Dans un important arrêt rendu en 2007 dans l’affaire Health Services and Support, la Cour suprême du Canada a reconnu pour la première fois que la liberté d’association énoncée à la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés protégeait la «capacité des syndiqués d’engager des négociations collectives sur des problèmes reliés au milieu de travail». Pour conclure ainsi, la Cour trouve appui dans le droit international du travail. Avec cette décision, la Cour renverse sa position établie une vingtaine d’années plus tôt voulant que la négociation collective ne soit pas une activité bénéficiant d’une protection à titre de droit fondamental. Suite à ce changement de paradigme, nombre d’auteurs ont été d’avis que la constitutionnalisation du droit de négociation collective pourrait avoir des effets sur la validité de différentes mesures législatives et sur l’interprétation des lois encadrant les régimes de relations de travail. De plus, la négociation collective étant historiquement indissociable de la grève, il y avait tout lieu de croire que la protection de la Charte pourrait être étendue au droit de grève. Par la suite, en 2011, la Cour suprême a rendu la décision Fraser portant sur l’accès à un régime de représentation collective, précisant la portée du droit de négociation collective tel qu’envisagé dans Health Services. Le présent mémoire recense la jurisprudence qui a abordé la protection constitutionnelle de la négociation collective en droit public canadien et en droit privé québécois depuis l’arrêt Health Services afin d’identifier ses effets sur la validité des restrictions au droit de grève, sur la validité des restrictions au contenu des négociations et sur l’imposition de conditions de travail, sur la validité des exclusions de certaines catégories de travailleurs des régimes de représentation collective, et sur l’interprétation des dispositions de ces régimes. Les résultats de la recherche nous permettent de conclure que la constitutionnalisation du droit de négociation collective a engendré un certain volume de contestations de la part d’organisations syndicales. Ces procédures ont porté fruit dans des situations où l’atteinte aux droits était similaire aux précédents de la Cour suprême ainsi que dans un cas lié au droit de grève. Les effets plus vastes envisagés dans la recension de la littérature ne se sont pas matérialisés. Par ailleurs, nos résultats en droit privé indiquent que la constitutionnalisation du droit de grève n’a pas eu d’impact sur l’interprétation des régimes de relations industrielles. Enfin, le recours ou non au droit international par les tribunaux n’a pas d’effet sur nos résultats. / In 2007, the Supreme Court of Canada issued an important decision in the case Health Services and Support, as it recognised for the first time that the guarantee of freedom of association under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms protects the capacity of members of labour unions to engage in collective bargaining on workplace issues. The Court finds support in international labour law in order to come to this conclusion. With this decision, the Supreme Court overturns its position established some twenty years before that collective bargaining does not benefit from the protection of the Charter as a fundamental right. This paradigm change led many authors to comment that the shift would probably lead to the constitutional invalidity of a number of legislative measures and would affect the interpretation of labour law regimes. Furthermore, collective bargaining being historically interrelated with strikes, it would be logical that Charter protection be extended to the right to strike. Later on, in 2011, the Supreme Court issued a decision in the Fraser case on the right to access a labour relations regime, shedding light on the ambit of the constitutional guarantee. This research surveys case law that dealt with the constitutional protection of collective bargaining after Health Services in order to assess its influence on the validity of restrictions on the right to strike, on the validity of restrictions on bargaining and the imposition of working conditions, on the validity of exclusions of certain categories of workers from labour relations legal regimes and on their interpretation. Our results show that the constitutionalization of the right to bargain collectively has led to a certain volume of legal challenges by labour unions, which were successful in instances where the infringement on bargaining rights were similar to the Supreme Court precedents as well as one case related to the right to strike. The larger influence as foreseen in our literature review did not materialize. The constitutionalization of collective bargaining has had no effect on the interpretation of labour law regimes in private law. Finally, the use of international labour law has no measurable effect on our results.

