The main goal of this final thesis is the analysis of the immigrant's position on the labor market in the Czech Republic and in Germany. For this purpose the thesis makes a research of particular factors and barriers which immigrants have to deal with on the labor market and define their direct effects. Furthermore, the thesis focuses on the integration policy of both countries. Based on performed analysis in the field of immigration and integration the author of the thesis makes a comparison of the attitudes of both countries towards the immigrants with the aim to set up fitting measures for improvement of the immigrant's situation on the Czech labor market. The thesis is divided into theoretical and analytical part. The theoretical part is focused on theoretical solutions in the field of migration, migration policy, integration and discrimination. In analytical part, there is carry out a proper analysis according to the set goals.

This essay contributes new knowledge on Sweden’s immigrant- and integration policy during the years 1974–1986 by researching the policy’s treatment of immigrants’ religion and that of their faith communities. This is achieved through an empirical analysis on how immigrants’ religion was understood, argued for and regulated during key points of policy evaluation, as well as how this was expressed in practice by relevant actors and measures. The analysis focusses on the official government investigations that respectively formulated and evaluated Sweden’s integration policy. It furthermore delves into how immigrant faith communities were institutionally represented and allocated state support by the two state-affiliated organizations associated with these tasks, namely the Swedish Free Church Council (SFR) and its Cooperation Committee for State Support to Faith Communities (SFRS/SST). The essay draws its inspiration and theoretical departure points from theories on secularism, bureaucratization and models of immigrant incorporation, which are operationalized using a ‘What’s the problem represented to be?’ (WPR) methodology. The essay’s empirical findings indicate that religion was initially understood to have reduced cultural and societal significance than ethnicity and language. This understanding gradually changed over time and was amended when Swedish integration policy was evaluated during the 1980s. The empirical analysis furthermore shows that immigrant faith communities received reduced state support in relation to immigrant ethnic organizations, which resulted in administrative and representational dependency on SFR and SST. Following the policy’s evaluation during the 1980s, an initiative to increase state support for faith communities and improve their organizational independence was taken by the Swedish state but had not been implemented by 1986.

Sustainability has consolidated as a global paradigm. Consequently, different sectors have adopted its principles to develop better practices for the environment and society. Within the transportation field, carsharing has emerged as a potential solution to reduce congestion and carbon emissions.  In Stockholm, one of the world’s leading cities on the sustainability agenda, carsharing has been growing steadily, with more companies participating in the market and more users adopting it. Likewise, the local administration conceives it as a tool that could contribute to sustainability. However, the private and the public sector assert that carsharing is far from its potential. The conditions established by the local government could be a factor that explains this situation.  Accordingly, this thesis aims to analyze Stockholm’s policy and administrative framework for carsharing, with a focus on its coordination and implementation. This was made by conducting interviews with public officers and carsharing companies and by analyzing Stockholm’s policy and administrative documents related to carsharing through the lens of policy integration and coordination. The illustrative example of charging stations and its implications for carsharing is used to analyze policy coherence, and to reveal the implementation divergences between the private carsharing sector and local public authorities.

Master thesis "Comparison of Immigrant Integration Policies in the Netherlands and the Czech Republic" aims to give an evaluation of existing immigrant integration policies focused on the third-country nationals, from the perspective of their different socio-political historical developments and their practical functioning at the present days. This involves assessment of roles of all involved actors: the newcoming immigrants, already settled immigrants and both governmental and non-governmental actors. Conclusions of the thesis will reveal the main differences in the integration policies of the Netherlands and the Czech Republic.

