This thesis is an historical social analysis of the Southern textile industry of 1880 to 1940, the industry which brought about the industrialization of the South. The initial class relationship institutionalized between the emerging industrial elite and the proleteriat was the socio-economic system of industrial paternalism, which disappeared from the Southern Piedmont in the 40s when mills began to sell villages. This thesis attempts to explain the demise of industrial paternalism in the case of the Southern textiles. Conventional treatments of paternalism regard its disappearance as either a product of the inevitable progression toward pluralistic industrialism or as a result of one or more historical factors. In this thesis, paternalism's demise is viewed as a result of a social process--the working out of the ever-dynamic "relations of power" between textile owners and workers. Four class-analysis theories are used to highlight different social and economic features of the historical case. Specifically, I research the relative impact of the alternative labor market, the consolidation movement, scientific management, social legislation, and worker organization. My results indicate that the introduction of scientific management negated the substance of paternalistic relations, but the form of paternalism, namely the mill village, continued to function as an effective means of union prevention. Not until the New Deal did mill village paternalism really become untenable, when the state intervened to set a textile minimum wage and maximum hours and to protect union organization. It is shown that, contrary to popular opinion, worker organization and the textile union had a significant impact upon the destiny of paternalism, both sustaining its life as a means of labor control, and propelling the developments that rendered it ultimately ineffective. The findings corroborate Karl Polanyi's contention that inclusion of the non-economic is vital. / Master of Science

Research in training and development at organisations has produced important results in the previous two decades. The results indicate that higher motivation and satisfaction levels of employees are the result of training and development effectiveness with relation to work and employees’ productivity. The aim and purpose of the study was to investigate the effectiveness of training and development in enhancing organisational productivity. The researcher wanted to determine whether training and development did in fact enhance the productivity of employees. A non-probability sampling method was employed when conducting the research. The research methods used were a combination of observations, a questionnaire, a workshop, a survey and interviews with participants. A qualitative research approach guided this process in order to accomplish the aim and purpose of the study and was based on data collection and analysis of information, documents and interviews to determine training and development for performance improvement. / Human Resources Development / NM. Tech. (Human Resources Development)

Thesis (MPA (School of Public Management and Planning))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Chapter 1 outlines the purpose of the research, provides the background on the way in which LR matters are currently managed and handled in the Department of Defence (DOD), identifies the research problem, and outlines the research design and methodology. Chapter 2 explores the theoretical framework of the principles of labour relations and management of change. The chapter reveals that the principles of labour relations hold persons in management or supervisory positions responsible for managing LR matters, and suggests that LR practitioners should therefore be able to equip them with adequate skills and knowledge of the procedures for dealing with LR matters in the workplace. The chapter also reveals that the principles of the management of change suggest that the employees should be prepared for change; that a change agent, who should create an environment conducive to change through lobbying the support of persons in management and employees for the proposed change, should be identified; and that resistance to change should be identified at an early stage of the change process in order to eliminate it. Change agents are encouraged not to dominate the change process, but rather to facilitate