Cette thèse approfondit le concept d’éducation tout au long de la vie ainsi que le développement intégral de la personne à l’ère de la globalisation. Pourquoi s’interroger sur cette question évidente mais vitale de nos jours face aux mutations sociétales ? Premièrement, il s’agit de confronter les différentes politiques éducatives menées par les grandes organisations internationales (UNESCO, OIT, OCDE, Conseil de l’Europe), l’Union européenne et la Roumanie, à titre d’exemple d’application des réformes au niveau national. Deuxièmement, l’étude est basée scientifiquement sur de nombreuses et longues enquêtes sur le terrain, auprès de hauts fonctionnaires internationaux et européens et de responsables nationaux. Cette étude montre que l’éducation tout au long de la vie est une réalité incontournable : même en l’absence d’une définition unique et unifiée du concept au niveau international. L’Union européenne tend vers une politique commune d’éducation et les politiques éducatives en Roumanie se heurtent à des difficultés liées à l’instabilité politico-économique et au conformisme européen. / This PhD proposes an analysis of lifelong learning and the integral development of the human being in the era of globalization. We are currently asking ourselves where lifelong learning policies come from? In order to answer this question, we proceeded in two stages. Firstly, the theoretical elements linked to educational policies were developed on three levels: international organizations (UNESCO, ILO, OECD, Council of Europe), the European Union and the Romanian national authorities.Secondly, 63 semi-structured interviews with officials were analyzed on three levels: international, European and national. The thematic analysis of the content revealed that lifelong learning is an inescapable reality, but there is no unified definition at international level. We are moving towards a common education policy at the European Union level and major difficulties linked to political and economic instability and european conformity are being encountered in Romania.

Until recently, the legal position of domestic workers in South Africa could be described as a relic of the nineteenth century, when the contract of employment and the common law defined the employer-employee relationship. The legal rules which regulate the relationship between the domestic worker and her employer are examined. International labour standards and the legal position of domestic workers in other countries are considered. Cognisance is taken of the social phenomenon which finds domestic workers at the convergence of three lines along which inequality is generated, namely gender, race and class. Furthermore, the unique economic forces at play in this sector are examined. The law will be stretched to its limits when attempting to resolve what is, essentially, a socio-economic problem. However, the working lives of a million people are at stake. The legislature has a constitutional, political and moral responsibility to attend to reform in this sector as a matter of urgency. / Private Law / LL.M.

Magister Legum - LLM / In this paper I delve into the connection between trade policy and labour rights as probably one of the most controversial issues, which the international trading system is faced with today. Labour laws differ from country to country and of course it is a cause for concern where some countries have higher standards than others, it becomes problematic for these countries with high standards to compete with countries with lower standards. Even though there is a definite link between trade and labour, my argument is that incorporating labour standards into the international trading system is not the best way forward to deal with the problem of abuse of labour standards. I further investigate the two organizations at the forefront of this debate, being the WTO and the ILO. In an attempt to ascertain which of the two is the best forum to deal with the issue I further look at the relationship between these two organizations. Compliance with international labour standards is a growing concern as worldwide standards are deteriorating and nothing is being done to alleviate the problem. Accordingly, I explore the causes for the abuse of labour standards and seek to find the better alternative, by looking at the respective positions of the parties who are for and against the linkage of trade with labour standards. Here the views and concerns of the developed world are weighed up against those of the developing world and looking at possible alternatives concludes the paper. / South Africa

La négociation collective est au coeur de la production normative en droit du travail. Le droit à la négociation collective proclamé au niveau constitutionnel, européen et international appartient au salarié ; ce dernier ne l’exerce que par ses représentants. Son droit individuel à la négociation se résout donc dans un droit à être représenté qui se déduit de la lecture de l’alinéa 8 du Préambule de la Constitution et des textes internationaux et européens. Il est paré des qualités d’un droit « justiciable ». Droit subjectif, il peut être invoqué par le salarié. Droit-créance, celui-ci peut revendiquer la mise en place d’une représentation légitime. La légitimité, concept sociologique, doit trouver traduction juridique à travers le droit des représentés de choisir librement leur représentants, et le droit de ceux-ci d’être protégés dans leur mission de négociation. Le vecteur de légitimité est trouvé dans l’expression de la volonté des salariés en vue de la désignation de leurs représentants. Cette expression peut prendre la forme d’un mandat ou de l’élection. Au regard des caractéristiques de l’acte conclu à l’issue de la négociation (l’effet erga omnes des conventions et accords) et de l’intérêt défendu (l’intérêt collectif), l’élection doit être privilégiée. Le législateur s’attache à réaliser la condition de légitimité. Preuve en est la promotion de l’audience électorale par la loi du 20 août 2008. Dans le cadre international et européen, la réalisation d’un droit à la représentation n’est encore que partielle. / Collective bargaining has a key-role in employment law’s construction. French Constitution, European and International laws acknowledge a right to collective bargaining which belongs to employees : employees exercise this right through their representatives. Actually, employee’s right to collective bargaining is reduced to a right to be represented as state both, paragraph 8 of 1946 French Constitution Preamble and European and International laws. This right may find its efficiency before Courts. As a subjective right, it can be put forward by an employee. This makes the employee creditor of the right to claim for the implementation of legitimate representatives. “Legitimacy” as a sociologic notion, must be legally translated through the right of represented employees to design freely their representatives, and the right for these representatives to be protected as long as they exercise their mission of bargaining. Legitimacy is translated through the expression of employees’ will to design their representatives. This expression may be formalized through a mandate or through an election. With consideration to the significance of collective bargaining (“erga omnes” effect of collective bargaining agreements) and of the interest at stake (collective interest), election shall be favoured. Law works at providing the condition of this legitimacy. For example, August 20, 2008 law promotes election results. At a European and International level, the realization of a right to be represented remains unachieved.