Vor dem Hintergrund einer weiter zusammenrückenden, Grenzen verschiebenden und globalisierten Welt ist grundlegend zu fragen, inwieweit in Theorie und Praxis von einem Anpassungsprozess einer Minderheit an die Mehrheitsgesellschaft gesprochen werden kann. Ein zunehmender gesellschaftlicher, medialer und politischer Diskurs über die (Des-)Integration der türkischen Migrant*innen in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland ist seit dem Putschversuch des türkischen Militärs im April 2017 zu beobachten gewesen. Im Zuge dieser Debatten offenbaren sich zahlreiche Deutungen und Auffassungen über den Integrationsbegriff, welcher zuweilen als ein einseitiger Anpassungsprozess einer definierten Gruppe an die jeweils andere interpretiert und kommuniziert wird. Nicht zuletzt hatte diese Lesart konkrete Auswirkungen auf die politischen „Integrationsmaßnahmen“. Allerdings zeigen diverse Studien, dass die türkischen Migrant*innen bereits als gut integriert gelten. Die Diskrepanz zwischen diesen Realitäten führt in der vorliegenden Arbeit zu einer Kontroverse, die den Integrationsbegriff historisch aufarbeitet, hinterfragt und eine Alternative für die analytische Auseinandersetzung anbietet.:I. Abkürzungsverzeichnis 5 II. Tabellenverzeichnis 7 1 Integration im Diskurs – eine Einführung 9 2 Bedeutungsebenen zwischen Integration und Assimilation 13 2.1 Integration im Forschungsdiskurs 13 2.1.1 Zwischen Integrations- und Assimilationstheorie 14 2.1.2 Dimensionen, Formen und Indikatoren in der Systemintegration 18 2.2 Integrationspolitik und gesellschaftliche Debatten 23 2.2.1 Genealogie des politischen Integrationsbegriffes 23 2.2.2 Grundzüge der deutschen Integrationspolitik 25 2.3 Das Spannungsverhältnis von Segregation und Integration 27 2.4 Zur Kritik am Integrations- und Assimilationsbegriff 30 3 Transnationalität und Integration 35 3.1 Transnationalität als Antwort auf etablierte soziologische Integrationsdiskurse 35 3.2 Das Verhältnis von Transnationalität und Integration 37 3.3 Zwischenfazit: Return of Assimilation? 40 4 Das soziale Kapital 45 4.1 Theoretische Grundlagen 45 4.1.1 Mikroanalytischer Zugang 45 4.1.2 Makroanalytischer Zugang 46 4.1.3 Resümee 47 4.2 Grundvoraussetzungen für die Schaffung von Sozialkapital 48 4.2.1 Die soziale Beziehung 48 4.2.2 Die soziale Beziehung und das Netzwerk 49 4.2.3 Kontextualität des Sozialkapitals 50 4.2.4 Kritik am Sozialkapitalkonzept 52 4.3 Dimensionen des Sozialkapitals 52 4.3.1 Beziehungskapital 52 4.3.2 Systemkapital 54 5 Die Rolle des Sozialkapitals auf die ‚Inklusion‘ im Kontext der Transnationalität 57 5.1 Transnationalität und Sozialkapital 57 5.2 Zur Bedeutung von Netzwerken 59 5.2.1 Verwandtennetzwerke 59 5.2.2 Freundesnetzwerke 62 5.2.3 Gesellschaftliche Partizipation 64 5.2.4 Transnationale Beziehungsnetzwerke 66 6 Schlussfolgerung 71 Literatur- und Quellenverzeichnis 75

Integration is a hot topic in our society today and we have a greater influence of other religious beliefs than ever before. As Swedish society grows with influences from other cultures to a greater extent, the Swedish political agenda focuses more and more on integration. I perceive working for integration in a multicultural society as something of a balancing act on the framework of laws and regulations that we must comply to with in Sweden. For example, according to the Freedom of Religion Act, we all have the right to practice religion and believe what we want, while the law also gives us the right to refrain from having a religious belief. Following, interpreting, and considering the Freedom of Religion Act can sometimes be complex, as religion has many definitions and in many cases is so much more than just a belief. In many cases, a person's identity and cultural background are strongly influenced by religious traditions and moral positions. The purpose of my study is to widen the knowledge about the relation between integration and freedom of religion by investigating how the political integration agenda works together with the Freedom of Religion Act. This have I tried to achieve through a discursive analysis of motions of the Swedish Riksdag.  Three questions are posed to guide the study: Do the motions highlight religion as a factor to be considered in connection with the political integration work? Do the motions present religion as inner faith or something more cultural and/or identity-based? Are the proposed integration policy measures compatible with the Freedom of Religion Act? I have found in my study that the integration policy is compatible with religious freedom on certain levels. On which levels and to what extent it differs between the various parties, as well as on how to define religion and religious freedom. / Syftet med min studie är att fördjupa kunskaperna kring relationerna mellan integration och religionsfrihet utifrån hur diskursen i politiska motioner utspelar sig. Såväl integration som religionsfrihet är två debatterade ämnen och jag vill med min studie se om dessa är förenliga med varandra. Denna studie är utförd med diskursanalys utav 33 riksdagsmotioner inlämnade under perioderna 21/22 samt 22/23 som berör integration och religionsfrihet eller integration och religion. Resultatet av min analys har jag nått genom att som utgång använda mig av diskursteorin och dess begrepp. Analysen har sedan legat till grund för att genom diskussion finna svar på om det integrationspolitiska arbetet som framställs i motionerna är förenligt med lagen om religionsfrihet. Jag har i min studie funnit att man i politiska motioner artikulerar religion i samband med integration samt att integrationspolitiken på vissa plan är förenlig med lagen om religionsfriheten. På vilka plan och i vilken utsträckning den är det skiljer sig åt mellan de olika partierna samt på hur man definierar religion och religionsfrihet.