it in order to ensure that the organisation and its employees drive the change process themselves. Chapter 3 explores the objectives of the LR support function as well as the content of LR practices in order to determine the extent to which LR practitioners can become change agents in the DOD. The chapter reveals that LR at grassroots level is practiced in the way that has resulted to conflicts and costly litigations. In this chapter the regulatory framework and procedures that impede LR practitioners from becoming change agents are also analysed. Chapter 4 covers the data collection process and the analysis thereof. The data reveals that the LR structure at grassroots level is not conducive for the professional delivery of enhanced LR services; that the target group does not have access to adequate resources that would enable them to execute their functions; and that empowerment programmes are implemented to equip the target group with adequate qualifications, skills and or knowledge to be able to render enhanced LR services. The main findings were that guidance is lacking to ensure that LR systems, structures and processes at grassroots level are in place, to ensure that LR matters are managed and handled in a fair and responsible way; to ensure that LR staff with adequate competences to render LR services is appointed; and to ensure that the LR department is active enough and lead the execution of enhanced LR services. In Chapter 5 the main findings are analysed and it is concluded that LR practitioners are unable to become change agents if LR systems, structures and processes are not in place. It is encouraged that LR practitioners should form a cohesive but diverse team that is able to render enhanced LR services, and that the LR department should take a leading role. It is recommended that a study be conducted to determine overarching LR strategy that would guide the establishment of LR systems, the determination of LR structure and processes for dealing with LR matters, and the empowerment programmes for ensuring the professional delivery of enhanced LR services. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hoofstuk 1 skets die doel van die navorsing en verskaf agtergrond oor die manier waarop arbeidsverhoudinge tans in die Departement van Verdediging bestuur en hanteer word. In hierdie hoofstuk word die navorsingsprobleem ook geïdentifiseer en die navorsingsontwerp en -metodologie uitgestippel. Hoofstuk 2 ondersoek die teoretiese raamwerk van arbeidsverhoudingbeginsels en die bestuur van verandering. Die hoofstuk openbaar dat die beginsels van arbeidsverhoudinge persone in bestuurs- of toesighoudende posisies verantwoordelik hou vir die bestuur van arbeidsverhoudingkwessies. Daar word voorgestel dat arbeidsverhoudingpraktisyns daarom in staat moet wees om hierdie persone toe te rus met voldoende vaardighede en kennis van die prosedures vir die hantering van arbeidsverhoudingkwessies in die werkplek. Die hoofstuk openbaar ook dat die beginsels van die bestuur van verandering aandui dat werknemers op verandering voorbereid moet wees en dat ’n veranderingsagent geïdentifiseer moet word. Só ’n agent moet ’n atmosfeer skep wat bevorderlik vir verandering is deur steun vir die voorgestelde verandering van persone in bestuur en werknemers te werf. Verder moet weerstand teen verandering in ’n vroeë stadium in die veranderingsproses vasgestel word om dit sodoende uit te skakel. Veranderingsagente word aangemoedig om nie die veranderingsproses te oorheers nie, maar eerder te vergemaklik om te verseker dat die instelling en sy werknemers die veranderingsproses self dryf. Hoofstuk 3 ondersoek die teikens van die arbeidsverhoudingsteunfunksie asook die inhoud van arbeidsverhoudingpraktyke om te bepaal tot watter mate arbeidsverhoudingpraktisyns veranderingsagente in die Departement van Verdediging kan word. Hierdie hoofstuk onthul dat arbeidsverhoudinge op grondvlak op ’n manier beoefen word wat reeds tot konflik en duur litigasies gelei het. In hierdie hoofstuk word die regulerende raamwerk en prosedures geanaliseer wat arbeidsverhoudingpraktisyns verhinder om veranderingsagente te word. Hoofstuk 4 dek die data-insamelingsproses en analise van hierdie proses. Die data onthul dat die arbeidsverhoudingstruktuur op grondvlak nie bevorderlik is vir die professionele lewering van verbeterde arbeidsverhoudingdienste nie, en dat die teikengroep