No description available.

Lo studio si inserisce nel dibattito sul potere delle multinazionali e il rispetto dei diritti umani fondamentali e approfondisce i concetti di responsabilità sociale delle imprese (CSR) e della loro "accountability", inquadrando l'analisi nel contesto più ampio degli investimenti esteri diretti (FDI), con i relativi aspetti economici, tecnologici e sociali, nonché ambientali e politici. Si analizzano le norme internazionali in tema di rispetto dei diritti umani da parte delle aziende, ed i meccanismi legali per rendere le società "accountable", soprattutto in caso di complicità aziendali negli abusi perpetrati dagli Stati, anche attraverso la giurisprudenza dei tribunali penali internazionali e dei tribunali statunitensi. Viene data attenzione al settore della sicurezza, i.e. "Private Military and Security Companies" (PMSCs, interessato da notevole crescita negli ultimi decenni. Le PMSCs, impiegate da parte dei governi che esternalizzano una funzione tipicamente dello stato e da imprese e ONG attive in contesti difficili, hanno operato senza adeguato controllo. Le loro attività sollevano questioni su potenziali abusi dei diritti umani commessi dai propri dipendenti oltre che su violazioni dei diritti del lavoro subite dagli stessi. Le azioni ONU per portare le PMSCs fuori dalla 'zona legale grigia' in cui hanno operato vengono trattate insieme alle iniziative di autoregolamentazione. / The study, given the debate about the increasing power of corporations and the attempts to ensure their respect of fundamental human rights, deepens the concepts of corporate social responsibility (CSR) and corporate accountability, framing the analysis within the broader discourse of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), with its economic, technological and social aspects as well as environmental and political issues. International standards in the area of corporations’ human rights obligations are analyzed in addition to legal mechanisms to hold corporations accountable, particularly for corporate complicity in human rights abuses by States, through the jurisprudence of international criminal tribunals and U.S. Courts. Special attention is given to the security sector, i.e. Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs), interested in the last decades by a steady growth. PMSCs, increasingly contracted by governments willing to outsource a typical state function and by companies and NGOs active in difficult contexts, have been operating without proper supervision and accountability. PMSCs activities raise issues concerning potential human rights violations committed by their employees and labour rights abuses their employees might suffer themselves. UN actions aimed at bringing PMSCs out of the legal ‘grey zone’ where they have been operating are tackled alongside with self-regulatory initiatives.

Text in Afrikaans / In hierdie studie is gepoog om die sogenaamde "reg om te staak" aan die hand van nasionale en internasionale invloede te ontleed. Dit is veral die International labour Organisation se voorstelle wat 'n invloed gehad het om die Suid-Afrikaanse reg in lyn met die internasionale posisie te bring. Daar word egter gewys op die beperkinge van die reg om te staak, byvoorbeeld in die geval van noodsaaklike dienste en staatsdiensamptenare. Vervolgens is die Suid-Afrikaanse stakingsreg onder die loep geneem en is daar gekyk na die gemene reg, statutere reg en die gevolge van 'n staking. Die Suid-Afrikaanse reg is toe vergelyk met 'n aantal ILO-beginsels. Die moontlike invloed van die Grondwet, 200 van 1993 op die arbeidsreg is bespreek. Die ·studie konkludeer dat, alhoewel daar nie 'n absolute reg om te staak is nie, sodanige reg onder sekere omstandighede erken moet word. / The aim of the study was to analyse the so-called "right to strike" by looking at national as well as international influences on the subject. The suggestions by the International labour Organisation in particular had an influence on changing the South African position. The limitations on the right to strike were also scrutinized. The South African strike law was discussed. The common law position, statutory law as well as the consequences of a strike were analysed. The South African position was also compared with a few llO principles. The possible influence of the Constitution, Act 200 of 1993 on labour law was discussed. The study concluded that, althot:.Jgh there is not an absolute right to strike, such a right must be recognized in certain circumstances. / Mercentile Law / LL. M.