La thèse s’attache à définir la certification équitable depuis une perspective juridique. Tant l’analyse de sa dimension formelle que matérielle permettent de conclure qu’elle est caractérisée par un dualisme face au droit étatique. Elle entretient à la fois une relation d’autonomie et d’hétéronomie à l’égard des ordres juridiques étatiques. Sur le plan formel, le caractère autonome du régime équitable est révélé par l’existence d’un ordre juridique distinct des ordres étatiques. En effet, les institutions du régime équitable jouent le rôle de tiers impartial et désintéressé à l’égard des producteurs du Sud et des acheteurs du Nord. Le rapport d’hétéronomie se manifeste par l’intervention d’éléments provenant d’ordres juridiques étatiques au sein du régime. Celle-ci contribue à sécuriser et à bonifier le régime équitable. Sur le plan matériel, l’autonomie du régime se traduit par des dispositions inédites. Bien qu’originales par rapport aux normes d’origine étatique, l’analyse de ces normes montre qu’elles ne se placent cependant pas en situation de concurrence face à celles-ci. Elles interviennent plutôt comme complément. Les standards de la certification équitable ne comportent cependant pas que des normes inédites. Plusieurs reprennent textuellement des dispositions d’instruments juridiques internationaux et nationaux d’origine étatique, alors que d’autres les traduisent dans un langage plus accessible et adapté au contexte de leurs destinataires. Dans ces deux cas, il s’agit de réitérer le droit en vigueur plutôt que de s’y opposer en ne se limitant pas à le répéter mais plutôt en facilitant sa connaissance et sa mise en œuvre par des mesures concrètes. / The thesis aims to define fairtrade certification from a legal perspective. Both its formal and its material dimensions allow concluding that it is characterized by a dualism towards state law. It is both autonomous and heteronomous in relation to state legal orders. On the formal dimension, the fairtrade regime autonomy is revealed by the existence of a legal order distinct from state orders. Indeed, fairtrade regime institutions act as the impartial and disinterested third party towards the producers of the South and the buyers of the North. The heteronomy is shown by interventions, in the fairtrade regime, of elements originated in state legal orders. These interventions contribute to secure and improve the fairtrade regime. On the material dimension, the regime’s original provisions reveal its autonomy. The analysis concludes that these provisions although novel if compared to state norms are not competing with the latters. To the contrary, they intervene as a complement to state legal orders. Fairtrade standards do not only contain unprecedented norms. Several simply reproduce the exact wording of state legal instruments, while other translate them into a more accessible and context adapted language. In both cases, they reiterate the law instead of contradicting it. The regime’s main appeal is that it does not repeat the law but contributes to facilitate its understanding and implementation by concrete measures.

D’après la Convention n° 182 de l’OIT, toutes les formes d’esclavage ou pratiques analogues, telles que la servitude pour dettes et le servage, la traite, le travail forcé, ainsi que le recrutement obligatoire des enfants dans les conflits armés figurent parmi les pires formes de travail des enfants. Ledit instrument regroupe l’ensemble de ces notions dans une seule et même catégorie pouvant donner lieu à une possible ambiguïté. Le but de ce travail est de faire toute la lumière sur les nuances qui distinguent chacune de ces notions en droit international, européen (en particulier, le droit du Conseil de l’Europe) et iranien. Cette thèse se compose de deux parties. La première partie traite de l’évolution du cadre juridique international, européen et iranien dans la lutte contre le travail des enfants dans son ensemble. La deuxième partie, quant à elle, se penche sur les formes particulièrement graves de travail des enfants, d’ordre économique, qui nécessitent de ce fait un régime juridique spécifique. / Child Labour and Child Exploitation in International, European and Iranian law (a Comparative Legal Study): According to the ILO’s Convention No. 182, all forms of slavery or similar practices, such as debt bondage and serfdom, trafficking, forced labour and compulsory recruitment of children for use in armed conflicts appear among the worst forms of child labour. The aforementioned Convention classifies all these concepts into a singlecategory which may give rise to a possible ambiguity. The aim of this thesis is to shed light on the nuances of each of these notions in international, European (in particular, Council of Europe) and Iranian law. This thesis consists of two parts. The first part deals with theevolution of the international, European and Iranian Legal framework in the fight against child labour in general. The second part particularly focuses on grave forms of child labour of economic nature which require a specific legal regime.