nie toegang tot voldoende bronne het wat hulle in staat sou stel om hulle funksies uit te voer nie. Die data openbaar verder dat bemagtigingsprogramme toegepas word om die teikengroep met voldoende opleiding, vaardighede en/of kennis toe te rus om verbeterde arbeidsverhoudingdienste te lewer. Die hoofbevinding was dat daar gebrekkige leiding is om te verseker dat arbeidsverhoudingstelsels, -strukture en -prosesse op grondvlak gereed is; dat arbeidsverhoudingkwessies op ’n regverdige en verantwoordelike manier bestuur en hanteer word; dat arbeidsverhoudingpersoneel met voldoende bevoegdhede aangestel word om arbeidsverhoudingdienste te lewer, en dat die arbeidsverhoudingdepartement aktief genoeg is en die voortou neem in die uitvoering van verbeterde arbeidsverhoudingdienste. In hoofstuk 5 word die hoofbevindinge geanaliseer en die gevolgtrekking gemaak dat arbeidsverhoudingpraktisyns nie in staat is om veranderingsagente te word indien arbeidsverhoudingstelsels, -strukture en -prosesse nie gereed is nie. Arbeidsverhoudingpraktisyns word aangemoedig om ’n verenigde maar diverse span te vorm wat verbeterde arbeidsverhoudingdienste kan bied en die arbeidsverhoudingdepartement word aangemoedig om ’n leidende rol in hierdie verband te speel. Daar word aanbeveel dat ’n studie gedoen word om ’n oorkoepelende arbeidsverhoudingstrategie vas te stel wat as riglyn kan dien vir die stigting van arbeidsverhoudingstelsels, die bepaling van arbeidsverhoudingstruktuur en prosesse om met arbeidsverhoudingkwessies om te gaan, en bemagtigingsprogramme om te verseker dat verbeterde arbeidsverhoudingdienste professioneel gelewer word.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The thesis is an analysis of the strikes at Volkswagen SA during the period 1999-2000 and its social and political outcomes. Seen from a broader perspective, it is a case study of social conflict in a young democracy after the formal demise of apartheid in 1994. By the time (i.e. early in 2000) events reached a climax, the company had lost millions of Rand in revenue and more than 1300 workers their jobs. The thesis wants to explain how this came to be - despite attempts by the company to establish a pluralistic industrial relations culture that go back to the early 1990s and after, ostensibly, gaining the consent of the shop stewards committee at the factory and the NUMSA leadership for a lucrative ("A4") export agreement. After studying the literature and the press, interviewing key actors in the "drama", and closely following the proceedings of the CCMA and the Labour Court, the thesis comes up with an explanation more complex than the "conventional" ones offered during and after the strike. The immediate cause of the strike action was the nonacceptance of the terms of the export agreement by 13 shop stewards and their supporters. These shop stewards had been elected onto the VW shop steward council after their union (i.e. NUMSA) and the company had concluded the agreement. When they came out in open defiance of the agreement, they were suspended by the union for their unconstitutional action. They subsequently tried to rally their followers for their own reinstatement. However, the thesis shows that the strikes of 1999 and 2000 were merely two more outbursts of shop floor tension and conflict that had been dormant for a long time. Before and after 1994, there existed informal structures and factions at the shop floor level which refused to tow the official NUMSA "line" - a policy which increasingly started to embrace the ethos of "reconstruction" and economic competitiveness. Neither the union leadership, nor company management were able to deal with these informal structures and bring the dissident faction under control. Although the potential for more cooperation and trust did exist, both the union leadership and management failed to turn this into "social capital". The thesis suggest that this may have been possible, if there had been more direct forms of worker participation (over and above the shop stewards committee). Also, the haemorraging of the union leadership after 1994, and the increasing bureaucratisation of industrial relations did nothing to improve the situation. To make matters worse, the thesis argues, the terms ofthe export agreement were not properly communicated to the union rank and file. To top it all, the thesis provides ample evidence that the VW