The commercialisation of natural resources such as medicinal plants is a strategy that is increasingly being employed by poor people in developing countries such as South Africa, as a means of generating an income. Increasing economic hardship and a lack of employment opportunities in the formal sector of the economy has led to many urban dwellers seeking alternative means of meeting their everyday livelihood needs. Although the contribution of natural resources to subsistence economies is widely recognised, there are few studies that have examined the significance of the trade in medicinal plants to the livelihoods of poor and marginalised people. Thirty informal street traders were interviewed to investigate the role of the medicinal plant trade in sustaining the livelihoods of the traders who operate in the informal sector of the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality, South Africa. The findings of the research indicate that the sale and collection of medicinal plants is an activity which is exploited by people with limited resources, few skills, little or no education and often without any other source of household income. Middle-aged women from impoverished, single income households dominated the trade. Although income from the trade is modest, it contributed substantially to the total household cash income of the traders. Other benefits of the trade included independence and having a sense of purpose in life, as the traders felt that they were not only helping their families but also the wider community. However, without the income from the trade, many of the traders and their families would be destitute and thus the medicinal plant trade is vital to the wellbeing of these people.

The Nelson Mandela Bay area will be used to investigate the ethical and moral considerations faced by the informal sector. It is generally believed that informal sector businesses are characterised by high levels of unethical behaviour. The informal economy in many developing and under developed countries is large in terms of contribution to GDP and number of participants. The informal economy is largely composed of very small businesses that are not registered. They are not operating from suitable premises but run from homes, street pavements and other informal arrangements. In developing countries, self-employment has a greater share of informal employment than wage employment. It represents 70 percent of informal employment in Sub-Saharan Africa (if South Africa is excluded, the share is 81 percent), 62 percent in North Africa, 60 percent in Latin America and 59 percent in Asia. Consequently, informal wage employment in the developing world constitutes 40 percent of the informal employment outside of agriculture (Becker, 2004). The informal economy is as high as 56 percent of GDP in countries such as Georgia, Zimbabwe and Bolivia, where as it represents about 8 to 12 percent of economic activity in advanced or developed economies (Becker, 2004). In South Africa, informal businesses provide a viable alternative for many who are unable to find jobs in the formal sector of the economy.

Orientadores: Ana Lucia Gonçalves da Silva, Marcelo Weishaupt Proni / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T17:26:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Souza_TacianaSantosde_M.pdf: 2541779 bytes, checksum: 331aa884dd26acfc91be74089a39c219 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: O campo denominado Economia das Drogas engloba complexas relações sociais que consolidam um vigoroso processo de acumulação de capital. Esse setor apresenta especificidades atreladas à clandestinidade, particularidades associadas a cada mercadoria e semelhanças a outras indústrias e setores da economia formal. Esse tema é estudado na presente dissertação, que tem por objetivo contribuir para explicar as razões pelas quais as políticas de proibição às drogas não conseguem cessar este mercado. Para isso, realizou-se o estudo das mercadorias, dos mercados e dos principais atores, bem como da dinâmica e da lógica inerente ao narconegócio, sendo utilizadas referências bibliográficas, avaliações empíricas (apoiadas em estimativas e dados disponibilizados pelo Escritório de Drogas e Crimes da Organização das Nações Unidas ¿ UNODC) e associações das informações disponíveis sobre o narconegócio com teorias e conceitos da abordagem econômica heterodoxa. Os principais resultados mostraram que a demanda global por drogas tem permanecido estável, que as políticas de repressão não cessam o cultivo e a produção, apenas provocam mudanças e deslocamentos entre regiões, e que os preços dos psicoativos têm diminuído nas últimas duas décadas. Concluiu-se que o mercado de drogas ilegais apresenta características próximas às de setores do tipo oligopólio competitivo, mas com altas margens de lucro de longo prazo possibilitadas pelo caráter ilícito e restritas às "empresas" líderes, que adotam como estratégias a flexibilidade e a coerência, destacando-se pela capacidade e velocidade de adaptar-se e de inovar. Finalmente, ressalta-se que a inovação não configura apenas uma vantagem competitiva, mas simboliza a condição de existência do mercado de drogas, contemplando o permanente processo de "destruição criadora" de Schumpeter / Abstract: The field said Economy of Drugs covers complex social relations that consolidates an intense process of capital accumulation. This sector features specificities linked to underground, particularities associated to each product and similarities to other industries and sectors of the formal economy. This subject is studied in this dissertation, that has as goal to help explain the reasons which the anti-drugs policies can¿t cease this market. For that, a study of the products, the market and of the main actors was held, as well as the dynamics and logic inherent to the drugs business, it uses references, empiric evaluations (supported by estimates and data supplied by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime ¿ UNODC) and information