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In the quarter century since his death, Polanyi's political thought has received little attention. The few studies that are available tend to mis-represent the character of his political thought either by developing only one of its aspects, or worse by presenting his ideas in inappropriately ideological terms. In this thesis I attempt to remedy this situation and present a more accurate account ofPolanyi's political philosophy. Through the careful analysis offundamental aspects ofhis epistemology and ontology, and through a treatment oftheir relation to his political ideas, I present a comprehensive interpretation ofPolanyi's political thought, taking into account the full complexity ofhis philosophical understanding. I present Polanyi as a keen interpreter ofmodernity, whose political thought is characterized not only by its 'conservative' elements, as is argued by all previous interpreters, but also, and more importantly by its anti-and non-ideological quality. I maintain that crucial to the interpretation of Polanyi's political thought is the recognition of the important and hierarchical relationship between man's commitment to the discovery and upholding of the truth ofa transcendent source oforder experienced in reality, and the role of traditions and standards in scientific, intellectual and political life. I maintain that the mis-representative accounts ofPolanyi's political philosophy offered by previous interpreters are due in large part to a failure to recognize the importance of this relationship. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

Submitted by Morgana Silva (morgana_linhares@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-06-22T17:30:38Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Arquivototal.pdf: 808413 bytes, checksum: 3ff97a092a616b0cfcc22ec0039bf9c4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-22T17:30:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Arquivototal.pdf: 808413 bytes, checksum: 3ff97a092a616b0cfcc22ec0039bf9c4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-22 / Analyzes social networks, computer-mediated, from Althusser's theory of Ideological State Apparatuses (IEA) realizing them while a Ideological Device Information. Considers the Internet as cyberspace, Pierre Levy in perspective, that is, as a communication space opened by the global interconnection of computers. It proposes the construction of the concept of ideological information, conceptual base built from reflections on the understanding of the information phenomenon, following the ideology concept. Realize the Ideological information as a subordinate phenomenon materiality condition once every subject, while being free acts for their ideas, as endowed with consciousness, believes these ideas acting in accordance with them, printing in this act the acts of their practice material. Our methodological warp seeks to present Facebook in its history, discussing its main characteristics , arguing for that the internet and social networks on the Internet ( or social networks mediated by computer) in the view of some theorists , anchoring in Manuel Castells conceptions about characteristics involving Facebook as a social network mediated by computers. Follow investigating the characteristics of the mass media, these institutions that make up the Ideological Apparatuses information, enabling us to perceive the Internet as a means of mass communication. Therefore and on the understanding of Ideological analyze information Facebook as a space of struggle, where the subjects perceive and make use of the scientific and political weapons, found this tool to counter the ideologies transmitted by the ruling classes. Thus the Information Ideological apparatus is not only object, but instead of class struggle, since the resistance of the oppressed classes can find the means and the occasion of it and from it, to express themselves / Analisa as redes sociais, mediadas por computador, a partir da teoria althusseriana dos Aparelhos Ideológicos de Estado (AIE) percebendo-as enquanto um Aparelho Ideológico de Informação. Para tanto, considera a internet enquanto um ciberespaço, na perspectiva de Pierre Levy, ou seja, como um espaço de comunicação aberto pela interconexão mundial dos computadores. Propõe a construção do conceito de informação ideológica, base conceitual construída a partir de reflexões sobre o entendimento do fenômeno informação, seguindo do conceito ideologia. Percebe a Informação Ideológica como um fenômeno subordinado a condição de materialidade uma vez que todo sujeito, enquanto ser livre age por suas ideias, pois dotado de consciência, crê nessas ideias agindo de acordo com elas, imprimindo nesse agir os atos de sua prática material. Nossa urdidura metodológica busca apresentar o Facebook em seu histórico, abordando suas principais características, discutindo para isso a internet e as redes sociais na internet (ou redes sociais mediadas por computador) na visão de alguns teóricos, ancorando nas concepções de Manuel Castell acerca de características que envolvem o Facebook, enquanto rede social mediada por computadores. Segue investigando as características dos meios de comunicação de massa, instituições estas que compõem os Aparelhos Ideológicos de Informação, possibilitando-nos perceber a internet como um meio de comunicação de massa. Sendo assim e diante da compreensão de Informação Ideológica analisamos o Facebook como um espaço de luta, aonde os sujeitos percebem e fazem uso das armas científicas e políticas, encontradas nesta ferramenta, para se contrapor às ideologias transmitidas pelas classes dominantes. Assim o Aparelho Ideológico de Informação não é apenas objeto, mas lugar da luta de classes, uma vez que as resistências das classes oprimidas podem encontrar o meio e a ocasião de, nele e a partir dele, se expressarem.