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:23:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ruth Olivier Moreira Manus.pdf: 1409871 bytes, checksum: d11a1d0fae8b5afaab09aa2aa3f9bfdc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-28 / According to recent data from the International Labour Organisation, Brazil is the country with the highest number of domestic workers in the world. This fact makes the Organization to deliver a special look to Brazil about this issue. Recently approved, the Brazilian Constitutional Amendment No. 72/2013 expands the list of rights of domestic workers in the country. Therefore, this research analyses if this new Brazilian protection law suits the guidelines of the International Labour Organization, especially in regard to the content of Convention 189 and Recommendation 201, which have not yet been ratified by Brazil. This research situates the real dimension of the extension of international protection in order to deliver a critical analysis of the Constitutional Amendment adopted by Brazil. Also, it seeks to understand how Brazil, a developing country with a historical culture of slavery, can walk towards a fair and appropriate protection towards these workers / O Brasil é o país do mundo que mais concentra trabalhadores domésticos, de acordo com dados recentes da Organização Internacional do Trabalho (OIT). Esse fato faz com que a Organização dispense um olhar especial ao Brasil, no que tange ao referido tema. Recentemente, foi aprovada a Emenda Constitucional n. 72/2013, ampliando o rol de direitos de tais trabalhadores em território brasileiro. Ante a essa perspectiva, analisa-se, neste presente estudo, se essa proteção se adequa às diretrizes da OIT, especialmente no que diz respeito ao teor da Convenção 189 e da Recomendação 201, que ainda não foram ratificadas no Brasil. Situa-se, com isso, a real dimensão da extensão da proteção internacional por meio de uma compilação que tem como base uma análise crítica da alteração constitucional aprovada em nosso País. Trata-se, portanto, de pesquisa que busca entender como o Brasil, país em desenvolvimento e de cultura escravocrata, pode caminhar na direção de uma proteção que seja, para essa parcela da população, justa e adequada

Nul n’est censé ignorer la loi… même supranationale. La « censure » des dispositions relatives au contrat « nouvelles embauches » l’a vigoureusement démontré. Des normes supranationales, l’influence n’a jamais été aussi forte : elles couvrent progressivement l’ensemble des compartiments du droit français du travail. Tous les acteurs, publics et privés, doivent porter leur regard au-delà du cadre hexagonal. Un but est affiché : maîtriser la diffusion des normes supranationales, sans laquelle il n’est point d’adhésion de leurs destinataires, et appréhender les transformations du droit français du travail auxquelles elles conduisent. De nouveaux instruments doivent, à cet effet, être forgés. / No one is deemed ignorant of the law… including supranational standards. The “censure” of the provisions relating to the “new hiring” employment contract vigorously demonstrated so. The influence of supranational standards has never been so strong: they progressively cover all of the fields of French Labour Law. All stakeholders, whether public or private, need to look beyond French borders. The stated aim is to control the spread of supranational standards, without which there is no acceptance by its recipients, and apprehend the resulting transformations of French Labour Law. New legal methodologies and instruments need to be implemented in this respect.

La tesi studia l’impatto degli standard internazionali sulla libertà di associazione sindacale negli ordinamenti nazionali e a livello europeo, al fine di verificare se essi favoriscano un innalzamento del livello di tutela dei diritti sociali collettivi. La ricerca parte dallo studio delle fonti Oil sulla libertà di associazione, considerata diritto fondamentale da promuovere universalmente, e dalla qualificazione dello sciopero come suo “corollario intrinseco” operata dagli organi di controllo dell’organizzazione. Si sofferma poi sull’utilizzo degli international labour standards da parte dei giudici di diversi ordinamenti e sul fenomeno della cooperazione tra autorità giurisdizionali e organismi non giudiziari specializzati. In particolare, la ricerca prende in esame alcune pronunce della Corte europea per i diritti dell’uomo, come Demir e Enerji Yapi, in cui gli strumenti Oil, insieme alla Carta sociale europea e alle decisioni del Comitato per i diritti sociali, sono stati impiegati per ampliare il contenuto dell’art.11 Cedu, includendovi il diritto di contrattazione e azione collettiva. Alla luce delle modifiche introdotte dal Trattato di Lisbona, successive alle sentenze Viking e Laval, si considera se e in che modo gli standard Oil e la giurisprudenza di Strasburgo possano avere un impatto positivo sull’Ue, stimolando un bilanciamento più equilibrato tra diritti sociali e libertà economiche. / The thesis analyses the impact of international labour standards about freedom of association on national legal systems and on the European level, to verify if they can reinforce the protection of collective social rights. The research starts from a survey of ILO sources on freedom of association, considered as a fundamental right to be promoted universally, and from the definition, provided by the supervisory bodies, conceiving strike as an “intrinsic corollary” of the right to organize. The thesis focuses on the use of international labour standards by judges in the context of the cooperation among judiciary authorities and quasi-judicial specialized bodies. In particular, the research considers some judgments of the European Court of Human Rights, as Demir and Enerji Yapi, where ILO instruments, together with the European Social Charter and the decisions of the European Committee of Social Rights, were used to extend the scope of art. 11 ECHR so as to cover the right to collective bargaining and collective action. In the light of the Lisbon Treaty modifications, the thesis considers, after the ECJ rulings in the Viking and Laval cases, if and how ILO standards and the recent ECHR case-law may have a positive impact on EU, stimulating a fairer balancing between economic freedoms and social rights.

