O presente trabalho teve como objetivo avaliar as problemáticas legislativas na Ordem de São Damião durante a vida de Clara de Assis (1193/4-1253). Para isso, foi feita uma análise comparativa da forma de vida de 1253 com as seguintes normas: a forma de vida de Hugolino de 1219, a Regula non bullata de 1221, a Regula bullata de 1223 e a forma de vida de Inocêncio IV de 1247. A forma de viver (do latim forma vivendi; literalmente, a forma que se deve viver) que teria sido dada por Francisco a Clara continha a máxima da altíssima pobreza e observância rigorosa do evangelho que na leitura franciscana proibía toda e qualquer tipo de propriedade. As resistências de Clara e suas coirmãs, através de cartas e pedidos à Igreja para vivenciar a pobreza prometida a Francisco, somavam-se na relutância das comunidades de Sorores minores às imposições dos papas Gregório IX (1227-1241) e Inocêncio IV (1243-1254) à Ordem de São Damião. Esta tese também discutiu o enquadramento dos movimentos femininos religiosos de seguimento franciscano e os impasses jurídicos do projeto da Igreja para o movimento franciscano. Por fim, foi avaliado de maneira serial um conjunto de bulas diretamente relacionados à Ordem de São Damião. As formas de resistência de Clara e irmãs pobres foram fundamentais para a aprovação da forma vitae que foi promulgada três dias antes da morte de Clara em 1253. A partir da análise dos aspectos acima relacionados, o principal intuito deste trabalho foi o de verificar o debate franciscano no âmbito das discussões jurídicas da Igreja e das irmãs pobres da Ordem de São Damião, com ênfase ao mosteiro em que Clara vivia. / The present work aims at evaluating the legislative issues in the Order of San Damiano during the life of Clare of Assisi (1193/4-1253). In order to do so, we carried out a comparative analysis between the form of life of 1253 and the following norms: form of life of Hugolino of 1219, the Regula non bullata of 1221, the Regula bullata of 1223, and the form of life of Innocent IV of 1247. The form of living (in Latin, forma vivendi; literally, the way one should live) which would have been given from Francis to Clare contained the motto \"high poverty\" and the strict observance of the gospel which, in the Franciscan reading, forbade any kind of property. Resistance forms of Clare and her sisters, through letters and claims to the church to experience the poverty promised by Francis, amounted to the reluctance of Sorores minores communities to the impositions of Popes Gregory IX (1227-1241) and Innocent IV (1243-1254 ) to the Order of San Damiano. This thesis also discussed the framing of religious women\'s movement of the franciscan segment and the legal impasses of the Church project to the franciscan movement. Finally, we serially evaluated one set of bulls directly related to the Order of San Damiano. Forms of resistance of Clare and the poor sisters were essential for the approval of the forma vitae, which was enacted three days before Clara\'s death in 1253. Through analysis of the aspects above, the main goal of this thesis will be verifying the debate Franciscan in the context of the judicial discussions of the Church and the poor sisters of the Order of San Damiano, with emphasis to the monastery where Clara lived.