International teacher migration has emerged as one of the key policy challenges confronting many countries, particularly in Southern Africa, with Botswana, South Africa and Zambia experiencing variable degrees of the cross-border movement of teachers. The aim of this research was to develop a strategy for managing teacher migration in Southern Africa, and balancing the right of individual teachers to migrate internationally, while protecting the integrity of vulnerable education systems and their human resources. The research comprised a literature review and an empirical study based on a mixed-methods research design combining the quantitative and qualitative research approaches. The literature study examined international teacher migration, including its main concepts, theories, causes and effects, while the empirical study assessed the statistical scope of teacher migration in Southern Africa (Botswana, South Africa and Zambia), its causes, effects, and management. A self-administered questionnaire was used to gather quantitative data from education officials, school principals and migrant teachers, while personal in-depth interviews were used to elicit complementary qualitative data from some experts on migration, education officials, teacher union leaders, school principals and migrant teachers. The results of the study revealed that teacher migration statistics and data were generally patchy and incomplete in Southern Africa; that international teacher migration in the region was driven by three main causes related to economic, political and salary conditions; and that teacher migration had both positive and negative effects on the education systems of Southern African countries, migrant teachers and their families. The findings further revealed that improving the management of teacher migration in Southern Africa required a systematic and coordinated approach involving sending and receiving countries, with reference to a common policy and legal framework supported by comprehensive teacher migration data. In this regard, and based on the identification of key principles and guidelines for teacher migration management, a model is proposed for the viable management of teacher migration in the Southern African region. / Educational Leadership and Management / D. Ed. (Education Management)

À l’heure actuelle, la régulation des chaines mondiales de production dépend principalement de mécanismes non étatiques tels que les codes de conduite et les audits sociaux implantés par les entreprises, les ONG et les organisations internationales. Dans cette recherche, nous évaluons si les audits menés par Nike, Adidas et Puma peuvent contribuer à renforcer les droits des travailleurs chinois. À l’aide d’entrevues réalisées sur le terrain auprès d’auditeurs et d’ONG, nous avons conceptualisé quatre conditions de base, lesquelles concernent la participation directe des travailleurs, le développement de capacités locales, le respect de la liberté d’association et la professionnalisation du travail d’auditeur social. Notre étude conclut que des étapes restent à franchir afin que les audits deviennent des outils d’avancement des droits fondamentaux. L’enjeu prioritaire demeure le développement de structures démocratiques afin de permettre aux ouvriers de former des syndicats libres et de négocier leurs propres conventions de travail. / Current regulation of global supply chains mainly relies on non state mechanisms such as codes of conduct and social audits implemented by corporations, non governmental organizations (NGOs) and international organizations. This research seeks to assess if the audits carried out by Nike, Adidas and Puma can help strengthen the rights of Chinese workers. Through field work interviews conducted with auditors and NGOs, four basic conditions were defined and involve direct participation of workers, local capacity building, respect of freedom of association and professionalization of social auditors. The outcome of the study reveals progress still needs to be achieved for audits to become tools for the advancement of fundamental rights. The primary issue remains the development of democratic systems to allow workers to form free unions and negotiate their own collective labour agreements.

Le Québec reçoit chaque année un nombre croissant de travailleurs agricoles temporaires, à travers deux programmes : le Programme des travailleurs agricoles saisonniers (principalement Mexicains) et le Programme des travailleurs peu qualifiés (pour l’instant Guatémaltèques). Une de leurs caractéristiques communes est le lien fixe à l’employeur imposé aux travailleurs. Cette recherche analyse la conformité de cette disposition avec l’article 46 de la Charte québécoise qui garantit le droit à des conditions de travail justes et raisonnables. Un examen des effets du lien fixe démontre que celui-ci établit une dépendance forte des travailleurs envers leur employeur, aux niveaux légal (du fait de la possibilité du rapatriement anticipé en cas de problèmes liés au travail ou au comportement), financier (dû à la nomination des travailleurs année après année et au dépôt de sécurité imposé aux travailleurs guatémaltèques) et psychologique (soumission, crainte). L’interprétation de l’article 46 à la lumière du droit international des droits de la personne met en évidence la non conformité du lien fixe avec cette disposition. Or si l’objectif de cette mesure est de retenir la main-d’oeuvre dans le secteur agricole, il serait plus juste et raisonnable d’améliorer les conditions de travail de cette main-d’oeuvre plutôt que de l’asservir. / Each year the province of Quebec receives an increasing number of temporary farm workers through two programs: the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program (mainly Mexican workers) and the Low-Skill Temporary Workers Program (with Guatemalan workers). These programs share a common characteristic: the workers’ permits are tied to an employer. This research analyses the compliance of the bonded-work permit with article 46 of the Quebec Charter, which guarantees the right to just and reasonable working conditions. An analysis of the effects of the work-tied permit shows that it creates a huge dependence of the workers vis-à-vis their employers – legally (due to the possibility of anticipated repatriation for work or behaviour related problems), financially (among other things because of the naming practise) and mentally (submission, fear). The interpretation of article 46 in light of international human rights law shows that tied-work permits violate that provision. If the objective of the bonded characteristic of the work permit is to retain a labour force, it would be much more just and reasonable to improve working conditions rather than to enslave workers.