workers could not record any extra material gains in exchange for more flexible working arrangements in the wake of the shift from "Fordism" to "Lean Production" at the Uitenhage factory. Here, "wealth creative" industrial relations did not accompany the shift to lean production, as post-Fordist theory would like to suggest. When the 13 shop stewards and a certain percentage of the VW workforce came out in protest against this arrangement, no special efforts were made to mediate the conflict. The "fallout" of the conflict includes hundreds of millions of Rand in lost company revenue, more unemployment in one of the poorest regions of South Africa, a drawn out legal process and political divisions in worker ranks and in the Uitenhage community. Although NUMSA admits to a "wakeup call", the relationship between the COSA TU affiliated union and the state is as close as ever. In the eyes of the thesis, however, the case of the VW strike, including the direct intervention of the head of state, is proof that the young, post-settlement democracy is not yet able to deal with social conflict in a mature way. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis is 'n analise van die stakings by Volkswagen SA tydens die periode 1999- 2000 en sy sosiale en politieke gevolge. Gesien vanuit 'n breer perspektief, is dit 'n gevallestudie van sosiale konflik in 'n jong demokrasie na die formele be'indiging van apartheid in 1994. Teen die tyd (vroeg in 2000) wat gebeure 'n hoogtepunt bereik het, het die maatskappy honderde miljoene Rande in inkomste verloor en meer as 1300 werkers hul werk. Die tesis wil verklaar waarom dit gebeur het - ten spyte van die pogings deur die firma sedert die vroee 1990s om 'n pluralistiese arbeidsverhoudingskultuur te skep en nadat die "shop stewards" komitee by die fabriek en die NUMSA leirskap oenskynlik sy instemming gegee het tot 'n lonende ("A4") uitvoerkontrak. Na 'n studie van die literatuur en die pers, onderhoude met sleutel akteurs in die "drama" en 'n noukeurige monitering van die verrigtinge by die CCMA en die arbeidshof, kom die tesis na vore met 'n verklaring wat meer kompleks is as die wat tydens die staking en daama aangebied is. Die onmidellike oorsaak van die staking was die nie-aanvaarding van die uitvoer ooreenkoms deur 13 "shop stewards" en hul ondersteuners. Hierdie "shop stewards" is verkies tot die VW "shop steward" komitee midat die unie (d.w.s. NUMSA) en die maatskappy die ooreenkoms gesluit het. Toe hulle openlike opposisie teen die ooreenkoms gewys het, is hulle deur die unie geskors vir hul onkonstitusionele optrede. Hulle het daama hul ondersteuners probeer mobiliseer vir die herstel van hul posisies. Die tesis wys egter dat die stakings van 1999 en 2000 bloot nog twee uitbarstings was van 'n smeulende fabrieksvloer konflik en spanning wat vir 'n lank tyd reeds sluimerend was. V oor en mi 1994 het daar informele strukture en faksies op die fabrieksvloer bestaan wat geweier het om die amptelike beleid van NUMSA te volg - 'n beleid wat toenemend die etos van "rekonstruksie" en ekonomiese mededingendheid aangeneem het. Nog die unie leierskap, nog die maatskappy bestuur was instaat om die informele strukture te hanteer en die afwykende faksie onder beheer te bring. Alhoewel die potensiaal vir meer samewerking en vertroue bestaan het, het beide die unie leierskap en die bestuur daarin gefaal om dit te omvorm tot "sosiale kapitaal". Die tesis suggereer dat dit moontlik sou gewees het as daar 'n meer direkte vorm van werkers deelname (bo en behalwe die "shop stewards" komitee) bestaan het. Die verlies aan kwaliteit leiers mi 1994, sowel as die toenemende burokratisering van arbeidsverhoudings het ook nie gehelp om die situasie te beredder me. Om dinge te vererger, redeneer die tesis, is die klousules van die uitvoer ooreenkoms nie behoorlik aan die gewone unie lede verduidelik nie. Om alles te kroon, voorsien die tesis genoeg bewyse dat die VW werkers nie enige ekstra materiele voordele kon aanteken in ruil vir meer buigsame werksreelings as deel van die skuif vanaf "Fordisme" na "Lean Production" by die fabriek in Uitenhage nie. Hier het "welvaartskeppende" arbeidsverhoudings nie hand-aan-hand gegaan met die skuif na "lean production, soos post-Fordistiese teorie wil suggereer nie. Toe die 13 "shop stewards" en 'n sekere persentasie van die VW arbeidsmag openlik daarteen geprotesteer het, is geen spesiale