Depuis l'avènement de la démocratie en Espagne, les Communautés autonomes catalane et basque ont été gouvernées par des forces politiques fortement investies dans l'élargissement de leur autogouvernement. Dans ce travail de thèse, nous nous intéressons aux politiques d'intégration des immigrés extracommunautaires, pendant la période 2000-2009, politiques gérées par les CCAA et enchâssées dans la question historiquement récente du fait migratoire en Espagne. Pour l'analyse comparée de ces politiques publiques mises en place par des CCAA, il est indispensable de pointer, d'une part, une gouvernance multi-niveaux (UE, État et local), et, d'autre part, de tenir compte des multiples facettes des politiques se prétendant « globales » et distinctes, puisque cette intégration agirait sur les domaines social, linguistique et national dans chacune des CCAA. Comment se déploient les stratégies d'appropriation de ces politiques dans ces deux territoires infranationaux aux pressions migratoires inégales ? Ces stratégies, induisent-elles des modèles originaux d'intégration ? Ces prétentions d'originalité dépendront du type de rapports - de concurrence ou de collaboration - avec l'État, mais, également, des possibilités, au sein de chacune des CCAA, de rassembler l'ensemble des acteurs politiques et sociaux autour d'un modèle singulier prenant en compte leurs particularismes identitaires. Au vrai, la Catalogne et le Pays Basque incarnent deux territoires aux contextes politiques et culturels spécifiques à leur nationalisme périphérique qui, même s'ils induisent dans les deux cas des mouvements centrifuges, relèvent de deux manières distinctes de se rapporter politiquement à l'État. / Ever since the democratic transition in Spain, the Autonomous Communities of Catalonia and the Basque Country have been governed by political forces strongly committed to the expansion of self-government. This dissertation looks at policies for integrating immigrants from outside the European Union put in place by these two Autonomous Communities (AC's) during the decade of the 2000s, placing this in the broader context of the recent emergence of Spain as a host country for significant inward migration. In order to carry out a comparative analysis of the policies put in place by the two AC's it is necessary to take into account two additional factors. The first is the multi-level nature of the policy, involving as it does actors ranging from the European Union to the local level. The second is the multiple aspects of an all-inclusive policy, that seeks a distinct path to complete integration of immigrants on the national but also the social and linguistic levels in each AC. What strategies of appropriation of these policies have been put in place in the two AC's, which differ from each other in the extent of migratory pressure? Have these strategies led to innovative models of integration? The dissertation concludes that the potential for innovation depends on the type of relationship competition or cooperation between AC and the central government, but also on the possibilities within each AC for bringing together actors around a singular model taking into consideration their respective unique identities. Catalonia and the Basque Country are two territories whose political and cultural context is closely tied to their particular dynamic of peripheral nationalism. While leading in both cases to a centrifugal tendency with respect to national authority, these dynamics nevertheless represent two distinct ways of relating politically to the State. / Desde la llegada de la democracia en España, las Comunidades Autónomas catalana y vasca han sido gobernadas por unos partidos extraordinariamente comprometidos en el proceso de construcción de su propio autogobierno. La presente tesis tiene por objeto el estudio y análisis de las políticas de integración de los inmigrantes extracomunitarios gestionadas por las CCAA entre los años 2000 y 2009, políticas que se enmarcan en el nuevo contexto de inmigración en España. Para el análisis comparado de las políticas públicas desplegadas por las CCAA será indispensable referirse a un marco general de gobernanza multi-nivel (europeo, estatal y local) y además atender a las múltiples facetas de políticas que pretenden ser “globales” y diferenciadas, puesto que esta integración abarcaría las dimensiones social, lingüística y nacional en la respectiva Comunidad Autónoma. ¿ Cómo se manifiestan estas estrategias de asunción - apropiación de competencias en estos dos territorios de flujos migratorios de desigual naturaleza e intensidad ?, ¿ Se generan finalmente en cada una de las comunidades catalana y vasca modelos realmente originales de integración ? La viabilidad de esa pretendida originalidad dependerá no sólo del tipo de relaciones - decompetencia y conflicto o de colaboración, según los casos - mantenidas con el Estado, sino también, y en gran medida, de la posibilidad de que en el seno de cada una de las CCAA puedan materializarse suficientes acuerdos entre los actores políticos y sociales en torno a un modelo deintegración singular que incorpore en el diseño de sus políticas sus particularismos identitarios. Ciertamente, Cataluña y el País Vasco, siendo la expresión más perfilada y potente de los nacionalismos periféricos españoles, provocarán en la gestión de este nuevo cuadro dinámicas y movimientos de naturaleza centrífuga, afirmándose también dos nuevos modos, distintos y peculiares, de relacionarse políticamente con el Estado