associations available about the drugs business with theories and concepts of the heterodoxy economic approach. The main results showed that the global demand for drugs remained stable, that the repressive policies did not cease the cultivation and production, it just caused changes and relocation between regions, and that the prices of the psychoactive has declined in the last two decades. It follows that the illegal drugs market present characteristics close to sectors like oligopoly competitive, but with high profit margins for a long term enabled by the illicit character and restricted to leading "enterprises", that adopt as strategies flexibility and coherence, standing out by its capacity and speed to adapt and innovate. Finally, it highlights that innovation not only sets up a competitive advantage, but symbolize the condition of existence of the drugs market, contemplation the permanent process of "creative destruction" of Schumpeter / Mestrado / Economia Social e do Trabalho / Mestra em Desenvolvimento Econômico

Zimbabwe has been experiencing an exponential increase in the levels of household poverty because of the contraction of the formal economy. This state of affairs has resulted in a significant proportion of Zimbabweans engaging in informal sector trade to mitigate the effects of economic decline. The goal of the study was to determine the contribution of informal sector trade to poverty reduction in Rusape, Zimbabwe. The researcher adopted a qualitative research approach and the study was applied in nature as it sought to understand how poverty can be reduced through informal sector trade. The research design was a collective case study. The researcher made use of availability sampling and interviewed participants who were willing and available on a one-on-one basis. The study contextualised how informal sector trade reduces poverty within the social development approach. The study established that informal trade was a commercial enterprise that was undertaken by both men and women of all ages to sustain their households. Engagement in informal trade accorded informal traders the opportunity to be self-sufficient and to generate incomes. The incomes obtained from informal trade enabled the participants to provide for the dietary, medical, housing and educational needs of their families. The study also revealed a number of business survival strategies employed by informal traders to ensure sustainability. Findings show that rotational credit and savings schemes (ROCSS) play an important role in sustaining informal trade operations and their contribution to a reduction in household poverty. The study concluded that engagement in informal trade reduces household poverty. Recommendations include how the State can facilitate the growth of the informal sector. Furthermore, it is recommended that the social work profession should actively engage government structures and advocate for the development of the informal sector and the widespread adoption of the social development approach which reduces poverty in a sustainable manner. / Dissertation (MSW)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / am2014 / Social Work and Criminology / unrestricted

Bibliography: leaves 158-162.

Studies of internationalisation have largely overlooked developing countries with high levels of legitimate informal entrepreneurship. Consequently, this article analyses the internationalisation of Informal African Firms (IAFs) from a network perspective. We undertook in-depth case studies of 14 informal smaller firms in two major enterprise clusters in Ghana. Our findings show that half transacted business in five to seven foreign markets, and more than half sold abroad within three years of inception. The study illustrates the different network ties that influence passive and active internationalisation strategies with evidence that these IAFs developed buyer networks through customer referrals and foreign customer walk-ins to the firm. Overall, we provide a comprehensive understanding of the triggers that initiate international business activities by IAFs so contribute to current theorising noting implications for management practices and policymaking on this important but hitherto, under-explored issue.

This research is an exploration of the extent to which formal vocational education in the domestic trades (catering and dressmaking) for women in Ghana leads to sustainable self-employment in the urban informal sector (UIS) in Accra. The research adopts a qualitative methodological approach using interpretive analysis to gain an in-depth understanding of the primary data collected. A case study approach is adopted to articulate emerging themes in a manner that is comprehensive and intelligible. Two conceptual frameworks are employed: firstly, the research builds on the work of McCauley et al (1995), to ascertain the developmental dimensions of VE catering job roles that provide graduates with the capabilities and opportunities needed for sustainable self-employment. Secondly, the concept of Gender Role Socialization is drawn on to ascertain the gender-specific factors that influence women’s engagement in VE and constrain women’s MSE growth. The research identified three key factors which affect VE graduates gaining employment and prospects for sustainable self-employment. They are: 1) The VE programme pursued and the presence or absence of a transformative environment of skill utilization. 2) The attainment of post-graduation specialist training or advanced certification which provide VE graduates with enhanced prospects for employment. 3) Post-graduation quality workplace development experience (QWDE). Gender-specific factors include traditional Ghanaian expectations of “womanhood”, and the streaming of women towards occupational paths that maintain their gendered role obligations within the household and family. These include ‘domestic provisioning’; male prerogative as principal decision-maker in the household; weak inheritance rights and access to property.

