The aim with this thesis is to find out how one can understand the exceptions not to introduce the euro as the currency of Denmark and the United Kingdom, as well as their attitude to European integration. It has been implemented in a comparative case study using theories in which the case has been the central focus of the investigation. The theories being used is rational actor model that emphasizes rational decision-making and self-interest. In comparison to that theory has a historical institutional perspective been used, which emphasizes path-dependency and critical events. The focus of the study is the time when the countries became members of the European Economic Community in 1973 to the Maastricht Treaty in 1993 where these exceptions not to introduce the euro as the currency was ratified. In the analysis section, one can see portions of both theories to a varying degree. The conclusions of the study is that both countries show a skeptical attitude to European integration and that the exceptions to not introduce the euro as a currency is based on this critical view of moving power to centralized institutions.

Les Grands Projets d’Infrastructure constituent un secteur économique majeur. Leur gouvernance a évolué, avec la sélection, de plus en plus fréquente, des grands fournisseurs, via des d’Appels d’Offres internationaux très normés, dans le cadre d’un contexte concurrentiel ouvert, et institutionnellement plus complexe. Face à cette évolution, les théories commerciales et marketing actuelles, apparaissent insuffisantes: elles font peu de cas des situations d’Appels d’Offres normés, et prennent insuffisamment en compte la complexité du système institutionnel, inhérent à ces Grand Projets. En outre ces deux faiblesses sont accentuées par la faible légitimité de l’action commerciale, face au Management de Projet et à l’institution Achats. Le recours aux théories néo-institutionnelles constitue une approche novatrice, permettant de prendre en compte le Grand Projet, comme un système complexe, dynamique et unique, qui s’institutionnalise progressivement (une notion qui diffère de celle de milieu). Cette posture permet de définir une nouvelle grille de lecture des relations entre les acteurs impliqués au sein de ces Grands Projets, et de proposer les principes d’une action commerciale proactive envers ce système institutionnel complexe. La thèse développe une méthodologie constructiviste, au travers de l’étude de deux cas concrets dans les infrastructures de télécommunications et du contrôle aérien, renforcée par des interviews de professionnels. Elle permet de proposer des recommandations, théoriques et pratiques, pour une action commerciale institutionnelle proactive, permettant aux industriels d’institutionnaliser leurs avantages compétitifs. Il s’agit d’une nouvelle approche commerciale, portée par un socle théorique intégrant des apports de la sociologie aux théories Commerciales & Marketing : un Néo-Marketing Institutionnel. / Large Infrastructure Projects’ stakes are major in terms of economics. Their governance has evolved over the past years, with formal Call for Tenders becoming a classic way to select suppliers, within a more competitive and institutionally complex environment. Current theoretical methodologies, structuring marketing & sales action, appear somewhat inappropriate to tackle this evolution: they neither really take into account the consequences of the very formal Call for Tenders, nor the institutional systemic complexity involved in such Large Projects; besides, Sales & Marketing suffer from a basic lack of legitimacy compared to Project Management and Purchasing, which carries on the powerful myth of Competition. Calling in New Organizational Institutionalism theories provides a new approach, allowing to consider such a Large Project as a complex, unique and dynamic institutional system, which institutionalizes itself progressively (a concept that differs from the so called milieu) Such an approach allows to define a new analysis methodology to asses interactions among all actors involved into the project, and to propose key principles for innovative proactive Sales & Marketing actions towards such complex institutional systems. This PhD research work develops a constructivist methodology based on interviews with key actors and in-depth analysis of two case studies in telecommunications and air traffic control infrastructure. The author proposes actual, theoretical and practical, areas for improvement of the Sales & Marketing methodology, allowing industrial corporations to institutionalize their competitive advantages. Ultimately, this research work leads to a new Sales approach, based on a theoretical framework, incorporating modern Sociology inputs into current Sales & Marketing theories: a New Institutional Marketing.