人口老化是全球趨勢，而此現象引起社會各界對退休保障的關注。此外，跨國勞工移動人數因全球化而急速上升。勞工跨國移動對於跨國界之退休保障帶來新的挑戰。作為社會的一份子，每人都應該享有社會保障的權利，但跨國移動勞工可能會面對與就業國本地勞工在社會保障上存在差別待遇之問題，甚至有機會同時失去家國及就業國的社會保障。勞工個人的流動量越大，對其退休保障所造成的影響就會越大。 會產生此類問題的原因是因為勞工跨國移動，但國家之間的退休保障制度卻沒有連接起來。此問題可以通過簽訂雙邊協議或多邊協議來解決。通過協議，就業國應提供外籍勞工與本地勞工平等待遇。協議亦可用於訂定移動勞工應該適用那一個國家的法規。同時亦可以解決投保年資中斷及分隔兩地、給付出口有設置限制等問題。雖然並非必須的，但協議可幫助協約國間之退休行政服務連結起來，為受益人帶來方便性。 保障移動勞工的權益不只單單是允許其參加退休保障制度，而且應該確保勞工受到與本地勞工同等之對待。通過訂定社會保障協議，勞工即使離國工作亦可以維持獲取退休保障之權利。社會保障可攜性，特別是退休保障，不止對勞工有利，對政府、對經濟發展亦是有益處的。 近年兩岸四地的經濟交流合作及勞工流動增加，四地之間的退休保障問題更值得關注。探討兩岸四地退休保障可攜性，可以幫助解決或至少減低四地間移動勞工之退休保障攜帶性損失。 / Aging population is a global phenomenon and this leads to the concern of social security issues. Besides, the number of international mobile workers is increasing rapidly due to globalization. International labour mobility is creating new challenges for cross national social security. Being a member of the society, everyone should have the right to social security, but international mobile workers may face the problem of having a deduction on pension benefits comparing with native workers, or even, lack of social security protection from both home and host countries. And the larger the mobility, the greater the influences are towards pension benefits. These problems occur because of workers working abroad, but there is no connection between the social security systems between home and host countries. This can be solved by concluding bilateral agreements or multilateral agreements. Through social security agreements, the host countries should provide equality of treatment towards expatriates. Besides, agreements can also be used for the determination of the applicable legislation, as well as solving the problems of separation of insured years and restrictions on the export of benefits etc. Although it is not a must, agreements can also help in providing administrative assistance for beneficiaries. Ensuring the right to social security of mobile workers is not only allowing them to join social security schemes, but also guaranteeing them to have equality of treatment comparing with native workers. Social security agreements can help in maintaining the right to social security for mobile workers. Portability of social security, especially on pension issue, benefits not only mobiles workers, but also government and the economic development. The economic cooperation and labour mobility between Taiwan, China, Hong Kong and Macau is increasing in recent years, and thus brings to the attention on the pension issue for mobile workers between places. Analyze on interregional pension portability can help in solving, or at least reducing the portability loss of mobile workers among these four places.

