Orientador: Maria Betânia Amoroso / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T15:11:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Oliveira_EvaAparecidade_D.pdf: 2179062 bytes, checksum: 61aca1792eb8aca46254c3f7ae732cea (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Italo Calvino dedicou dois anos de trabalho, durante a década de 1950, ainda no começo de sua carreira, "para dar à Itália o seu Grimm". Tendo como base um extenso material reunido a partir de coletâneas regionais, elaboradas por estudiosos durante a segunda metade do século XIX, a empresa se baseou em leitura e reescrita das narrativas da tradição popular, mas não se limitou a tradução e organização do volume. Passando os contos da tradição pela pena do escritor, elaborou o "seu" livro de contos populares. O trabalho com o gênero, porém, produziu outros frutos. Ao identificar nos textos da tradição popular estruturas e motivos que vinham ao encontro de suas próprias aspirações estilísticas, soube utilizar esse conhecimento de forma a ampliar suas possibilidades narrativas. O "fiabesco", o "fantástico" e a "ficção científica" de Calvino possuem suas raízes nesses elementos. Já no final prematuro de sua carreira, ao deixar para o século XX suas propostas de literatura reunidas nas cinco conferências de Lezioni Americane, é justamente do conto popular que o autor vai retirar alguns dos exemplos do que acredita serem valores importantes para o futuro da narrativa / Abstract: In the beginning of his career during the 1950's, Italo Calvino has dedicated two years of his work to "give Italy their Grimm". Based on an extensive material gathered from regional collections during the second half of the nineteenth century, this achievement has relied on reading and rewriting narratives of popular tradition but it was not limited to translation and organization of the volume. Passing tradition tales by his feather, the writer wrote "his" book of popular tales. However the work with the genre produced good fruits. Identifying in popular tradition texts structures and reasons that supported his stylistic aspirations, he knew how to use this knowledge in order to expand his narrative possibilities. Calvino's "fiabesco", "fantastic" and "science fiction" have their roots in these elements. In the premature end of his career, by leaving for the twentieth century his literature proposal collected into five Lezioni Americane conferences, the author will highlight from popular tales some examples he believes that are important values for the future of narrative / Doutorado / Teoria e Critica Literaria / Doutora em Teoria e História Literária

La ricerca sull'espansione territoriale delle mafie italiane si è spesso limitata all'analisi di una singola organizzazione o di un solo paese. I pochi studi con una prospettiva più ampia non esaminano in dettaglio come organizzazioni mafiose diverse operano in paesi diversi. Per colmare tale vuoto conoscitivo, questo studio analizza la presenza di Cosa Nostra, Camorra e 'Ndrangheta in Europa, con l'obiettivo di individuare modelli di espansione mafiosa. Lo studio combina varie fonti di informazione e diversi livelli di analisi. Dapprima, utilizza rapporti ufficiali per mappare la presenza delle mafie italiane in Europa ed identificarne le principali caratteristiche. Successivamente, approfondisce tre casi di studio paese e, sulla base di interviste con esperti, analizza come le diverse organizzazioni operano nei diversi paesi. I risultati mostrano che i fattori legati al territorio e al tipo di attività prevalgono sulle caratteristiche dell'organizzazione nel definire i modelli di espansione mafiosa. Le mafie italiane si concentrano in alcuni paesi Europei e in determinate aree all'interno dello stesso paese. Il traffico di droga è la caratteristica più ricorrente della loro presenza in Europa. La 'Ndrangheta è l'unica organizzazione ad aver riprodotto le proprie strutture all'estero, sebbene ciò non avvenga in tutti i paesi Europei in cui è presente. / Research on the spatial mobility of Italian mafias has frequently adopted a narrow approach, focusing on only one type of mafia or a single country. The few studies with a broader perspective do not examine in detail how different mafias operate across different countries. This study addresses these gaps by providing a first comprehensive analysis of the presence of Cosa Nostra, the Camorra and the 'Ndrangheta across Europe, with the aim of identifying patterns of mafia mobility. The study combines different data sources and different levels of analysis. Drawing from official reports, it firstly maps the spread of the Italian mafias in Europe and identifies the main characteristics of their presence abroad. Secondly, it focuses on three country case studies and, based on expert interviews, compares how different mafias operate across different countries. The results show that country-related and activity-related characteristics prevail over organizational ones in determining patterns of mafia mobility. Italian mafias concentrate in a few European countries and in specific areas within a country. Drug trafficking is the most recurrent feature of their presence abroad. The 'Ndrangheta is the only mafia which has a structured presence in Europe, although it does not reproduce its structures in all foreign countries.

