Youtube. The video selected as corpus of this research explores the female and male gender relations from the inversion of the gender performance in the contemporary society. This inversion that bases the critical narrative and ironizes the gender inequality naturalized in this relations in the contemporary world, in specific, the twenty-first french society. By hightlitening the inversion and irony in the video as the object of the analysis, we go deeper in the studies of femininity and masculinity stereotypes represented in La Majorité Opprimée, and we turn to the analysis of the patriarchy critical that is made in the short movie from the gender performance inversion. The dedication to this problems consider the male and female gender historical constitution, that is articulated to the cultural and historical contextualization throughout the history. This work is fundamented in the verbocovisual materialities that are part of the enunciate analyzed, with theoretical basis in the Bakhtin Circle studies about enunciate, ideological sign, subject, dialogy and discursive gender, in addition to references from Judith Butlers and Simoe de Beauvoir studies. From the bakhtinian base, we consider the subjects semiotized in the video as male and female representation from the contemporary world, and we understand them as historical and social constructions, element that conducts this work. / FAPESP: 2015/11895-4

Much of the discussion of German National Socialism has historically focused on of Adolf Hitler as the architect of the Nazi state. While recognizing Hitler’s central role in the development of National Socialism, this thesis contends that he was not a lone actor. Much of the ideological and structural development National Socialism was driven by senior individuals within the party who were able to leverage their influence to institutionalize personal variants of National Socialism within broader party ideology. To explore the role of other ideologues in the development of Nazi ideology, this thesis examines how Hitler’s leadership style perpetuated factionalism, how when and by whom central elements of Nazi ideology were introduced, as well the ideological sources from which these concepts were adapted. After the party’s ultimate rise to power Hitler, always centrally positioned, eliminated internal competition and institutionalized his own variant of National Socialism whilst co-opting the concepts and structures developed by other ideologues that offered useful tools to pursue his goals. Through this analysis, this thesis seeks to demonstrate how the foundational elements of National Socialism took form, even before the party achieved power, and how these elements were subsequently utilized to consolidate Nazi control over the German state. Above all else, this thesis sheds much-needed light on the pivotal role of individuals and the conflict between them that engineered the cataclysm of the Third Reich.

This research examines how Turkish newspapers approached the Armenian terrorism which emerged in the years between 1973 and 1984 as the third wave since the late 19th century. The Armenian terrorist organizations officially emerged in 1975 in order to show the world their rightfulness in terms of the so-called Armenian genocide, assassinating Turkish diplomats, including ambassadors and their families, in a planned and systematic fashion within these 11 years. These terrorist activities accelerated from time to time. Along with the accelerated Armenian terror, domestic terrorism and political disorder were the other developments in Turkey. Within the context of such difficulties, the extent of Armenian terrorist activities and the changes in the politically varied Turkish newspapers&#039 / regarding Armenian terrorism within these 11 years are examined thoroughly.

This report is a summary and a discussion of several studies, that havebeen carried out within the SYO-project (syo=educational and vocationalguidance). The SYO-project, financed by the National Board of Education,has two major sources of information concerning the description andanalyses of (1) the content of syo and (2) different persons' conceptionsand notions of education, work, and choice of education and profession.The aim of this work is to investigate pupils in grade 7-9 regardingtheir actual choices and the particular conditions, that could influencethose choices e.g. the importance of the family and the syo. In theframework for conducting this study, some assumptions are made aboutthe role of school and syo. The pupils' choices and the conditions underwhich they occur, are examined from a societal, educational andindividual perspective. Furthermore, a model is developed to illustratehow pupils' conceptions and notions are formed. Both extensive andintensive studies have been executed, using parents, pupils, teachers andcounsellors. The data have been collected primarily from individualinterviews and questionnaires. The results have been published in sevenreports, nos. 4-10 in Pedagogiska rapporter/Educational reports.Department of Education, University of Umeå (in Swedish). The resultsdemonstrate, that the pupils choices of education and profession arestrongly related to sex and social class. Only their choices of educationseem to be stable. However, when they change, the differences betweensex and social class tend to be even larger. The influences from parentsand school coincides so as to support the pupils* conceptions and notionsof education, work, and educational and vocational choices, which arebased on an individual perspective. In contrast, there can also be a breakin the ideological transmission, such that, for example, the pupils1conceptions of work may reflect more of the parents' influences thanthe schools1. Different conditions of importance for the work of syo, inaccordance with official goals, are not fulfilled. Thus, the integrationof syo does not exist. For example, the number of pupils seems too largeand the expectations of teachers and other persons in the school,concerning syo, are quite different from those of the counsellors. Finally,a few limitations and the principal results of the work are discussedalong with suggestions for further research. The results concern, interalia, the socially based differences in knowledge between parents andpupils. These differences mean, in essence, that a basic condition forrational choice is not fulfilled. Furthermore, the role of syo as a sortingmechanism in the process of social reproduction is deemphasized. Instead,its legitimizing function appears as more important. / digitalisering@umu