El presente trabajo de investigación tuvo como objetivo general “Analizar si los factores socioeconómicos influyen en el comportamiento tributario de los comerciantes de abarrotes del mercado modelo de Lambayeque del año 2022”. Según Ríos (2016) señala que el comportamiento tributario se conforma como un sistema de valores y normas que tienen las personas y estos son los factores que guían el comportamiento de las personas en el ámbito tributario. Es por eso que, ha sido necesario emplear una metodología con enfoque cuantitativo, de tipo aplicada y el diseño descriptivo. Con respecto el diseño es no experimental. Para el levantamiento de información se requiere elaborar una encuesta, por medio del instrumento de un cuestionario. Con referencia a lo mencionado se han tomado 2 variables, la variable dependiente es comportamiento tributario y la variable independiente es factores socioeconómicos. / The present research work had the general objective of "Analyzing whether socioeconomic factors influence the tax behavior of grocery merchants in the Lambayeque model market of the year 2022". According to Ríos (2016) he points out that tax behavior is formed as a system of values and norms that people have and that these are the ones that drive their actions in the payment of taxes. That is why, it has been necessary to use a methodology with a quantitative approach, of an applied type and a descriptive design. Regarding the design is non-experimental. For the collection of information it is required to elaborate a survey, through the instrument of a questionnaire. With reference to the aforementioned, 2 variables have been taken, the dependent variable is tax behavior and the independent variable is socioeconomic factors.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Zimbabwean cities have been experiencing wide-ranging economic restructuring since independence in 1980. The relationships between the declining formal economy and the growing informal economy concomitant with political and economic ideological shifts over the years have not been studied extensively and are not well understood. In this study the impact of political and economic ideological shifts on the growth, spatial and structural linkages between the two sectors over the three decades, from 1981-2010, in the country’s two main cities, Harare and Bulawayo, is investigated. Mixed-method approaches were applied to gather spatial, quantitative and qualitative data. Geospatial data were created using 1164 and 857 geographical positioning system locational points of informal economic enterprises in Harare and Bulawayo respectively. Maps of the two cities were scanned, georeferenced, projected and digitised. Longitudinal and crosssectional data were gathered from archival sources and through 300 and 600 questionnaire surveys of formal and informal economic operators respectively. Qualitative data was generated from 30 interviews that were conducted with professionals that influence the operations of the two sectors. The data were analysed using GIS, SPSS and Statistica software to reveal the temporal growth of the two sectors, as well as their spatial and structural linkages. It was found that the informal sector grew by 17% under the socialist policies of the 1980s. This increase was partly attributable to overurbanisation because the urban labour force increased at an average of 3% per annum compared to the formal economic sector that generated employment at an average of only 2.2% per annum throughout the 1980s. The shifts toward neo-liberal economic policies at the beginning of the 1990s resulted in immense retrenchments, forcing many workers to join the informal sector. As formal firms adjusted their operations to fight global competition, employment generation declined to an average of 1% per annum throughout the1990s. The informal sector responded by employing 61% of the labour force by 2001. The adoption of authoritarian policies at the beginning of the 2000s accelerated the decline of the formal economy which recorded negative growths for most of the first decade of the millennium. This led to the rapid rise of informal sector employment to an astronomic level of 87.8% in 2008. The investigation revealed substantial locational transformations of both formal and informal economic enterprises. During the 30-year period, informal economic businesses spread in low-income suburbs, city centres and neighbourhood and district shopping centres. 16.3% of formal economic enterprises left the city centres preferring secure medium density suburbs close to the CBDs, shopping complexes, industrial, office and business parks on the edges of the cities. 