O presente trabalho teve como objetivo avaliar a evolução das práticas jurídicas no movimento Franciscano e, para esse fim, partimos da proto-Regra de 1210, Regula non bullata de 1221, da Regula bullata de 1223 e do Testamentum beati Francisci de 1226. Ao estudarmos a construção da norma no movimento da primeira geração menorítica, demonstramos que a pobreza franciscana e a Imitatio Christi, que tem por base as Regras e o Testamento, foram adequados paulatinamente ao modelo jurídico da Igreja da época, ajustando-se ao Corpus Iuris Canonici e ao IV Concílio de Latrão, igualando-se às demais instituições religiosas tradicionais. Para o período de 1230 a 1323, foi imprescindível avaliar a dissidência franciscana dos resistentes a esse ajustamento, a qual influenciou as relações sociais e políticas entre a Igreja e a Ordem. Este trabalho de mestrado também discutiu a institucionalização do movimento Franciscano na época de vida de Francisco de Assis (1182-1226) e as contendas jurídicas em torno dos seus escritos legislativos formuladas posteriormente à sua morte. Para fazer tal análise, avaliamos de maneira serial um conjunto de bulas exegéticas sobre a Regra e o Testamento formuladas por diversos papas. Ademais, os debates internos à Norma gravitaram em torno de dois frades de atuação significativa para a Ordem, a saber, Boaventura de Bagnoregio (1221-1274) que, ao longo de seu generalato (1257-1274), introduziu mudanças institucionais importantes na Ordem e Angelo Clareno (1245-1337), um dos dissidentes do movimento Franciscano, originário da região da Marca de Ancona, lugar de importante produção teórica por parte de uma série de frades. A partir da análise dos aspectos acima relacionados, o principal intuito deste trabalho será aquele de verificar a evolução do conceito de pobreza franciscana no âmbito das discussões jurídicas da Igreja e da Ordem dos Frades Menores. / The present work aims at evaluating the evolution of the judicial practices in the Franciscan movement and, to do so, we departed from the proto-Rule of 1210, the Regula non bullata of 1221, the Regula bullata de 1223 and from the Testamentum beati Francisci of 1226. By studying the construction of the norm in the first minorite generation, we demonstrated that the Franciscan poverty and the Imitatio Christi, which have the Rules and the Testament as their base, were adapted to the judicial model of that time, gradually adjusting itself to the Corpus Iuris Canonici and to the IV Lateran council, equalizing itself to the traditional religious institutions. The period from 1230 to 1323 was crucial for the research because we evaluated the Franciscan dissidence of the resistants to this adjustment, which influenced the political and social relations between the Church and the Order. This Masters dissertation also discussed the institutionalization of the Franciscan Movement during Francis of Assisis life and the judicial dissents about his legal writings formulated after his death. In order to analyze this, we carried out a serial evaluation a set of exegetic bulls about the Rule and the Testament formulated by several popes. Moreover, the internal debates to the Norm gravitated around two friars who had significant roles to the Order: Bonaventure of Bagnoregio (1221-1274) who, along his generalate (1257- 1274), introduced important institutional changes in the Order and Angelo Clareno (1245-1337), one of the dissidents from the Franciscan movement, who comes from the region of Marca of Ancona, a place of important theoretical production by several friars. By analyzing the aspects above, the main goal of this dissertation will be verifying the evolution of the concept of the Franciscan poverty in the context of the judicial discussions of the Church and the Minor Friars Orders.

O presente trabalho, intitulado Procedimentos e tendências da tradução na Alemanha no século XVII, demonstra, sobretudo através da análise da tradução da obra Los siete libros de la Diana, de Jorge de Montemayor, escrita originalmente em 1559 e traduzida sob o título de Die sieben Bücher der schönen Diana, por Johann Ludwig von Kuefstein, em 1619, e através de considerações das discussões sobre tradução em cinco Poéticas alemãs escritas no século XVII, que houve uma intensa discussão sobre o tema tradução na Alemanha no século XVII. A discussão sobre tradução está contida em obras (Poéticas) que se dedicam a um programa político e cultural no século XVII: o cultivo da língua, cujo principal intuito era a fundação de um instrumento comum de identificação cultural entre os povos de língua alemã. A necessidade política da fundação de um instrumento comum de identificação cultural na Alemanha no século XVII relaciona-se ao contexto histórico e social deste país, em que se sentiam os prejuízos da Guerra dos Trinta Anos (1618-1648) e da peste, assim como os dissabores do relativo \"atraso\" literário em comparação com outros países da