The contribution of this thesis aims to investigate the current state of vulnerability of Italian Innerlands, crossed by continuous phenomena and by discrete or sudden phenomena, to represent the tangible and intangible space to fully understand the performativity of these territories. The methodology used lies in an intermediate space between the values process of landscape ecology, which sees as its starting point the investigation of tangible land effects, and the quantitative-qualitative approach of mapping. A scale of values is assigned using GIS-assisted multi-criteria evaluation. The proposed methodology is set and applied in the case of Val di Sole, Trentino, to spatialise the relationship between risk and resources in Italian Innerlands. Extreme Terres of Anthropocene In the world of town planning, architecture, and landscape, searching for a new phenomenology is a way of interpreting and explaining how the great environmental, social, and economic changes the entire Earth System is undergoing are manifested in borderline contexts. Therefore, most ordinary human landscapes cannot be attributed to a single person. No one can be labelled for the responsibility of creating most ordinary landscapes, and there is rarely an identifiable person we can ask about the significance of these changes (Lewis 2003). Within the literature review of this research, a new phenomenology is constructed from the need to describe how reality presents itself and manifests itself in territories subject to constant change, the Extreme Terres. For these reasons, Part 1 focuses on the social, political, ecological, and environmental conditions that remained rather unquestioned as the concept of Extreme Terres. The aim is to understand the causes and consequences of ongoing transformations, with a focus on human impact on the soil. In today’s context, where the impact of man has led to a severe crisis experience the need arises to give a new meaning to the concept of Nature, which can no longer be considered mechanical, simple and above all objectively observable (Morin 2017;p.15), but Extreme. Today the difficulty of deciphering the meaning of extreme in ordinary landscapes is more complex than interpreting other types of historical documents. Looking outside the large population centres allows us to investigate urbanisation from the perspective of its supposed ‘outsiders’, the areas commonly represented as rural, remote, wild and/or untouched by human impact. In these places, described between literature and geography, morphologically isolated from the city, man exploits their land, which is the primary resource, choosing it as the raw material for production processes (Lefebvre 1974). The raw material, that is, the resource extracted, such as a mineral or water, has been exploited for years without giving it value in the production process; or even more simply, man has never bothered to give back what he received from the “terre”. Thus, these lands, which contain precious minerals, water sources, fertile soils, forests, and many other resources on the edge of the maximum risk, are named here as Extreme Terres. To understand the Extreme Terres, it is necessary to think of the boundary between the space of maximum urban expansion and what is uninhabitable for humans: the lands of production. These lands are fragile, and highly productive because they are rich in resources and subject to great instability. Inland or isolated lands in Italy, predominantly mountainous and hilly, are characterised by recurring geographical conditions and social-ecological processes. Common trends, such as depopulation and accelerated ageing of local communities, and divergent trends between abandonment or overexploitation of local resources are observed in these inner areas. In general, their relative geographic isolation makes them highly sensitive to discontinuities or disruptive events such as natural disasters (landslides, floods, flows disrupting connections) or the construction of large infrastructures (suddenly opening new flows). Where these territories are endowed with significant local resources and at the same time are extremely sensitive to discontinuities and changes, we call them ‘Extreme Terres’: where ‘great resources and great risks can evolve rapidly. In these territories, the condition of relative isolation with respect to more densely populated areas has an ambivalent or ambiguous value: the distance from urban centres and services exposes them to a greater risk of demographic decline, and the same distance limits exogenous pressures towards economic overexploitation of local resources and motivates their maintenance. Places in the extreme exist on the margins of the built world: they are found almost everywhere on the margins and in the interstices of residual and ambiguous cities (Barron and Mariani 2013). In this regard, Italy consists of a very long spine that is increasingly marginal and abandoned. People choose to live in cities and, when they choose towns, they always make sure they are comfortable and flat. Nobody wants to be in the most extreme place: the Apennines (Fig. 15-16). Part of the Italian territory of radiations and places that are in danger of being lost. In the extreme points of the territory, the Italian population has lived for millennia consuming what little was sufficient to sustain itself, and there are even areas where the landscape is still unspoilt. Moreover, the pandemic situation of recent years has influenced people’s values and priorities, allowing us to reconsider the value of lands outside urban centres. In Italy, overcoming a contrasting vision between cities and inland areas brings out a relationship of interdependence between territories, a fragile balance to be investigated and reconnected. In this context, this thesis proposes a reflection on the need to rethink the design of soil. This moves beyond the concept of urban or rural soil as opposed to nature and moves to a more inclusive definition that finds similarities with the word terre (Brenner.; Elden 2010). A fragmentation of multiple meanings around the concept of terre has appeared in the Italian landscape, by urbanism itself, as if it were “something taken for granted or having already included it in its genetic code without the need to return to it, to know well what it was” (Pileri, 2018). In order to respond to contemporary challenges, it is deemed appropriate to broaden the gaze beyond the modern city to a trans-scalar vision that includes the transformation dynamics of the marginal territories (Brenner, Schmid, 2014). Today we need to reverse the vision: no longer starting from the “centres” to the “peripheries,” but from the “margins” themselves. A new central idea is needed: that these are not places of consumption (of nature, traditions, etc.), but first and foremost territories of production, comprising new cultures, social innovations, techno-rural knowledge and practices, renewed ways of exercising welfare and interacting with the environment. The territories of the Italian inner areas, predominantly mountainous and hilly, are characterised by recurring geographical conditions and social-ecological processes. These inner areas have observed common trends, such as depopulation, accelerated ageing of local communities, and divergent trends between abandonment or overexploitation of local resources. In general, their relative geographic isolation makes them highly susceptible to discontinuities or disruptive events, such as natural disasters (landslides, floods, mudslides that disrupt connections) or the construction of large infrastructure (which suddenly opens new flows). In these territories, the condition of relative isolation from more densely populated areas has an ambivalent or ambiguous value: the distance from urban centres and services exposes them to a greater risk of demographic decline; the same distance limits exogenous pressures toward economic overexploitation of the local resources, and it motivates their maintenance. Research Question and Objective Why does man today still aspire to reach and exploit isolated lands when he is contributing to their disappearance?