Human civilization is failing in the fight to reduce carbon dioxide emissions and limit the impact of anthropogenic climate change. Whilst there are likely numerous reasons for this inertia, societal risk perception plays a fundamental role in influencing the speed and effectiveness of political and social action to address climate change. This study presents the psychological, sociological and cultural reasons for variations in the perceptions of risk amongst a group of climate change sceptics in Sweden. Highlighting cognitive barriers and characteristics associated with different ideological biases and worldviews. The paper concludes that people become more or less sceptical to climate change based on a variety of potentially intersectional issues. Whilst gender, age and wisdom all play a role, the social groups with which people identify, as well as individuals’ values and ideas of what constitutes an ideal society ultimately shape ones perception of risk in relation to climate change. The implications for the communication of climate science are discussed, revealing that any inclusive communication strategy will fail unless it is presented in a way that affirms rather than challenges one’s cultural identity.

This dissertation argues that the material conditions of many street sex workers--the physical environments they live in and their effects on the workers' bodies, identities, and spirits--are represented, reproduced, and entrenched in the language surrounding their work. My research is an ethnographic case study of a local system that can be extrapolated to other subcultures and the construction of identities, while situating sex work and the industry as rhetorical constructions. My research offers an example of how an examination of the signs and symbols that comprise "material conditions" can be rhetorically analyzed in order to better understand how goals, agendas, interests, and ideologies are represented and implemented through language.Located central to my analysis are the street sex workers' voices. I use an ideological rhetorical analysis, or rhetorically--the study of how language shapes and is shaped by cultures, institutions, and the individuals within them, and ideologically--the identification and examination of the underlying assumptions of communicative interactions. I delineate how these material conditions are reproduced and, at times, subverted, and I offer an outline for modifying the discourse used in policy in ways that are more empowering and authentic to sex workers' lives.Policy makers, activists, and academics, among others, wrestle with complicated issues to analyze and write laws and policies and to design social services. Discourse is always at the center of these struggles. Because my study investigates the language of policy-making and the people who forge it, it has implications for ethics and policy in relation to gender studies, cultural studies, and ethnographic research.Examining the rhetorical constructions and interactions and their related effects on policy elucidates the discursive complexity that exists in meaning-making systems. This analysis also offers an explanation of how constructions can be made differently in order to achieve representations that are generated by the marginalized populations themselves, while placing responsibility for this marginalization on the society in which these people live.