Europa Ocidental. O ideal político-cultural de uma língua e literatura alemã de alcance nacional propiciou aos intelectuais alemães, reunidos em sociedades lingüísticas, que utilizassem a tradução como principal meio de recuperação de obras da Antigüidade e da Renascença. Os procedimentos mais freqüentemente utilizados na tradução e as considerações sobre os mesmos são mostrados nos capítulos III e IV deste trabalho. A tendência da tradução, de que se fala na conclusão deste trabalho, leva em consideração algumas poucas peculiaridades dos séculos XV (Nyklas von Wyle) e XVI (Martinho Lutero e Philipp Melanchton) e breves considerações sobre a concepção de tradução de Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (início do século XIX), pois apenas a partir da análise de tendências anteriores e posteriores é que poderíamos definir mais precisamente a tendência da tradução no século XVII. O demonstrado atinge seu objetivo primeiro: refutar a tese de Friedmar APEL (1983), de que entre Lutero e o Iluminismo teria havido estagnação nas reflexões sobre tradução na Alemanha. / This research - Translation procedures and tendencies in 17th century Germany - demonstrates that there was an intensive discussion about translation in Germany in 17th century. This fact can be demonstrated by the analysis of the translation from Montemayor´s Los siete libros de la Diana, originally written in 1559 in Spanish and translated into German in 1619 by Johann Ludwig von Kuefstein as Die sieben Bücher der schönen Diana, and by the discussions on translation in the Poetics written in 17th century Germany. The Poetics written in Germany in 17th century that contain discussions on translation are part of a political and cultural program: language policy. Its main intention was the foundation of an instrument that would serve as common cultural identification among people who spoke German as mother tongue. The political requirement of establishing a common instrument that should serve as cultural identification in 17th century Germany has reference to the historical and social context of this country, in that one felt the damages of the Thirty Years War (1618-1648) and of the pest, as well as of the displeasures due to the relative literary \"delay\", if compared to other lands in Western Europe. The political and cultural ideal of a German language and literature that could expand over all German frontiers allowed the German intellectuals - congregated in linguistic societies - to use translation as the principal mean of re-acquiring Antiquity and Renaissance works. The most frequent procedures in Kuefstein´s translation and their considerations are showed in chapters 3 and 4 of this work. The tendency of translation - about what it is told in the conclusion of this work - takes into account some few peculiarities of the 15th and 16th centuries (Nyklas von Wyle, Martin Luther, Philipp Melanchton) and brief considerations from Johann Wolfgang von Goethe´s conception of translation (beginning of 19th century), because just from the analyses of earlier and later tendencies, it would be possible to describe precisely the tendency of translation in 17th century German. The demonstrated in this research reaches its objective: to refute the thesis of Friedmar APEL (1983), that there has been a stagnation process in the discussions about translation in Germany during the period who comprehends from Martin Luther to the Enciclopedism.

O presente trabalho, intitulado Procedimentos e tendências da tradução na Alemanha no século XVII, demonstra, sobretudo através da análise da tradução da obra Los siete libros de la Diana, de Jorge de Montemayor, escrita originalmente em 1559 e traduzida sob o título de Die sieben Bücher der schönen Diana, por Johann Ludwig von Kuefstein, em 1619, e através de considerações das discussões sobre tradução em cinco Poéticas alemãs escritas no século XVII, que houve uma intensa discussão sobre o tema tradução na Alemanha no século XVII. A discussão sobre tradução está contida em obras (Poéticas) que se dedicam a um programa político e cultural no século XVII: o cultivo da língua, cujo principal intuito era a fundação de um instrumento comum de identificação cultural entre os povos de língua alemã. A necessidade política da fundação de um instrumento comum de identificação cultural na Alemanha no século XVII relaciona-se ao contexto histórico e social deste país, em que se sentiam os prejuízos da Guerra dos Trinta Anos (1618-1648) e da peste, assim como os dissabores do relativo \"atraso\" literário em comparação com outros países da Europa Ocidental. O ideal político-cultural de uma língua e literatura alemã de alcance nacional propiciou aos intelectuais alemães, reunidos em sociedades lingüísticas, que utilizassem a tradução como principal meio de recuperação de obras da Antigüidade e da Renascença. Os procedimentos mais freqüentemente utilizados na tradução e as