83.7% remained in the city centres and industrial centres where informalisation of operations was one of the strategies employed to fight competition, whilst 86.3% and 22.8% informal economic enterprises licensed and registered their operations respectively over the 30 year period. These spatial and structural changes resulted in linkages being formed between the two sectors. The nature of the linkages is largely influenced by the position of the informal businesses on a continuum of informal enterprises ranging from traditional, through transitional to semi-formal. It was found that traditional and transitional enterprises had strong backward linkages with formal businesses where they purchase their goods and raw materials. Forward linkages exist where semi-formal businesses sell furniture, building materials and clothing to formal businesses. Thus, a symbiosis exists, but linkages are very exploitative as formal businesses tend to dictate the terms of business. The reciprocal-supportive model was extended by adding four pillars that influence the operations of the two sectors to produce a differential complexity model of informalisation (DCMI). The reasons or causes of informalisation (RE); the subsectors that comprise the two sectors (SE); the various locations of the two sectors’ businesses (L); and the levels of formality and informality (Ls) are integrated in the DCMI to aid comprehension of the linkages between the two sectors. The model can be adjusted and applied to various urban settings, allowing for the development of the two sectors spatially, structurally and temporally. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Zimbabwe se stede is sedert die land se onafhanklikheidswording in 1980 aan omvattende ekonomiese herstrukturering onderworpe. Samelopend met die kwynende formele ekonomie was daar groei en ruimtelike en strukturele veranderings in die informele sektor. Die reaksies van die twee ekonomiese sektore op die politieke en ekonomies-ideologiese verskuiwings gedurende die eerste drie dekades na onafhanklikheid, is nog nie omvattend bestudeer nie en word tot nog toe nie goed verstaan nie. In hierdie studie word hierdie verwantskappe in Zimbabwe se twee hoofstede, Harare en Bulawayo, bestudeer. ‘n Gemengde-metode benadering word gevolg om ruimtelike, kwantitatiewe en kwalitatiewe data in te samel. Georuimtelike data is met behulp van ‘n geografiese posisioneringsisteem, skandering, geoverwysing, projektering en versyfering van kaarte van die twee stede geskep. Kwantitatiewe longitudinale-en dwarsprofieldata is verkry uit argiefbronne en deur middel van vraelysopnames onder formele en informele handelaars. Onderhoude met professionele persone wat die werking van die twee sektore beïnvloed, het kwalitatiewe data gelewer. Die data is met GIS- en SPSSsagteware ontleed om die groei van die twee sektore oor tyd, en hulle ruimtelike en strukturele skakels bloot te lê. Daar is gevind dat die informele sektor met 17% gegroei het onder die sosialistiese beleid van die 1980s. Hierdie toename kan gedeeltelik aan oorverstedeliking toegeskryf word omdat die stedelike arbeidsmag met ‘n gemiddelde van 3% jaarliks toegeneem het in vergelyking met die formele sektor wat werksgeleenthede slegs teen 2.2% jaarliks gedurende die 1980s gegenereer het. Verskuiwings na neoliberale ekonomiese beleid teen die begin van die 1990s het grootskaalse afdankings tot gevolg gehad, wat baie werkers gedwing het om by die informele sektor aan te sluit. Namate formele ondernemings aanpassings gemaak het om die stryd te voer teen globale kompetisie, het werkverskaffing gedaal tot ‘n gemiddelde van 1% jaarliks gedurende die 1990s. Die informele sektor het gereageer deur om in 2001 61% van die arbeidsmag te huisves. Die aanvaarding van outoritêre beleid teen die begin van die 2000s het die kwyn van die formele ekonomie verhaas, met die gevolg dat negatiewe groeikoerse gedurende die meeste van die eerste dekade van die millennium ervaar is. Dít het aanleiding gegee tot ‘n snelle toename in indiensneming in die informele sector, tot ‘n astronomiese 87.8% in 2008. Die ondersoek bring aansienlike liggingstransformasies van formele en informele besighede te vore. Gedurende die drie dekades (1981 tot 2010) het die informele ondernemings na lae-inkomste woonbuurte, middestede, en buurt- en distrikswinkelsentra versprei. Sommige formele ondernemings het weggetrek uit die middestede na fabrieks-, kantoor- en sakeparke in die randgebiede van die twee stede. Sommige formele ondernemings wat in die middestede aangebly het, het hulle sake geïnformaliseer om kompetisie te bestry en informele ondernemings het hulle sakestrukture deur lisensiëring en registrasie aangepas. Hierdie strukturele wysigings het wisselwerking tussen die twee sektore laat ontstaan. Die aard van die wisselwerking