poging aangewend om die konflik te besleg nie. Die skade van die konflik sluit honderde miljoene Rande aan verlore maatskappy inkomste, meer werkloosheid in een van Suid-Afrika se armste streke, 'n uitgerekte regsproses en politieke verdeeldheid onder werkers en in die Uitenhage gemeenskap in. Alhoewel NUMSA erken dat hulle "wakkergeskrik" het, is die verhouding tussen die COSA TU geaffilieerde vakunie en die staat so eng soos vantevore. In die oe van· die tesis egter, is die geval van die VW staking, insluitende die direkte ingryping deur die staatshoof, 'n bewys daarvan dat die jong, post-skikking demokrasie nog nie gereed is om sosiale konflik op 'n ryp manier te hanteer nie.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: An outcome of this thesis, done on farms in South-Africa in the Swartland area, is that the labour structure in agriculture is still predominantly paternalistic and that paternalism and empowerment coexist. This co-existence causes tension between farmers and farm workers as it disrupts the relationship where farmers traditionally had the authority and farm workers were subordinate, but in the modern farm setting have a measure of independence. A qualitative approach was used to investigate how farmers and farm workers perceived their relationship in the past and how they experience it presently. Individual interviews were held with each farmer and focus group discussions with workers on farms. The study discusses how farmers and farm workers maintain paternalism on farms, in the context of the reduced support of the state to white commercial farmers as well as the expansion and formalisation of labour and tenure legislation of workers' rights. The state acted as ‘patron’ to the farmers in the apartheid era, but the state’s patronage to farmers came to an end with the political transition. Farmers feel frustrated and miss the support they enjoyed previously. Legislation which challenges the power and authority of farmers has been extended to farms and provides a framework for the relationship between farmers and farm workers and establishes a context in which this relationship occurs. This has brought about that the power and authority of the “paternalistic” farmers have been exposed and challenged. These changes in farmers’ and farmworkers’ relationship with the state create uncertainties, changes and adjustments in the relationship between farmers and farm workers on farms. Farmers still take control of farms, regardless of any legislation. The farm workers also still tend to define their position as depending on the farmer’s goodwill in conjunction with formal legislation. However, although the workers are still dependent on the farmer, they are also aware of their rights in the new democratic era and they claim these rights. The “old paternalistic relationship” together with the propagation of new legislation causes tensions as well as disruptions in the relationship between famers and farm workers. But, forged in unequal relationships of dependency and loyalty, farmers and farm workers keep commercial agriculture going. The information collected is intended to shed light on the complex relationships between farmers and farm workers on farms. Hopefully this research on several farms in the Western Cape, in the Swartland environment, can contribute to a better understanding of the complex relationship between farmers and farm workers. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie, wat gedoen is op plase in Suid-Afrika in die Swartland-omgewing, toon dat die arbeidsopset in die landbou oorwegend paternalisties is en dat paternalisme en bemagtiging op plase saam bestaan. Hierdie saambestaan veroorsaak spanning tussen die boere en plaaswerkers en lei tot ontwrigting in die verhouding waar boere tradisioneel die outoriteit gehad het en die plaaswerkers ondergeskik was, maar nou in die moderne plaasopset onafhanklik is. ’n Kwalitatiewe benadering is gebruik om ondersoek in te stel na hoe boere en plaaswerkers die verhoudings met mekaar in die verlede ervaar het en ook hoe hulle dit tans in die moderne plaasopset ervaar. Daar is individuele onderhoude met die boere gevoer en fokusgroepe met die plaaswerkers in hulle eie natuurlike omgewings gedoen. Die studie beredeneer hoe beide boere en plaaswerkers paternalisme op plase in stand hou, ongeag die verminderde ondersteuning van die staat aan wit kommersiële