considerações sobre os mesmos são mostrados nos capítulos III e IV deste trabalho. A tendência da tradução, de que se fala na conclusão deste trabalho, leva em consideração algumas poucas peculiaridades dos séculos XV (Nyklas von Wyle) e XVI (Martinho Lutero e Philipp Melanchton) e breves considerações sobre a concepção de tradução de Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (início do século XIX), pois apenas a partir da análise de tendências anteriores e posteriores é que poderíamos definir mais precisamente a tendência da tradução no século XVII. O demonstrado atinge seu objetivo primeiro: refutar a tese de Friedmar APEL (1983), de que entre Lutero e o Iluminismo teria havido estagnação nas reflexões sobre tradução na Alemanha. / This research - Translation procedures and tendencies in 17th century Germany - demonstrates that there was an intensive discussion about translation in Germany in 17th century. This fact can be demonstrated by the analysis of the translation from Montemayor´s Los siete libros de la Diana, originally written in 1559 in Spanish and translated into German in 1619 by Johann Ludwig von Kuefstein as Die sieben Bücher der schönen Diana, and by the discussions on translation in the Poetics written in 17th century Germany. The Poetics written in Germany in 17th century that contain discussions on translation are part of a political and cultural program: language policy. Its main intention was the foundation of an instrument that would serve as common cultural identification among people who spoke German as mother tongue. The political requirement of establishing a common instrument that should serve as cultural identification in 17th century Germany has reference to the historical and social context of this country, in that one felt the damages of the Thirty Years War (1618-1648) and of the pest, as well as of the displeasures due to the relative literary \"delay\", if compared to other lands in Western Europe. The political and cultural ideal of a German language and literature that could expand over all German frontiers allowed the German intellectuals - congregated in linguistic societies - to use translation as the principal mean of re-acquiring Antiquity and Renaissance works. The most frequent procedures in Kuefstein´s translation and their considerations are showed in chapters 3 and 4 of this work. The tendency of translation - about what it is told in the conclusion of this work - takes into account some few peculiarities of the 15th and 16th centuries (Nyklas von Wyle, Martin Luther, Philipp Melanchton) and brief considerations from Johann Wolfgang von Goethe´s conception of translation (beginning of 19th century), because just from the analyses of earlier and later tendencies, it would be possible to describe precisely the tendency of translation in 17th century German. The demonstrated in this research reaches its objective: to refute the thesis of Friedmar APEL (1983), that there has been a stagnation process in the discussions about translation in Germany during the period who comprehends from Martin Luther to the Enciclopedism.

In the last 50 years, the trend in the field of composition pedagogy has turned away from traditional grammar instruction, condemning pedagogical practices that focus on preventing and remediating error. In the early 1960s, Richard Braddock, Richard Lloyd-Jones, and Lowell Schoer invoked the death sentence on traditional grammar instruction: "The teaching of formal grammar has a negligible or, because it usually displaces some instruction and practice in actual composition, even a harmful effect on the improvement of writing" (37-38). Having been enlightened by this scholarship, the field refocused instruction to emphasize elements like writing process, collaboration, modeling, and prewriting, pushing grammar instruction to the side. As a result of this shift in pedagogies, we are helping our students to see writing differently. We're teaching them that "good writing" is more than correct spelling and well-placed commas,which is correct. But grammar is still an important part of language, and an integral part of rhetoric. Recent scholars like Cheryl Glenn, Virginia Tufte, T.R. Johnson, Constance Weaver, Martha Kolln, and Nora Bacon have recognized this oversight in the sharp move away from grammar instruction, and have developed different strategies to rewrite the tradition so that grammar instruction can be an effective part of writing instruction. I will add to their efforts by identifying the shift in theoretical principles that makes what we refer to as traditional grammar instruction so ineffective, by using the Greco-Roman curriculum (specifically Quintilian's imitatio) as a framework for understanding where these new grammar instructions come from, and by synthesizing this new understanding into a new curriculum for the writing classroom that more effectively integrates grammar instruction.