This study analysed the reporting of the debate over the Guggenheim Bilbao in the Basque nationalist newspapers Egin and Diario Vasco. I was looking at differences/similarities between the newspapers, and at how argumentation changed over time (1997/1998), drawing upon content analysis, discourse analysis of the ideological themes in the reporting and an indepth analysis of two editorials, one in Spanish and one in Basque. The content analysis confirmed that economy and Basque culture/identity were highly controversial themes; and that in 1998 the museum became more accepted. An analysis of rhetorical strategies e.g. quantification rhetoric for economic predictions; vagueness/evasiveness to portray the Basques' reception of modem architecture/art, permitted the examination of intragroup/intergroup models of interaction, strategies and underlying ideological dilemmas (Billig et ai, 1988). After the inauguration, Diario Vasco claimed that the museum was concerned with Basque modem art, while Egin maintained a cautious distance. The in-depth comparative analysis of political rhetoric in two Egin's editorials, reporting similar events in Basque or Spanish, confirmed that the use of these different languages involves different construction of the readership; and different strategies to convey communality between writer/reader. In the Basque language editorial, communality was cautiously constructed until an assertive we Basques stressed search of unity, differentiation, and sovereignty: conflict/differences between Basques were omitted, backgrounded or ironized, while differences with the Spanish foregrounded. In the Spanish editorial, an impersonal third person tone avoided using the rhetoric of we. Specific Basques were blamed for the repression of Basque secessionism. A dramatic tone suggested subtle criticism against ETA, yet implying that it was reasonable to include ETA among the human victims. The explicit nation state's deixis in the Spanish editorial implied Spain was the nation state. In the Basque context the nation state's deixis was ambiguous: we Basques might be used to address Basques beyond French-Spanish boundaries, suggesting a long-term representation/project that imagined Basqueness beyond its present-day administrative division or actual political influence. The implications of such fine detail differences were discussed.

This study, conducted in a third-grade classroom in Puerto Rico, analyzed the development of literature discussions, in which through dialogues with the teacher and each other, students learn how to discuss, analyze, and reflect upon what they are reading in class, and relate what they learn to their own circumstances. A combination of three theoretical perspectives served as guide: Reader Response Theory (RRT), which addresses how the dialogue featured in literature discussions helped develop understandings about how power, ideology and identity are interwoven in society; Postcolonial Theory (PT) and Critical Race Theory (CRT), which addresses the dynamics and relations of power in neo-colonial contexts, such as Puerto Rico. The research questions were as follows:1. How do literature discussion and critical literacy practices influence students' understandings of social issues? a) How do these discussions about social issues influence students' understandings of Puerto Rican society and identity? b) How do these discussions influence students' understandings of how political relations constitute Puerto Rican reality? c) How do students take action based on their developing understandings of society? I relied on ethnographic methods, such as participant-observation, interviews, and videotapes of literature discussions, to document how the students, with the help of their teacher, develop discourse practices that allow them to reflect, analyze and discuss their readings, and then plan and take social action on the issues they have studied. I used Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as a central strategy of analysis, identifying three major categories that formed part of a broader Identity Theme: Personal, Gender, and Social. A significant aspect of the study is that literature discussions of books based on social issues provide multiple opportunities to reflect, create dialogue, and build understanding about who we are in our current society, who the others are, and provide spaces to develop as social agents. This production of spaces for reflecting on reality, central to this study, fosters in the students a deep process of constructing meaning, elaborates their skills and strategies in reading for a critical understanding of texts and related social issues, and enhances their taking of action for social change.