There is no doubt that relevant and up-to-date elementary school curriculum is vital for the adequate education and socialization of youth, however, when a society is characterized by ideological pluralism and multiple visions of morality the debates over curriculum can be acrimonious and tempestuous. These debates are particularly heated when sex education is concerned since adults in Western society have a longstanding cultural discomfort with child and adolescent sexual knowledge and, more specifically, there is a strong belief that sexual knowledge compromises the “natural” innocence and ignorance of young people. This research focuses on a debate that occurred in Ontario in April and May of 2010 after the Government attempted to revise Health and Physical Education curriculum for grades 1-8, the subject that contains sex education. Following considerable backlash, the Ontario Premier shelved the proposed revisions a mere 54 hours after the curriculum was publicized. What led to this curriculum being received so poorly by the public and what were the contributing factors that led to this abrupt reconsideration? My research examines the debate that the new sex education curriculum produced and draws attention to the ways in which the deep seated anxieties of adults regarding adolescent and child sexual knowledge were able to overpower the voices of researchers and educational experts who were promoting the revisions. Some adults were concerned about the way that the curriculum presented a particularly liberal vision of sexual morality and argued that the new content would corrupt, mislead, and confuse youth. Though there were some individuals and groups who supported the revisions, arguing that they were relevant, necessary and overdue, their voices were not as organized or influential as the religious and social conservatives who dominated the debate. I argue that the proposed revisions to the Ontario sex education curriculum failed to gain public support because of the Government’s inability to adequately prepare for and mediate the Province’s competing liberal and conservative sexual ideologies. In my defense of the abandoned revisions, I explore how they failed to gain support not only because of the vociferous opposition of conservative religious groups who did not want to see a more liberal vision of sexual morality in the curriculum, but also due to a longstanding cultural discomfort with child and adolescent sexual knowledge and an unwillingness to fully affirm non-heterosexual identities and practices within the education system. / Thesis (Master, Sociology) -- Queen's University, 2011-06-07 14:50:24.526

Heritage protection during the Soviet period is a phenomenon which involves the origins of some aspects of contemporary Lithuanian heritage protection. This period itself is evaluated in Lithuanian historiography in a contradictory way: on the one hand, it is proud of the achievements and it envisages resistanced, on the other hand, it tells about the biggest damage to heritage and Moscow dictate. The following question arises: What part of the present heritage protection is of “Lithuanian” origin and what part is the “Soviet” one? It is the subject that is analyzed in the dissertation. The traditional perspective – historical practices of the heritage, principles, divisions of conceptions into “good” and “bad” is rejected; instead of this, the ideological origins of that time heritage protection and the expressions of the ideas themselves are analyzed. The main subject of the research is the idea which is understood in the broadest sense, comprising the spheres of theory and practice, official and unofficial concepts, realized and unrealized plans. It is stated that the freedom to choose the ideological models of the heritage protection during the Soviet period depended on the sphere of the heritage protection: some of them were completely monopolized by Moscow, the others had the conditional freedom. It determined heterogeneous ideological origins of that time Lithuanian heritage protection. The most favourable environment for the Lithuanian will and self to spread was the... [to full text] / Sovietmečio paveldosauga yra reiškinys, kuriame glūdi kai kurių dabartinės Lietuvos paveldosaugos aspektų ištakos. Pati sovietmečio paveldosauga lietuviškoje istoriografijoje vertinama prieštaringai: viena vertus, didžiuojamasi pasiekimais ir įžvelgiama „konspiracinė rezistencija“, kita vertus, kalbama apie didžiausius paveldo nuostolius ir Maskvos diktatą. Kyla klausimas, kiek šios dabarties paveldosaugos ištakos yra „lietuviškos“, o kiek „sovietinės“ prigimties. Būtent tai ir nagrinėjama disertacijoje. Čia atsisakoma tradicinės perspektyvos – istorinių paveldosaugos praktikų, principų, sampratų dalijimo į „geras“ ir „blogas“; vietoj to gilinamasi į to meto paveldosaugos idėjines ištakas bei pačių idėjų raiškas. Idėja, pagrindinis šio tyrimo objektas, suprantama plačiausia prasme, apimant teorijos ir praktikos, oficialių ir neoficialių konceptų, realizuotų ir neįgyvendintų sumanymų sferas. Disertacijoje konstatuojama, kad paveldosaugos idėjinių modelių pasirinkimo laisvė sovietmečiu priklausė nuo paveldosaugos sferos: vienos jų buvo visiškai monopolizuotos Maskvos, kitoms suteikta sąlyginė laisvė. Tai lėmė to meto Lietuvos paveldosaugos idėjinių ištakų nevienalytiškumą. Palankiausia terpė lietuviškosios valios ar savasties skleidimuisi buvo paveldotvarkos elgsenos. Būtent čia laisviausiai galėjo reikštis tradiciniai (dar ikisovietiniais metais atsiradę) lietuvių tapatumo modeliai. Taip pat atskleidžiama, kad paveldosaugos idėjiniai modeliai Lietuvoje sovietmečiu gyvavo... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]