Cette thèse étudie la réception de la philosophie de Platon à Rome au cours du premier siècle av. J.-C., en s´attachant plus particulièrement à la façon dont Marco Tulio Cicéron interprète, étudie, traduit et imite l´œuvre du philosophe grec. Nous y analysons également la réception qu´en font les stoïciens étant donné que le platonisme romain et plus concrètement celui que Cicéron connait, est tributaire des enseignements des maîtres stoïciens de Rome.Cette réception sera le point de départ pour comprendre comment Cicéron imite et émule le style et le contenu des dialogues de Platon et cela afin de rendre compte des différences et des similitudes entre leurs doctrines philosophiques. Cette thèse permettra de révéler l´influence que la philosophie de Platon a eu sur la configuration de la pensée et du langage philosophique à Rome ainsi que sur celle du domaine religieux et de celui de la législation romaine.Le De Legibus de Marco Tulio Cicéron sera l´œuvre-pivot de notre recherche. Ce dialogue n´a pas été exclusivement rédigé en tant qu´une imitation du style et du contenu des Lois de Platon; en effet, son contenu reflète non seulement l´importance qu´a eu le dialogue platonicien en tant que modèle dans l´élaboration des dialogues philosophiques de Cicéron, mais plus exactement celle de sa perspective politique et philosophique telle qu´elle est exposée dans le De Oratore, De Re Publica et le De Legibus.C´est à partir du langage que nous aborderons le processus d´imitation et d´émulation, c´est-à-dire que dans un premier temps, nous analyserons la façon dont Cicéron traduit l´œuvre de Platon. Nous observerons ensuite comment Cicéron adopte la structure rhétorique du dialogue platonicien. Finalement, nous présenterons la notion de loi naturelle comme élément grâce auquel nous montrerons l´empreinte du platonisme contenu dans le De Legibus. Il est pertinent de souligner que ce platonisme cicéronien a été marqué par un dialogue constant entre les différentes traditions stoïciennes, académiciennes et péripatéticiennes tout autant que par les disputes contre les épicuriens et les griefs nourris par une réalité romaine déchirée par une crise politique et spirituelle. / The following dissertation examines the reception of Plato’s philosophy in Rome, with special focus on how Marcus Tullius Cicero, between the years I to C. approximately, receives, studies, translates and imitates the work of the Greek philosopher. Furthermore, it analyses the way in which the Stoics received Plato’s philosophy, considering the fact that Roman Platonism, and that of Cicero in particular, was communicated by the Stoic teachers of Rome.This reception will be the starting point in order to comprehend Cicero’s imitation and emulation of the style andcontent in the dialogues of Plato, and to perceive similarities as well as dissimilarities in his philosophic doctrines. This dissertation will highlight the influence that Plato’s philosophy exerted on the development of the thoughts and philosophic language of Rome, as well as its contribution to Roman religion and legislation.The point of reference for this paper is the De Legibus by Marcus Tullius Cicero. The dialogue was not composedexclusively as an imitation of the style and content of Plato’s The Laws; instead, it reflects the importance of the Platonic dialogue as a model for the philosophic dialogues which Cicero formed, specifically the political and philosophical proposition that Cicero presents in De Oratore, De Re Publica and De Legibus.The process of imitation and emulation will be addressed from a linguistic perspective. In other words, an analysis ofhow Cicero translates the work of Plato will be followed by an observation of how Cicero adapts the rhetorical structure of the Platonic dialogue. Finally, the paper will discuss the notion of the natural law as an element through which it is possible to demonstrate the Platonism that encompasses Cicero’s De Legibus. It is also worth mentioning that Cicero’s Platonism was characterized by the continuous interchange with the various Stoic, Academics and Peripatetic traditions, the disputes with Epicureans, and the objections of a Roman society immersed in a political and spiritual crisis.