Syfte: Syftet är att skapa en ökad förståelse för hur offentliga verksamheter i mindre kommuner uppfattar och hanterar utmaningarna vid chefsrekrytering samt vad som ligger till grund för hur de hanterar det. Metodik: En tvärsnittsstudie på offentlig sektor i Kalmar Län har använts som forskningsstrategi med en induktiv ansats. Genom en kvalitativ metod med åtta semi-strukturerade intervjuer har vi producerat fram data. Slutsats: Studien har visat att offentliga verksamheter i mindre kommuner upplever ett problem i att finna lämpliga kandidater till chefstjänster, men ser inte det som krisartat. För att hantera rekryteringssvårigheterna utnyttjar offentliga verksamheter i mindre kommuner både operativa och strategiska åtgärderna. Operativa åtgärder som används är exempelvis förlängning av annons och informell rekryteringsmetod. De strategiska åtgärderna är exempelvis det ledarförsörjningsprogram som både kommun och landsting har samt genom att arbeta med Employer Branding. Det framgår också att offentliga verksamheter i mindre kommuner hanterar svårigheterna både genom att ta hand om det synliga problemet och de faktorer som gett upphov till problematiken. De bakomliggande orsakerna till verksamheternas hanterande styrs av informella och formella krafter. Olika påtryckningar gör att de blir begränsat flexibla och offentliga verksamheter i mindre kommuner imiterar varandra för att upprätthålla sin legitimitet. / Purpose: The purpose of this study is to gain greater understanding of how the public sector in smaller communities perceive and handle difficulties in recruiting executives and what they base their chosen approach on. Methodoly: Using an inductive approach, a survey study was performed on the public sector of Kalmar Län. A qualitative method was used to collect data, by conducting eight semi-structured interviews with executives in public sector organizations. Conclusion: The study has shown that public sector in smaller communities perceives a problem finding relevant candidates for executive positions, but they do not see it as a crisis. To handle the difficulties in finding relevant applicants they use operative and strategic actions. Operative actions include for example extending the ad and using the informal recruitment method. The strategic actions involves for example the talent management programs and by working with employer branding. The public sector in smaller communities is taking actions to handle the problem they perceive and also to handle the underlying factors that led to the problem. The way they handle the problem is based on formal and informal forces. Different forces prevent flexibility and the public sector in smaller communities imitates each other to maintain their legitimacy.

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The purpose of this study is to analyze the Sweden Democrats’ cultural policy by using two high profile cases in two different counties. The questions can be summarized as follows: What types of discourses can be found within the debates on the county- and national level about the Sweden Democrats’ cultural policy in general and their view on the so-called arm’s length principle in particular? What actions are taken in counties with a Sweden Democrats leadership?What type of role does culture politics play as an instrument for different actors? By using critical discourse analysis, I analyze the debates regarding socio-cultural practice, drawing on a perspective of sociological neo-institutionalism. The result of this study shows that there is a cultural- freedom discourse and a democratic discourse hegemony contested by a rightwing populist discourse and a cultural heritage discourse. This hegemony still maintains the arm’s length principle, while the rightwing populist discourse and the cultural heritage discourse challenge it’s meaning. This has led to institutional changes in form of research about the state cultural freedom and the arm’s length principle from the department of culture.

Before this study was conducted, there was a research gap in the current field of international relations. The purpose of this study was to examine why the EU has not established a common defence policy and a common defence. In order to address this, a theoretical framework based on realism and liberalism was created. Taken together, this study thus filled that gap and provided new insight on EU’s defence policy. The method that was used to conduct the research was a case study and the material consisted of the Treaty of Lisbon, EU key documents, as well as numerous of theoretical works concerning realism and liberalism. The study is of an explaining nature and the analysis seeks to explain the research question by testing it on the theoretical framework. The study concludes that the theoretical framework is able to explain the research question. Both realism and liberalism contributed with significant insight on why the EU has not established a common defence policy and a common defence. The main result shows that realism answers the research question by pointing out the role that member states play, and that liberalism, in contrast, points at the role EU as a unitary institution plays.

Algorithms are part of most online activities but act largely in the background and remain hidden to the general public. They are programmed pieces of software that are designed to consume massive amounts of data and progress it into easy consumable pieces of information. Furthermore, that software is able to draw connections between pieces of information and filter it based on relevance or other criteria. What these criteria are and what they are based on often remains a well-kept secret. Companies such as Facebook, Google, Twitter and Netflix all use algorithms to make sense of the ever-increasing amount of Data and suggest posts, movies or search results. With more and more people getting their news stories trough social media platforms and search engines, algorithms play an important role in the way we receive news. That lead to the questions of what power algorithms have over the news we see and what power they have over news organisations and journalism. To answer these broad questions, it was decided to focus on one large news organisations and examine what role algorithms play. The news organisation chosen for this research was The Guardian. In order to investigate these how and if algorithms are used, interviews with eight experts working at The Guardian were conducted. The informants were developers, engineers, product managers, editors and journalists in order to get a broader spectrum of possible frames in place. So as to analyse the interviews, tables were created to understand the way algorithms in relation to the institution of The Guardian and the power of editors were framed by the interviewees. One of the results that could be observed through the interviews and analysis was that algorithms will play an increasingly large role in The Guardian and possibly share their influence with editors. It can also be found that technology and news organisations will become more and more intertwined and data from users will be collected and analysed. The last part of the thesis discusses the impact of the results in a broader context and what further research can be done.