This is the central question posed by the research “Extreme Terres of the Anthropocene” to understand the relationship between risk and resources in marginal lands. Specifically, in the Italian context, this contribution is supposed to understand the relationship between the risk and the resource of the territory in the Italian Innerlands and the effect that man has on these territories. Moreover, it also exists to ask what effect the flows of temporary or permanent inhabitants have onthese lands. This research hypothesizes that the existing condition of Extreme Terres has a potential value demonstrable through spatialization and design methodology. Research Aims and Objectives
The main aims of this contribution are to explain the condition of the Extreme Terres in the Anthropocene era; to explore and analyse the complexity of the Extreme Terres and to understand their value.
Therefore, this methodological research sets, as the main objective, mapping the condition of the Extreme Terres through a critical analysis of a selected application case in the Italian Innerlands. Methodological Approach The analytical reading of the Italian Innerlands proposed is based on the social, cultural, and natural geographical conditions of the terre. Therefore, the experimental model applied by Carlotta Olivari and Margherita Pasquali illustrated in the project “Yuxtaposiciòn Extrema” (Maggioli 2019) is taken up. Concerning the Italian inner areas’ spatialization, it becomes necessary to talk about Espace: “the attempt Extreme Terres of Anthropocene is to introduce spatial categories into social criticism.” (Olivari, Pasquali 2019; p.47). In the “Production of Space”, the architectural and urban space does not consider natural and social opacity. Within the proposed process, it is necessary to think about “the representations of space as imbued with the knowledge that is always relative and in transformation.” (Olivari, Pasquali 2019). In this contribution, geography and mapping are understood as tools for representing space and for understanding formation and development of the reference context. The effort is to include a multiscale analysis of the inner areas context through the mapping process. Methods of Investigation: Mapping as a Design Tool
Once the conceptual framework is stated, the methods of investigation need to be clarified. The goal is not to propose predefined solutions to the Italian Innerlands but rather to re-imagine fragmented and Extreme Terres via methodology to manage territorial uncertainty. The research methodology aims to respond to the endemic problems given by the conditions of risk, instability, and sudden changes to which different inner areas are subjected. Thus, the proposed methodology is structured on Italian Extreme Terres’ natural and anthropogenic conditions: the desire is to create a methodological approach to estimate the vulnerable marginal areas through a multi-scale and multi-level approach looking at fragmented territory. The aim is to underline the critical issues, potentiality, and sustainability of the Italian Innerlands space concerning the morphological conformation of the territory. Mapping is critically understood as an active and planning tool; the reading of these data can be used to highlight one or the other form, opening them up to narrative speculation. It is, therefore, a matter of critically reading geographical data and images and understanding what generates influences and composes them. Despite the attempt at mapping construction—dictated by incredible technical and logistical effort—the globe is more readable as an ongoing process of change than as an absolute, unchallenged object. By identifying the map as an active investigation tool, the cartographic inquiry is seen as a process of selection and as a potential and central tool in reading and interpreting the transformation of the land. For this reason, it is essential to work with “cognitive maps that can more effectively grasp the rapidly changing geographies of our planetary-urban existence” (Katsikis, Brenner 2013) to reach the capacity to reformulate what already exists (Corner 1999). More precisely, digital data processing is used, through the Geographic Information System (GIS) tool, the use of evaluating criteria and the classification of data and the zenith representation: the map. The Italian Innerlands, as a “geography of possibility”, are therefore semiotic and cognitive, as defined by Almo Farina, and not disconnected from the cultural context (Olivari, Pasquali, 2022) Results From the critical and theoretical reading of the context, Italian Innerlands appear a place at risk of depopulation and hydrogeological risk where tourism is used as an economic engine to exploit parts of the local landscape resources in places that were characterised by extractive processes for raw materials for production processes (energy, marble, minerals,water). Based on the parameters defined during the terre mapping methodology described at the beginning of the process, the mapping and data collection phase was characterised by in-depth research of information necessary to configure maps expressing the strong relationship