O objetivo deste trabalho é identificar os modelos de realeza em Luís IX, rei da França entre 1226 e 1270, tendo como base principalmente a obra de Jean de Joinville intitulada Histoire de Saint Louis. No decorrer da análise, constata-se o caráter peculiar do documento como espelho de príncipe, gênero medieval que procura estabelecer um modelo ideal de realeza. Luís IX é nele retratado como um rei peregrino, cruzado que ampliou o reino de Deus na terra, buscando identificá-lo ao reino de Cristo, à Imitatio Christi. Joinville, senescal de Champagne, descreveu nessa obra grande parte da vida do rei, memórias resgatadas trinta anos depois de sua morte. Escrita de 1305 a 1309, a pedido de Joana de Navarra (1270-1305), esposa de Filipe o Belo (1268-1314), seu objetivo seria de enaltecer as palavras santas e as boas realizações do rei, que se tornaria São Luís. Escolheu-se este documento sobretudo por seu caráter de particular autoria, visto que Joinville, na condição de senescal laico, amigo e confidente do rei, narrou um longo período do governo do seu rei e senhor de um ponto de vista privilegiado. Uma característica muito marcante da monarquia capetíngia e do reinado de Luís IX especificamente foi a forte aliança com a Igreja. A Igreja era peça mestra do sistema feudal e sua justificadora ideológica, sendo a principal intermediária entre o rei e seu populus, dando-lhe a posse do reino, por meio da cerimônia de sagração e unção. Rei símbolo do período medieval francês, Luís IX aglutinou elementos das três funções sociais, propostas por Adalberon de Laon no século XI, a saber, a dos oratores, bellatores e laboratores. Tornou-se santo trinta e sete anos após sua morte, contribuindo para legitimar a dinastia capetíngia proposta e representada por Filipe o Belo. / The goal of this work is to identify the royalty models in Louis IX, king of France from 1226 to 1270. The basis of analysis is mostly Jean de Joinvilles work named Histoire de Saint Louis. During this analysis, we verify the peculiarity of the source, a mirror of prince, medieval gender whose goal is to establish an ideal of royalty. Louis IX is traced as a king-pilgrim, a crusade that enlarged the king of God on the hearth. He is identified with the kingdom of Christ and the Imitatio Christi. In that work, Joinville, seneschal of Champagne, described the main facts of the kings life, recovered memories thirty years after his death. Written from 1305 to 1309, by request of Joan of Navarra (1270-1305), Philip Le Beauxwife (1268-1314), his goal would be to value the holy words and good accomplishments of the king, Saint Louis. We chosen that source mostly for its trace of private authority, since Joinville, as laic seneschal, friend and confident of the king, described, from a privileged point of view, a long period of his king and lords government. The strong alliance with the Church would be one of the main traces of the Capetingean monarchy. The Church was the master piece of the feudalism, as well as its ideological support. It was the main mediator between the king and his populus, by giving him the power towards the kingdom through the ceremony of crownement. King-symbol of the French Medieval Ages, Louis IX grouped elements of the three social functions of the XIth century, according to Adalberon de Laon: the oratores, the bellatores, and the laboratores. He was canonized thirty seven years after his death, supporting the legacy of Philip Le Beauxs capetingean dynasty.

O objetivo deste trabalho é identificar os modelos de realeza em Luís IX, rei da França entre 1226 e 1270, tendo como base principalmente a obra de Jean de Joinville intitulada Histoire de Saint Louis. No decorrer da análise, constata-se o caráter peculiar do documento como espelho de príncipe, gênero medieval que procura estabelecer um modelo ideal de realeza. Luís IX é nele retratado como um rei peregrino, cruzado que ampliou o reino de Deus na terra, buscando identificá-lo ao reino de Cristo, à Imitatio Christi. Joinville, senescal de Champagne, descreveu nessa obra grande parte da vida do rei, memórias resgatadas trinta anos depois de sua morte. Escrita de 1305 a 1309, a pedido de Joana de Navarra (1270-1305), esposa de Filipe o Belo (1268-1314), seu objetivo seria de enaltecer as palavras santas e as boas realizações do rei, que se tornaria São Luís. Escolheu-se este documento sobretudo por seu caráter de particular autoria, visto que Joinville, na condição de senescal laico, amigo e confidente do rei, narrou um longo período do governo do seu rei e senhor de um ponto de vista privilegiado. Uma característica muito marcante da monarquia capetíngia e do reinado de Luís IX especificamente foi a forte aliança com a Igreja. A Igreja era peça mestra do sistema feudal e sua justificadora ideológica, sendo a principal intermediária entre o rei e seu populus, dando-lhe a posse do reino, por meio da cerimônia de sagração e unção. Rei símbolo do período medieval francês, Luís IX aglutinou elementos das três funções sociais, propostas por Adalberon de Laon no século XI, a saber, a dos oratores, bellatores e laboratores. Tornou-se santo trinta e sete anos após sua morte, contribuindo para legitimar a dinastia capetíngia proposta e representada por Filipe o Belo. / The goal of this work is to identify the royalty models in Louis IX, king of France from 1226 to 1270. The basis of analysis is mostly Jean de Joinvilles work named Histoire de Saint Louis. During this analysis, we verify the peculiarity of the source, a mirror of prince, medieval gender whose goal is to establish an ideal of royalty. Louis IX is traced as a king-pilgrim, a crusade that enlarged the king of God on the hearth. He is identified with the kingdom of Christ and the Imitatio Christi. In that work, Joinville, seneschal of Champagne, described the main facts of the kings life, recovered memories thirty years after his death. Written from 1305 to 1309, by request of Joan of Navarra (1270-1305), Philip Le Beauxwife (1268-1314), his goal would be to value the holy words and good accomplishments of the king, Saint Louis. We chosen that source mostly for its trace of private authority, since Joinville, as laic seneschal, friend and confident of the king, described, from a privileged point of view, a long period of his king and lords government. The strong alliance with the Church would be one of the main traces of the Capetingean monarchy. The Church was the master piece of the feudalism, as well as its ideological support. It was the main mediator between the king and his populus, by giving him the power towards the kingdom through the ceremony of crownement. King-symbol of the French Medieval Ages, Louis IX grouped elements of the three social functions of the XIth century, according to Adalberon de Laon: the oratores, the bellatores, and the laboratores. He was canonized thirty seven years after his death, supporting the legacy of Philip Le Beauxs capetingean dynasty.