Shakespeare criticism has been a rapidly evolving field of literary studies. Scholars such as Francis Barker and Peter Hulme, Meredith Anne Skura, Stanley Wells, Harold Bloom and Sidney Shanker have continuously developed new theories and dismissed previous theories. In this essay, I discuss the negative results of such attitudes and the problems of “over-reading”, in the critiques which are based on the following theories: the post-colonial, psychoanalytical, biographical and ideological. I elaborate on the relevant arguments and issues within literary critique mentioned by Michael Taylor in his book Shakespeare Criticism in the Twentieth Century. To create a common ground for the theories, I have used critical texts concerning William Shakespeare’s The Tempest. I find that while all forms of literary critique have flaws, the theories also contribute valuable insights for further readings. I maintain that combining several forms of literary critique when analysing a text will create a more complex and in-depth reading, impossible to achieve through a singular critical theory.

In 2006 an historic era of the Supreme Court came to a close with the retirement of its first female justice, Sandra Day O'Connor. This paper attempts to expand judicial behavior scholarship by examining O'Connor's policy preferences for possible ideological change during her twenty-five year tenure on the Court. Average liberalism scores for her overall and civil rights/civil liberties issue area votes show an increase in liberalism over time. The researcher employs time series cross section analysis with panel corrected standard errors to determine factors responsible for this increase. Issue change, interagreement with the other justices, changes in Court membership, ideological mood of the country, and political polarization account for the lion's share of the increase. Contrary to the prevailing attitudinal model, change of preference does occur; however, the issue of separating true preference change from other salient influences in a statistical model remains unresolved.

Neste trabalho, o objetivo central é contribuir para a formulação de um aporte teórico, concernente às Ciências Sociais, na área das relações entre Comunicação e Cultura sobre o conteúdo político-ideológico implícito nas manifestações culturais das classes subalternas e examiná-lo enquanto instrumento ampliador da margem de compreensão sobre as formas de produção e auto-reprodução destas classes. Através da metodologia dialética, estudamos as possibilidades de identificar, na esfera das manifestações populares subalternas, indicativos da presença de potenciais ideológicos mediante os níveis verificados de sublevação do homem perante processos de homogeneização do pensamento, em contradição às condutas de resistência, automovimento e auto-governo reais. Constatamos, nestes estudos, que as metodologia e filosofia historicistas atualmente estão predispostas às necessidades de transformação da sociedade. Identificamos sua base ideológica nas subjetividades de dispositivos sócio-culturais que da realidade das classes subalternas deverá vir à superfície através da práxis filosófica que conceba o nexo mundo-cultura-movimento. / The primary aim of this work is to help developing a theoretical contribution, concerning Social Sciences, to the area dealing with Communication and Culture. Essentially, it discusses the political-ideological content underlying cultural expressions of the subordinate classes, which is identified as an expanding instrument of the understanding limits concerning the means of production and self-reproduction of these classes. Through a dialectical methodology, we have studied the possibilities of identifying, in the scope of popular subordinate expressions, symptoms of the presence of ideological potential by evaluating the level of human rebellion when faced by procedures of homogenizing thought, as opposed to resistance behaviour, real self-movement and selfgovernment. We have established, in this important occasion, the predisposition of historicist methodology and philosophy to the needs of changing society. Furthermore, we have identified its ideological basis in the subjectivities of social and cultural devices which, from the reality lived by subordinate classes, will only come forward through a philosophical praxis that will conceive the nexus of world-culture-movement.