How can one detect and understand change in the face of apparent continuity? This is the question which has been asked by some scholars of institutionalism. One way of answering this is to make analytical room for incremental change as an endogenous source of institutional transformation. Put bluntly, one does not always need spectacular exogenous events, such as wars and revolutions, to explain institutional change. The present thesis is a qualitative case study of Japan’s immigration policy towards economic migrants since the 1980s. Its aim is to uncover a causal mechanism behind the policy development by drawing on a model of institutional change put forward by James Mahoney, Wolfgang Streeck and Kathleen Thelen. At first, the inquiry may seem ill-founded for Japan is neither an immigration country nor an immigrant-receiving country. Indeed, the country still lacks an immigration policy to speak of, and immigrants continue to be called gaikokujin (foreigners) as opposed to imin (immigrants). A closer examination of the recent policy development, however, shows that the content and practice of Japanese immigration policy simply belie its self-description. Since 2012 the Japanese government has admitted highly-skilled migrants as potential permanent residents using a points-based system and has incorporated foreigners into the resident register system for Japanese citizens in order to facilitate their integration into Japanese society. The central claim of the present research is that Japanese immigration policy has become increasingly settlement-oriented as an unexpected consequence of earlier policy decisions and that the change has been endogenously effected without dismantling the pre-existing institution of immigration management. In making this claim, I particularly draw attention to the way in which a cumulative effect of minor changes eventually transformed the basic nature of the policy institution.

For a decade, the EU and NATO have both claimed to have a relationship purported to be a Strategic Partnership. However, this relationship is widely understood by both academics and practitioners to be problematic. Although not denying that the relationship is problematic, it is claimed here that the argument, whereby the EU and NATO simply do not cooperate, is very limited in its value. In fact, it is argued that the two organisations cooperate far more, albeit less efficiently, outside of the formal Agreed Framework for cooperation. According to the formal rules of Berlin Plus/Agreed Framework (BP/AF), the EU and NATO should not cooperate at all outside of the Bosnia Herzegovina (ALTHEA) context. This is clearly not the case. The fundamental aim of this thesis is to investigate how this cooperation - beyond the BP/AF has emerged. Above all, it asks, within a context where formal EU-NATO cooperation is ruled out, what type of cooperation is emerging? This thesis attempts to explain the creation and performance of the informal EU-NATO institutional relationship beyond Berlin Plus. This thesis, drawing on insights from historical institutionalist theory and by investigating EU-NATO cooperation in counter-piracy, Kosovo and Afghanistan, puts forward three general arguments. First, in order for informal EU-NATO cooperation to take place outside of the BP/AF, cooperation is driven spatially away from the central political tools of Brussels, towards the common operational areas and hierarchically downwards to the international staffs and, in particular, towards the operational personnel. Second, although the key assumptions of historical institutionalism (path dependency, punctuated equilibrium and critical junctures) help to explain the stasis of the EU-NATO relationship at the broad political and strategic level, a more complete understanding of the relationship is warranted. Including theoretical assumptions of incremental change helps to explain the informal cooperation that is now driving EU-NATO relations beyond Berlin Plus. Finally, this thesis makes the fundamental claim that the processes of incremental change through informal cooperation reinforce the current static formal political and strategic relationship. Events and operational necessity are driving incremental change far more than any theoretical debates about where the EU ends and NATO begins. Until events force a situation whereby both organisations must revisit the formal structures of cooperation, the static relationship will continue to exist, reinforced by sporadically releasing the political pressure valve expedited through the processes of informal cooperation. If the EU and NATO are to truly achieve a Strategic Partnership , it will stem from an existential security critical juncture and not from internal evolutionary processes.

This research focuses on agencification and quangocratisation (AQ) through a comparison of the experiences of South Korea and the UK. Although a number of studies of AQ have been produced recently, these reforms remain inadequately understood. Since AQ involves the structural disaggregation of administrative units from existing departments, executive agencies and quangos have distinct characteristics which are quite different from ordinary core departments. There are a number of factors which influence these changes; and this thesis explores nine existing theories which are available to explain these phenomena. Case studies are presented of Tate Modern in the UK and the National Museum of Modern and Contemporary Art (MMCA), which are carefully analysed to examine the validity of those nine arguments. Although cultural agencies, which show some unique features, have become increasingly an essential part of the national economy, they have scarcely been researched from the viewpoint of public policy. This thesis endeavours to explore distinctive characteristics of this policy area; and moreover, it examines the diverse variables which have an impact on policy formation and its results through the process of comparison of arguments. The major tasks of this thesis are to investigate the applicability of the nine arguments and to weigh their merits. As a corollary of this comprehensiveness, it examines the whole public sectors of both countries, in order to show the broader picture and to understand the processes of changes and their backgrounds. More profoundly, similarities and differences between both countries are compared from both macro and micro perspectives. At the same time, the results of AQ are analysed through the comparison of outputs or outcomes before and after these changes, with a view to exploring whether their rationales are appropriate. Furthermore, it also examines the institutional constraints which influence not only the change of agencies but also their performances. Besides which, it seeks to find strategies for overcoming these constraints. This thesis adopts systematic and comprehensive approaches regarding basic concepts and data. It draws on theories of comparative research, the scope of the public sector, the classification and analysis of agencies and quangos, and theories underlying the detailed components of each argument and epistemological assumptions. Therefore, it suggests various aspects which enable us to broaden our understanding of the changes within the public sector; and to generate practical understanding to inform real world reform.