In the medieval ruling catholic time the church walls was swarmed with programs of pictures with religious motives there the animal figures rich symbolics was significant first and foremost for the illiterate. Principally the inspiration comes from the antiquitys pagan world of fables and bestiary Christian world of symbols with the bible as the essential source. The essay describes six of the most common animal symbols who occur; dragon, the sneak in the Paradise, mouth of hell, lion, the fox as a preacher and the devil. To attain to a discussion about why just animals are used as symbols for human characteristics in the medieval church art instead for human beings as it's actually be about, I have studied bestiary and other literature about medieval churchpainting to get an understanding about the history of ideas about the thoughts of the time and about symbolics of animals, worth and how the Christianity have had an influence on the pictures. I have used Johannes Rosenrods church pictures from Tensta church in Uppland from 1437 as an exemplification but also mentioned other unknown painters who used similar animal codes and motives. It's plausible that the purpose of the animal figures was both religious and political, which was used by both the spiritual and the worldly authority so they could keep their dominance over the peasant. The figures was simple to read and remember and they made a deep impression on the people together with the sermon. The churchgoer get so to speak a sound- and image experience, a medieval reality who impress their world of ideas. When it's about the artistic formation of religious expression and characteristics it was undoubtedly a great advantage for the artists to use an animal code like a schemata. The medieval unchangeable animal symboles was ready to be used for anyone who wished.

Den här uppsatsen syftar till att undersöka relationen mellan positiv konstruktiv respons och elevens upplevda utveckling. Uppsatsen syftar också till att skapa en tipslista för lärare med intervjuresultaten som grund. Jag utgår från ett elevperspektiv och använder mig av tio personliga intervjuer med elever från olika skolor och kurser. Intervjufrågorna kretsade kring elevernas erfarenheter och åsikter i att ge och ta emot respons från sin lärare och sina klasskamrater. Resultaten visade att elever är i stort behov av en konkret, förklarande och individanpassad respons. Positiv konstruktiv respons förknippas med positiva känslor och den mer negativa kritiken förknippas med negativa känslor. Resultaten visade också att det fanns en självförtroendevariabel i sättet att mottaga respons på. Samtliga intervjukandidater har ett jakande svar gällande om man kan utvecklas med positiv konstruktiv respons. Att eleverna vill få responsen visad för sig (imitatio) var ett tydligt resultat. / This essay aims to investigate the relationship between positive constructive feedback and the students perceived progress in learning. The purpose with this essay is also to create a checklist for teachers to use in courses connected to oral presentation/speaking, with the interview results as a basis. I base my results in a students perspective and the method used is personal interviews with ten students from different schools and courses. I asked the students several questions about how they experience the classroom situation concerning giving and receiving feedback from their classmates and their teacher. The results showed that students are in a great need for a concrete, explanatory and individualized feedback. Positive constructive feedback are associated with positive feelings and the more negative feedback are associated with negative feelings. The results also showed that there are a confidence variable in the way students are receiving feedback on. All interview candidates have an affirmative answer applicable if one can have a progress in learning with positive feedback. That the students would get the response shown (imitatio) is a clear result.