boere, asook die uitbreiding en formalisering van arbeids- en verblyfregwetgewing om plaaswerkers se regte te beskerm. Die staat het in die apartheidsjare as “beskermheer” teenoor die boere opgetree, maar daardie begunstiging van die staat aan die boere het met die politieke oorgang verval. Boere voel gefrustreerd en mis die ondersteuning wat hulle vroeër ontvang het. Wetgewing wat na plase uitgebrei is, verskaf nou sekere raamwerke waarbinne boere en werkers moet optree en stel ook sekere eise wat die konteks bepaal. Dit het veroorsaak dat die mag en outoriteit van die “paternalistiese boere” tot ’n mate blootgelê en uitgedaag word. Dit veroorsaak verskeie onsekerhede, veranderinge en aanpassings in die verhouding tussen boere en plaaswerkers op plase. Boere neem nog altyd die beheer op plase ongeag wetgewing wat hulle beperk. Die werkers is ook steeds geneig om hulle posisie te definieer as afhanklik van die boer se welwillendheid, naas die formele wetgewing. Maar, alhoewel die plaaswerkers nog altyd afhanklik van die boer is, is hulle tog as gevolg van wetgewing bewus van hulle regte en maak hulle ook aanspraak daarop. Die “ou paternalistiese verhouding” en die uitbreiding van formele wette wat boere beperk, veroorsaak dat spanning en ontwrigting in die verhoudings tussen boere en plaaswerkers ontstaan. Maar, gesmee in ongelyke verhoudings van afhanklikheid en lojaliteit hou boere en plaaswerkers die kommersiële landbou aan die gang. Die inligting wat versamel is beoog om lig te werp op die komplekse verhoudings tussen boere en plaaswerkers op plase. Hopelik sal hierdie navorsing op enkele plase in die Wes-Kaap, in die Swartland-omgewing, kan bydra tot ʼn beter begrip van die komplekse verhouding tussen boere en plaaswerkers.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 1998. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study was undertaken with the aim to analyse the social significance of the new Labour Relations Act of the Republic of South Africa, Act 66 of 1995, with special emphasis on workers participation and the impact of the introduction of statutory workers participation on the Industrial Relations System. The Act was implemented on 1 November 1995. The Act provides for the establishment of Workplace Forums. The objective of the research is to examine the impact of the statutory introduction of workers' participation on the South African industrial relations system. The first legal infrastructure of South Africa's industrial relations system was created by the Industrial Conciliation Act of 1924, later to become The Industrial Conciliation Act (No 28) of 1956, and to evolve into The Labour Relations Act (No. 28) of 1956 in 1980. The New Labour Relations Act (No 66) 1995, came into force at the beginning of 1997 with the final passage of The New Constitution 1996. Whereas the old Act with all its amendments imposed a statutory machinery for the resolution of conflict stemming from an adversarial relationship, the new Act presents machinery to the opposite, namely that of deregulation by the State and the promotion of co-operation. In the drafting of the new Act by a task team over nine months only, strong attention was given to the advice of German experts, i.e. the experience of and from a country that led in this particular area after World War II. In fact, certain principles and mechanisms were literally incorporated into Chapter V. If it is considered that Germany received a New Constitution in 1949 and deduced from its Bill of Rights all worker rights in an attempt to transfer the principles of political democracy into the work situation in the form of "Industrial Democracy" by enshrining these progressively into the legislation to this effect, a comparison with South Africa is illuminating. Similarly to Germany in 1949, South Africa received a new democratic constitution in 1995 in the political sphere with a strong influence on the industrial relations system and made its first attempt of legislating for workers' participation by means of ChapterV. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie is onderneem met die doel om die sosiale invloed van die nuwe Wet op Arbeidsverhoudinge, Wet 66 van 1995 na te speur, met spesiale klem op werkersdeelname en die impak wat die instelling van statutere werkersdeelname op die arbeidsverhouding sisteem sal he. Die Wet het op 1 November 1995 in werking getree. Die Wet maak voorsiening vir die skepping van Werkplek Forums. Die doelwit van hierdie studie is om die invloed van die statutere instelling van werkplek forums op die Suid-Afrikaanse arbeidsverhoudinge sisteem te ondersoek. Die eerste statutere infrastruktuur van die Suid-Afrikaanse arbeidsverhoudinge sisteem is geskep deur die Nywerheidsversoeningswet van 1924, wat later die Nywerheidsversoeningswet (No 28) van 1956 geword het, en as die Wet op Arbeidsverhoudinge (No.28) van 1956 in 1980 verander is. Met die totstandkoming van die Nuwe Grondwet in 1996 en die politieke demokrasie wat daaruit voortgespruit het, is die Nuwe Arbeidsverhouding Wet (No 66) 1995 aan die begin van 1997 geimplimenteer. Die ou Wet het voorsiening gemaak vir geskiloplossing in 'n teenstrydige klimaat. Die nuwe Wet, daarenteen, maak voorsiening vir deregulering deur die Staat en die insluiting van 'n kanaal van samewerking in die arbeidsverhoudinge stelsel. Met die opstel van die nuwe Wet is daar sterk gesteun op die raad van Duitse kenners wat die nodige ondervinding op hierdie gebied reeds na die Tweede Wereldoorlog in hulle eie land opgedoen het. Duitsland is immers 'n leier in hierdie veld. Sekere kernbegrippe en meganismes is feitlik net so in hoofstuk V vervat. As ons in ag neem dat Duitsland in 1949 'n Nuwe Grondwet ontvang het en dat hulle van hulle Handves van Menseregte werkersregte afgelei het in 'n poging om die beginsels van politieke demokrasie na die werkplek oor te dra in die vorm van "nywerheidsdemokrasie" en dit progressief deur wetgewing te verskans, is 'n vergelyking met Suid-Afrika insiggewend. Net soos Duitsland in 1949, het Suid-Afrika ook in 1995 'n Demokratiese Grondwet ontvang en daarmee saam in die politieke sowel as die arbeidsverhoudinge veld sy toetrede gemaak tot statutere werkersdeelname deur middel van Hoofstuk V.

published_or_final_version / Public Administration / Master / Master of Public Administration

In demokratischen politischen Systemen haben staatliche Akteure darauf zu achten, die legitimatorische und die ökonomische Basis ihres Handelns stabil und miteinander vereinbar zu halten. Dieses Interesse des politischen Systems an sich selbst wird damit zur Grundlage all seiner Steuerungsbemühungen. Aufgrund der strukturellen Abhängigkeit des Staates von einer funktionsfähigen Ökonomie ist staatlichen Akteuren auch an der Steuerung der industriellen Beziehungen gelegen – zumindest dann, wenn sie in Rezessionsphasen das Handeln der Tarifverbände als dysfunktional bewerten. Unmittelbarer staatlicher Intervention und Steuerung steht aber das grundgesetzlich verankerte Konstrukt der Tarifautonomie entgegen. Das bedeutet jedoch nicht, dass dem Staat alle Steuerungsmöglichkeiten genommen sind. Am Beispiel der staatlichen Forcierung betrieblicher Bündnisse für Arbeit wird gezeigt, dass der Staat über den Umweg der indirekten, diskursiven Steuerung in der Lage ist, gesellschaftliche Akteure zur Selbststeuerung anzuregen. Im Ergebnis lässt sich eine Transformation der Strukturen der industriellen Beziehungen beobachten, die zu einem wesentlichen Teil nicht von den Tarifverbänden, sondern vom Staat ausgeht. / In political systems that are liberal and democratic state actors must keep the legitimating and economic basis of their actions stable and compatible with each other. This interest of political systems in themselves becomes the basis of all their intervention policies. Due to the structural dependency of the state from a functioning economy state actors also attempt to regulate industrial relations; at least during periods of recession in which free collective bargaining is regarded as dysfunctional. Direct state intervention and regulation are restricted by the right of free collective bargaining, which is guaranteed by the German constitutional law. Notwithstanding this does not mean that the state has lost all its possibilities of regulation and control. The example of the state’s demand, and to a certain extent enforcement, of internal alliances for jobs shows that the state is very well in the position to stimulate collective actors to self-regulation. This stimulation takes place through a discursive, indirect intervention. As a result of these shifts and changes a structural transformation of industrial relations takes place, which, to a great extent, is not initiated by employers’ and employee’s associations, but by the state.