Dans un important arrêt rendu en 2007 dans l’affaire Health Services and Support, la Cour suprême du Canada a reconnu pour la première fois que la liberté d’association énoncée à la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés protégeait la «capacité des syndiqués d’engager des négociations collectives sur des problèmes reliés au milieu de travail». Pour conclure ainsi, la Cour trouve appui dans le droit international du travail. Avec cette décision, la Cour renverse sa position établie une vingtaine d’années plus tôt voulant que la négociation collective ne soit pas une activité bénéficiant d’une protection à titre de droit fondamental. Suite à ce changement de paradigme, nombre d’auteurs ont été d’avis que la constitutionnalisation du droit de négociation collective pourrait avoir des effets sur la validité de différentes mesures législatives et sur l’interprétation des lois encadrant les régimes de relations de travail. De plus, la négociation collective étant historiquement indissociable de la grève, il y avait tout lieu de croire que la protection de la Charte pourrait être étendue au droit de grève. Par la suite, en 2011, la Cour suprême a rendu la décision Fraser portant sur l’accès à un régime de représentation collective, précisant la portée du droit de négociation collective tel qu’envisagé dans Health Services. Le présent mémoire recense la jurisprudence qui a abordé la protection constitutionnelle de la négociation collective en droit public canadien et en droit privé québécois depuis l’arrêt Health Services afin d’identifier ses effets sur la validité des restrictions au droit de grève, sur la validité des restrictions au contenu des négociations et sur l’imposition de conditions de travail, sur la validité des exclusions de certaines catégories de travailleurs des régimes de représentation collective, et sur l’interprétation des dispositions de ces régimes. Les résultats de la recherche nous permettent de conclure que la constitutionnalisation du droit de négociation collective a engendré un certain volume de contestations de la part d’organisations syndicales. Ces procédures ont porté fruit dans des situations où l’atteinte aux droits était similaire aux précédents de la Cour suprême ainsi que dans un cas lié au droit de grève. Les effets plus vastes envisagés dans la recension de la littérature ne se sont pas matérialisés. Par ailleurs, nos résultats en droit privé indiquent que la constitutionnalisation du droit de grève n’a pas eu d’impact sur l’interprétation des régimes de relations industrielles. Enfin, le recours ou non au droit international par les tribunaux n’a pas d’effet sur nos résultats. / In 2007, the Supreme Court of Canada issued an important decision in the case Health Services and Support, as it recognised for the first time that the guarantee of freedom of association under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms protects the capacity of members of labour unions to engage in collective bargaining on workplace issues. The Court finds support in international labour law in order to come to this conclusion. With this decision, the Supreme Court overturns its position established some twenty years before that collective bargaining does not benefit from the protection of the Charter as a fundamental right. This paradigm change led many authors to comment that the shift would probably lead to the constitutional invalidity of a number of legislative measures and would affect the interpretation of labour law regimes. Furthermore, collective bargaining being historically interrelated with strikes, it would be logical that Charter protection be extended to the right to strike. Later on, in 2011, the Supreme Court issued a decision in the Fraser case on the right to access a labour relations regime, shedding light on the ambit of the constitutional guarantee. This research surveys case law that dealt with the constitutional protection of collective bargaining after Health Services in order to assess its influence on the validity of restrictions on the right to strike, on the validity of restrictions on bargaining and the imposition of working conditions, on the validity of exclusions of certain categories of workers from labour relations legal regimes and on their interpretation. Our results show that the constitutionalization of the right to bargain collectively has led to a certain volume of legal challenges by labour unions, which were successful in instances where the infringement on bargaining rights were similar to the Supreme Court precedents as well as one case related to the right to strike. The larger influence as foreseen in our literature review did not materialize. The constitutionalization of collective bargaining has had no effect on the interpretation of labour law regimes in private law. Finally, the use of international labour law has no measurable effect on our results.

Law and development mainstream conceptions of labour market policies, while still marked by long-dominant views of contract law as economically superior to any labour regulation, have recently incorporated certain specific labour (human) rights. Core labour rights are thus accepted by global policy-makers, on the basis of their radical distinction from non-core labour standards and their rationalization according to certain foundational principles. This thesis criticizes the prevailing dichotomies between core labour rights and non-core standards, on the one hand, and contract law and regulation, on the other, bringing to bear the post-legal realist idea of legal indeterminacy. It argues that the organizing legal concepts that justify these dichotomies contain gaps and ambiguities that often lead to contradictory and indeterminate outcomes. It thus suggests that the core/non-core labour standards and contract/regulation distinctions are unproductive and should be rejected if a better conception of labour governance is to come to fruition.

Law and development mainstream conceptions of labour market policies, while still marked by long-dominant views of contract law as economically superior to any labour regulation, have recently incorporated certain specific labour (human) rights. Core labour rights are thus accepted by global policy-makers, on the basis of their radical distinction from non-core labour standards and their rationalization according to certain foundational principles. This thesis criticizes the prevailing dichotomies between core labour rights and non-core standards, on the one hand, and contract law and regulation, on the other, bringing to bear the post-legal realist idea of legal indeterminacy. It argues that the organizing legal concepts that justify these dichotomies contain gaps and ambiguities that often lead to contradictory and indeterminate outcomes. It thus suggests that the core/non-core labour standards and contract/regulation distinctions are unproductive and should be rejected if a better conception of labour governance is to come to fruition.