La présente thèse analyse la cohérence de la politique nord-africaine de la France sous la IVe République (1946-1958). Se focalisant sur la politique d’intégration en Algérie, l’auteur prend aussi en considération les imbrications entre la question algérienne et la politique de coopération au Maroc et en Tunisie ainsi qu’avec la crise de Suez en 1956. D’un côté, il s’agit de comparer les ambitions de la France au Maghreb avec l’engagement politique et économique concret. De l’autre, l’auteur analyse le bienfondé des exigences officielles face aux données régionales, nationales et internationales. L’étude examine si, en France comme en Afrique du Nord, il y a eu une motivation suffisamment grande pour accepter les conséquences multiples de la politique poursuivie et si des alternatives crédibles ont été proposées dans le débat contemporain. Globalement, l’auteur cherche à savoir comment la présumée détermination de la IVe République à défendre l’Algérie française, quoi qu’il en coûte, s’est transformée sous la Ve République en un calcul comptable des coûts qui, finalement, mène à l’indépendance de l’Algérie en 1962. / The present thesis examines the coherence of France’s North Africa policy during the Fourth Republic (1946-1958). The author focuses on the economic dimension of the so called “integration policy” in Algeria. Furthermore, its impacts on the French relations with Morocco and Tunisia as well as on the Suez Crisis in 1956 are being analyzed. On the one hand, the study compares France’s ambitious goals in the region with its actual political and economic commitment. On the other hand, it investigates the plausibility of these goals against the background of the local, national and international situation. The author verifies if politicians and citizens were willing to accept the multiple consequences of France’s political ambitions and if realistic alternatives were proposed in the discussion at that time. Moreover, the thesis offers an explanation why the presumed great determination of the Fourth Republic to keep French Algeria whatever the cost finally turned into a sober cost-benefit analysis in the Fifth Republic which led to Algerian independence in 1962. / Die vorliegende Dissertation untersucht die Kohärenz der französischen Nordafrikapolitik in der IV. Republik (1946-1958). Der Fokus liegt auf der sogenannten Integrationspolitik in Algerien. Ferner werden deren Einflüsse auf die französischen Beziehungen mit Marokko und Tunesien und auf die Suezkrise 1956 analysiert. Dabei geht es zum einen darum, die weitreichenden Ansprüche Frankreichs in der Region dem tatsächlichen politischen und ökonomischen Engagement gegen- überzustellen. Zum anderen wird die Plausibilität der offiziellen Ambitionen vor dem Hintergrund der regionalen, nationalen und internationalen Rahmenbedingungen überprüft. Damit verbunden sind die Fragen nach der Bereitschaft in Politik und Gesellschaft, die vielfältigen Konsequenzen der Nordafrikapolitik zu tragen, und nach alternativen Handlungsoptionen zu den getroffenen Ent- scheidungen. Darüber hinaus erforscht die Studie, wie aus der von großer Entschlossenheit geprägten Maxime der IV. Republik, Französisch-Algerien um jeden Preis zu verteidigen, in der V. Republik eine dem Anschein nach nüchterne Abwägung von Kosten und Nutzen zugunsten der algerischen Unabhängigkeit im Jahr 1962 werden konnte.

Dissertation deals with the problem of polyethnisation of Western European nation states, which is defined as the increasing cultural and ethnic diversity as a result of increasing immigration. This development poses a challenge for cohesion and continuity of the historical nation states, as well as for the stability of the current system of international relations. The dissertation deals with analyzing the specific responses of three countries - France, Germany and Great Britain - in a comparative perspective. Theoretical background represents allochthonous theory of ethnic minorities. The author explores different aspects of immigration policy (economic immigration, asylum, family immigration, illegal immigration) and integration policy (especially the granting of citizenship - by birth or naturalization - and civic integration policy). The results are placed within the theoretical scheme, working with 4 model approaches - exclusionism, segregationism, assimilationism and multiculturalism. The dissertation also gives the answer to the prospect of European integration and to question of the future of nation states in Europe.

The objective of the diploma thesis is to explore how the EU Actorness concept applies on the convergence of immigration and integration policies in a specific aspect -- the status of third country nationals who are long-term residents in selected member states (France, Sweden and the Czech Republic), their rights and the conditions they must fulfil to acquire long-term residence permits and citizenship in the host country. We examine how we see the EU as an actor in the field of those policies. We assume that the EU will not be successful in areas that are closely tied to national identity and state sovereignty. On the contrary, we anticipate that the EU influence will manifest itself in a unification of the status, rights and duties of long-term immigrants from third countries. This diploma thesis mainly examines the impact of non-obligatory EU regulations on the internal practice of the chosen member states, and their reflection in national conceptions, strategies and legislation.