This study investigated the role of selected variables on organizational commitment in selected organizations in a North Texas metropolitan area. The selected (independent) variables were orientation attendance, unit size, educational level, gender, age, and length of service. Organizational commitment score was the dependent variable. The Organizational Commitment Questionnaire and a demographic questionnaire were administered to 1,055 employees. The Organizational Commitment Questionnaire contained fifteen statements which measured employees' feelings about their organization. Multiple regression was used to determine the relationship between organizational commitment and the selected variables at the .001 level of significance. It was determined that gender and length of service showed the strongest significant relationship on organizational commitment. This model shows that the six independent variables account for only 3 percent of the variance in the relationship between organizational commitment and the selected variables. Therefore, approximately 97 percent of the unexplained variance is accountable for the organizational commitment of the employees at the selected organizations used in this study. Studies using the Organizational Commitment Questionnaire to show the relationship between organizational commitment and other antecedents of organizational commitment are recommended. A follow-up study should also be conducted using the Organizational Commitment Questionnaire to show the relationship between organizational commitment and race. A follow-up study should be conducted using this questionnaire and a work ethic questionnaire to determine the relationship between organizational commitment and work ethics. An orientation attendance questionnaire should be developed and used with the Organizational Commitment Questionnaire to show the relationship between organizational commitment and orientation attendance. Additional research is necessary in other organizations and cultural settings before this study can be generalized to a greater number of employees. Recommendation is made that future researchers administer questionnaires to subjects due to the low reading and comprehension skills of many respondents.

M.Phil. / Na die nasionale munisipale verkiesings staan nuwe plaaslike munisipaliteite voor die grootste uitdaging ooit ten opsigte van dienslewering aan die gemeenskappe wat hulle bedien (Business Day, 2000, 12 Julie). Daar word berig dat slegs 20% van huishoudings in die Suid Afrikaanse samelewing het nie toegang tot skoon drinkwater en basiese sanitasie dienste het nie. Meer as 30% huishoudings het nie elektrisiteit nie en ongeveer 40% beskik nie oor vullisverwyderingsdienste nie (Business Day, 2000, 12 Julie). Van die huishoudings wat wel dienste ontvang, betaal 68% hulle munisipale rekenings stiptelik terwyl 1,4 miljoen huishoudings hulle huur en dienste gelde nie gereeld betaal nie. (Sake Beeld, 2000, 4 Julie). Gevolglik gaan plaaslike owerhede gebuk onder geweldige finansiele nood. Ongeveer 151 van die 843 munisipaliteite van Suid Afrika is in 'n krisis situasie terwyl byna die helfte van hulle finansiele probleme het. (Beeld, 1999, 22 Julie). Daar is selfs plaaslike owerhede wat pensioenfonds-, werkloosheidsversekering- en belastingbydraes gebruik om te betaal vir operasionele kostes. (Beeld, 2000, 27 Maart). Die Munisipale Afbakeningsraad het die aantal munisipaliteite in Suid Afrika verminder van 843 tot 232. In Mpumalanga alleen is die bestaande 55 munisipaliteite verminder na 25, 'n vermindering van ongeveer 50%. (Beeld, 1999, 16 November). Slegs 3 munisipaliteite in Mpumalanga funksioneer behoorlik terwyl 12 in 'n kritieke toestand is (Provinsiale Beeld, 1999, 25 November). Nader aan die tuisfront het die munisipale funksies van Ogies in duie gestort as gevolg van gebrek aan bekwaamheid van personeel. Ongeveer 20% van die inwoners betaal vir munisipale dienste (Provinsiale Beeld, 1999, 26 Julie). Die samevoeging van munisipaliteite behoort Iewensvatbaar in die hand te werk.