Sammanfattning Syfte Syftet med undersökningen är att utifrån två läroböcker i Idrott och hälsa analysera hur kroppen framställs och beskrivs. Frågeställningen som undersökningen ämnar besvara är: Vilka representationer av kroppen återkommer i läroböckerna? Vilka ideal, handlingar och krav är kopplade till dessa representationer? Vilka dilemman framkommer i de olika representationerna? Metod Två läroböcker skrivna efter introduktionen LGY 11 bearbetades metodologiskt med inspiration från Bacchis WPR-metod samt analyserades utifrån Billigs Ideologiska dilemman.  Resultat I analysen framkom sex tematiska representationer av kroppen: Den tävlande som kopplades till ideal om dess vilja att tävla prestera och handlingar i form av hård träning. Den hälsosamma kopplades till ideal som rörelseglädje och handlingar i form av rekreativ motion. Den normala som kopplades till ideal om att pojke och vara nöjd med sin kropp samt handlingar i form av heterosexualitet. Den avvikande kopplades till ideal om övervikt, att vara för smal flicka och handlingar i form av homo-, bi-, trans-, och asexualitet. Den utvecklingsbara kopplades till ideal om utveckling och kopplades till avsiktligt och målmedvetet handlande. Den dugliga kopplades till ideal om att känna sig tillräcklig och handlingar i form av att se egenvärdet och njutningen i rörelser. Ideologiska dilemman framträdde mellan Den tävlande och Den hälsosamma, Den normala och Den avvikande, Den utvecklingsbara och Den dugliga. Slutsats Resultatet tyder på att de effekter som de ideologiska dilemmana skapar riskerar leda till att eleverna begränsas till att förstå sig själva som antingen den ena eller den andra kroppen. Detta visar att det är av vikt för lärare att reflekterar över i hur talet om kroppen kan begränsa kroppars mångfald inom ämnet Idrott och hälsa. / Abstract Aim The aim of the study is to analyze how the body is presented and described in two textbooks in physical education. The research questions are seeking to answer is: What representations of the body can be found in the textbooks? What ideals, actions and demands are linked to these representations? Which dilemmas appear in the different representations? Method Two textbooks written after the introduction of the latest Swedish curriculum Lgy 11 were methodologically processed with inspiration from Bacchi´s What´s the Problem-method and analyzedthrough Billig´s concept of Ideological dilemmas. Results The analysis showed six thematic representations of the body: The representation of the ´competing body´ was linked to ideals such as the desire to compete and actions such as of hard exercise. The representation of the ´healthy body´ was linked to ideals such as the joy of moving and actions such as of recreational exercise. The representation of the ´normal body´ was linked to ideals of being a boy and being satisfied with ones body in its present form, as well as heteronormative actions. The representation of the ´deviant body´ was linked to ideals such as the fear of obesity, being a tenuous girl and actions such as being homo,- bi-, trans-, or asexual. The representation of the ´body under development´ was linked to ideals of becoming and to being intentional and determined in it´s actions. The representations of the ´docile body´ was linked to feeling confident and the actions were focusing on the intrinsic value and pleasure of moving. Ideological dilemmas arose between the ´competing body and the ´healthy body´. The ´normal body´ and the ´deviant body´, the body under development body and the ´docile body´. Conclusions The findings suggest that the effects of the ideological dilemmas create risk to limit pupils to understanding themselves as either one or the other body. This study highlights the importance of teachers reflections about how they talk about the body can lead to limiting a diverse understanding of the body in PE.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-03T19:29:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este projeto propõe-se a analisar como se deram as relações entre clérigos e leigos militantes da Juventude Operária Católica (JOC), em Caxias do Sul RS, e de que forma conviveram os preceitos ideológicos cristãos e marxistas presentes na literatura jocista, no período de 1955 e 1975. Além disso, o convívio de elementos mais progressistas da Igreja com o clero, em geral, conservador da região também é estudado pela pesquisa. Os aspectos mencionados são investigados à luz das transformações no contexto político e socioeconômico inerente ao período. A JOC, parte integrante da Ação Católica (Movimento Internacional de Formação e Evangelização de Leigos), configurou um dos mecanismos de mobilização do laicato utilizados pela Igreja no intuito de promover a transformação social, principalmente a partir da “opção pelos pobres” que caracterizou o Concílio Vaticano II. Tal postura, do segmento mais progressista do clero, encontrou obstáculos contundentes com o estabelecimento do regime autoritário no país, o que impl / This project intends to analyze how the relationship between cleric and lay militants of the JOC (Juventude Operária Católica – Catholic Youth Labor) were, in Caxias do Sul RS, and in which way Christian ideological precepts and Marxists present in the jocista literature lived together, in the period between 1955 and 1975. Besides, the conviviality of more progressive elements of the Church with the clergy, in general, conservative of the area is also studied in this research. The mentioned aspects are investigated under the light of transformations in political and socioeconomic context inherent to the period. JOC, integrant of the Catholic Action (Lay Formation and Evangelization International Movement), configured one of the laity mobilization mechanisms used by the Church in the intention of promoting social transformation, mainly starting from the "option for the poor" which characterized the Vatican Council II. Such posture, from the most progressive segment of the clergy, found contusing obstacles with