word beïnvloed deur die posisie wat die informele ondernemings beklee op ‘n kontinuum van ondernemings wat strek van tradisioneel deur oorgangstipes tot by semi-informeel. Daar is gevind dat die meeste informele handelaars en produsente hulle verkoopsware en grondstowwe by leweransiers in die formele sektor verkry. Verkoopskakels bestaan waar informele vervaardigers meubels, boustowwe en klerasie aan formele ondernemings voorsien. Dus bestaan daar ‘n simbiose, maar die skakels neig om uitbuitend te wees want die formele ondernemings dikteer dikwels besigheidsvoorwaardes. Die wederkerige-ondersteunende model is uitgebrei deur die byvoeging van vier pilare, wat die handelinge van die twee sektore beïnvloed, om ‘n differensiële kompleksiteitsmodel van informalisasie (DKmI) tot stand te bring. Die redes vir, of oorsake van informalisering (RE); die subsektore waaruit die twee sektore bestaan (SE); die verskeie liggings van die twee sektore se besighede (L); en die vlakke van formaliteit en informaliteit (Ls) is geïntegreer in die DKmI om begrip van die skakels tussen die twee sektore te bevorder. Die model is aanpasbaar en toepasbaar in verskeie stedelike omgewings om ontwikkeling van die twee ekonomiese sektore ruimtelik, struktureel en temporeel moontlik te maak.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The 21st Century is witnessing the concurrence of neoliberal globalisation and widespread informalisation. To this extent, the informal sector or economy is perceived as a permanent ‘feature of modern capitalist development’ (Chen 2007: 2). Its expansion, particularly in developing countries, has far reaching implications for employment generation, occupational or livelihood diversification, urban form dynamics, urban planning, as well as the general economic outcome. The historical evolutionary truth of the informal origin of most businesses coupled with the reality of informal-formal sector continuum gives credence to the critical imperative of multi-path development regime that does not consider the informal sector as a dead end. Consequently, the research explored the policy implications of the spatial and structural relationships between the informal and formal business sectors in urban Nigeria. The study region is viewed from the prism of Enugu, the major administrative centre in the southeast region of the country. Here, spatial-structural causalities at the city level are conjectured as surrogates of the globalisation-induced transformations occurring in the country from 1990 to 2010 (Andranovich & Riposa 1993). The research sought to: one, examine the extent relationships between the distribution structures of two economic segments in the city; and two, explore the changes in inter-sectoral linkages and the urban business landscape mediated by the global-local economic changes. To guide the study, two research hypotheses were formulated, viz.: (1) to prove whether or not some significant spatial/structural relationships exist between the distribution of informal and formal business units in the study area; and (2) to verify if the observed changes in the spatial and structural relationships between the two segments are accounted for by the same sets of physical, economic, and socio-cultural variables. The study made use of primary and secondary data, which were collected via mixed research methods. The proportional stratified sampling was used where necessary. The primary data were collected through casual observation/recognisance, photographic and questionnaire surveys, and semi-structured personal interviews; while the secondary data were sourced from literature review, maps and databanks of local governments and Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS). The data analytical procedure involved data reduction and hypotheses testing. The former technique consists of sectoral aggregation (the segmentation by coherent attribute-sectors) and spatial aggregation (translation from quantitative into spatial dimensions) (Wang & Vom Hofe 2007), while the latter required the use of Spatial Statistics Analysis toolsets of the ArGIS software and the Principal Component Analysis (PCA) of the SPSS package. The Spatial Statistics Analysis (the Spatial Autocorrelation or Moran’s I index) and PCA results permitted the rejection of the two null hypotheses respectively. The Moran’s I index is 0.16 with a Z score of 159.78 at a significant level of .01 and critical value of 2.58, revealing a highly clustered spatial association (or dependence) between the informal and formal business distribution in the study area. Based on the eigenvalues of 10 selected variables, the PCA extracted three major determinants of the observed spatial-structural causalities, namely: socio-economic and cultural traits or business ethos, client base and market control, and physical environment/business transaction mode. The findings challenges the received model of Nigeria retail hierarchy, and among the key recommendations for guaranteeing stronger informal-formal sector linkages that are generative of sustainable endogenous development are: (i) the reinstatement of the import substitution programme; (ii) implementation of the innovative Cluster Concept of Industrial Development Strategy (CCIDS) of 2007; and (iii) adoption of urban planning standards that are pro-informal sector. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die 21ste eeubeleefonsgelyktydigneoliberaleglobalisasie en wydverspreideinformalisasie. Samelopendhiermee word die informelesektorvandieekonomiegesien as ’n “permanentekenmerk van die kapitalistieseontwikkeling.” (Chen 2007: 2). Die uitbreidingdaarvan, veral in ontwikkelendelande, het verreikendeimplikasies vir die skepping van werksgeleenthede, die diversifikasie van loopbaan- en broodwinnings-moontlikhede, stedelikevorms, stedelikebeplanning, asookalgemeneekonomieseuitkomstes. Die historieseevolusionêrewaarheidoor die oorsprong van die meestebesighede, tesame met die realiteit van die informelesektorkontinuum, verleengeloofwaardigheidaandie kritiesebelangrikheid van die multi-pad ontwikkelingraamwerkwaarbinne die informelesektorniegesien word as ’n doodloopstraatnie. Gevolglik het die navorser die beleidsimplikasies van die ruimtelike- en struktureleverhoudingtussen die informele en die formele sake-sektors in stedelikeNigeriëondersoek. Die studiegebied word besigtigvanuit die prisma van Enugu, die hoof administratiewesentrum van die suidelikestreek van Nigerië. Hier word ruimetelik-struktureleoorsaaklikhedegebruik as maatstawwe vir die transformasieswatdeurglobalisasieveroorsaak is, en wattussen 1990 en 2010 in die land plaasgvind het (Andranovich&Riposa 1993). Daar is in die navorsinggepoog om eerstens die omvang van verwantskappetussen die verspreidingstrukture van die twee ekonomiesesegmente van die stad vas te stel, en tweedens, om die veranderings in inter-sektorieseskakels en die stedelike sake landskapwatdeur die globaale-plaaslikeekonomieseveranderingsbemiddel is, te bestudeer. Twee navorsinghipoteses is geformaliseer, naamlik (1) om te bewys of daarbetekenisvolleruimtelike/struktureleverwantskappebestaantussen die verspreiding van informele en formeleeenhede in die studie- gebied, en (2) om te bevestig of die veranderings in die ruimtelike en struktureleverwantskappetussen die twee besigheidsegmentetoegeskryfkan word aandieselfdestelfisiese, ekonomiese en sosio-kultureleveranderlikes. In die studie is daargebruikgemaak van primêre en sekondêre data watdeurmiddel van gemengdenavorsingmetodesversamel is. Die proporsioneelgestratifiseerdesteekproefmetode is, waarnodig, gebruik. Die primêre data is deurterloopseobservasie, fotografiese- en vraelysopnames, en semi-gestruktureerde persoonlike onderhoudeversamel, terwyl die sekondêre data verkry is uit ’n oorsig van die letterkunde, landkaarte, en die databanke van plaaslikeowerhede en die binnelandsebelastingsdiens. (FIRS). Die data ontledingsproses het data reduksie en hipotesetoetsingingesluit. Dievorigetegniekbestaanuitsektorieseaggregasie (segmentasiedeursamehandeattribuutsektore) en ruimtelikeaggregasie (oorgesitvanafkwantitatiewenaruimtelikedimensies) (Wang & VomHofe 2007). Vir die laasgenoemde was dit nodig om Spatial Statistics Analysis gereedskapstel van die ArGISsagteware en die Principal Component Analysis (PCA) van die SPSS paket te gebruik. The Spatial Statistics Analysis (die Spatial Autocorrelation of Moran se I indeks) en die PCA resultatehet die verwerping van die twee nulhipotesesmoontlikgemaak. Moran se I indeks is 0.16 met ’n Z telling van 159.78 teen ’n betekenisvollevlak van .01 en ’n kritiesewaarde van 2.58, wat ’n hoogsgetrosderuimetlikeassosiasieaantoon, of dat die verspreiding van die informele en formelebesighede in die studiegebiednabymekaargeleë en afhanklik is van mekaar. Gegrond op die eigenwaardes van die 10 gekoseveranderlikes, is daardeur die PCA bepaalwat die drie hoof ruimtelik-strukturelekousaliteite is. Dit is sosio-ekonomiese en kulturelekenmerke, kliente basis en markbeheer, en fisieseomgewing/sake transaksie modus. Die bevindingeverskil van die ontvangdemodel van die Nigeriesehierargie. Om sterkerinformele-formeleskakelswatvolhoubareendogeneontwikkelingwaarborg, te genereer, word die volgendeaanbevelingsgemaak: (i) die invoerplaasvervangings-program moetingestel word, (ii) die Cluster Concept of Industrial Development Strategy (CCIDS) van 2007 moet implementer word; en (iii) stedelikebeplanningstandaardewat pro-informelesektor is, moet aanvaar word.