between risk and resource in the Italian Innerlands. Through the mapping process, it is possible to highlight criticalities in a selected specific case, that of the Val di Sole and the smaller Val di Rabbi focus area: its existing resources and the presence of risk. The mapping process demonstrated and tested the interpretation of the potential of Extreme Terres in the marginal and alpine territory of Trentino, the one chosen as an ap- plication case. The description of the results obtained for the tangible mapping process of the Extreme Terres is the starting point for the subsequent phases of the doctoral research project that the “Extreme Terres of Anthropocene” thesis is pursuing. Discussion and Perspectives The conditions of environmental degradation and social vulnerability of the Italian Innerlands, especially the Val di Sole, are considered in this contribution as new opportunities: the slopes of the ravines become the perfect condition to recover and preserve the terre. Italian Innerlands must deal with instability, as they are situated in risky areas. As local populations live precariously and in continuous movement depending on the fickleness of nature in these areas, so the Italian Innerlands carry in them an awareness of their local knowledge as a “cultural landscape” (Farina 2000). Moreover, in these unstable conditions, “authorities managing risk could improve their strategic objectives if they could access and integrate” (Marten; Abrassart; Boano) Italian Innerlands in urban planning information. “Furthermore, a collaborative hazard governance can provide equity to multiple urban actors that are usually left out of institutional DRM, including nongovernmental organisations, academia, and community groups.” (Marten ; Abrassart ; Boano ). Thus, understanding the mixing of both nature and culture and ecology, territorial planning, and economic science allows us to create a model as a paradigm for ecological surveys and innovative management methods. Alternative models, such as cultural landscapes, should be integrated to address the contemporary overexploitation of resources and ongoing social imbalances. At the same time, a processual methodology is proposed to put these frameworks into a systemic approach that integrates economy with ecology and culture with nature. It is essential to consider the feasibility and eventual fallibility of the developed process (Olivari, Pasquali, 2022). From the point of view of the applicability of the proposed mapping methodology, we observe the necessity of understanding where the possible unbalances and richness of the territories involved come from. The capability of dialogue with the territorial planners, residents and workers using maps is essential to leave a tool to understand where and which ecological strategies should be proposed in such territories. Moreover, the proposed methodology is considered a process that cannot be replicated with actual results. Still, the conditions for establishing, each time, a new complex and endogenous thought are repeatable.

It all began in the village. We would wake up with the sun, we would rest our laboured bodies underneath the moon. Gli vecchi (old folks) often told us: “In the end, all that will remain is our story. Nothing else really matters.” This thesis “Awakening the Calabrian Story: The Diverse Manifestations of Acquiring Knowledge” will take you into the lives of ten Southern Italian women from Calabria. They will lure you back to their villages: their place of birth, their hearth, to the midst of the olive trees. Their stories will then migrate to Canada, as these women take their first steps on Pier 21. “In the end, all that matters is our stories.” This thesis will give voice to ten Southern Italian women who will tell the world what, to them, matters most. They will tell their tales and pass on the wisdom they have learned along the way. With each breath and each step, they are always growing, never remaining the same. They go along and live out their villages wherever the thread takes them. This thesis itinerary will begin in the village, follow a journey across the Atlantic Ocean to a life in Canada. Chapter One: (Introduction) will outline and describe the background, purpose and objectives, on this journey of awakening. Chapter Two: (Literature Review) will look at pedagogical perspectives in curriculum theory. Chapter Three: (Methodology) will focus on the research methodology applied throughout this thesis process. Chapter Four: (Stories as Data) will lure readers into the personal lives and experiences of participants. Chapter Five: (Interpretation of Stories) will reveal the analysis of acquired knowledge as reported by participants. This thesis itinerary will continue and conclude by the fireside with a collection of Calabrian folktales told by these participants, and translated from the Calabrian dialect into English.

It all began in the village. We would wake up with the sun, we would rest our laboured bodies underneath the moon. Gli vecchi (old folks) often told us: “In the end, all that will remain is our story. Nothing else really matters.” This thesis “Awakening the Calabrian Story: The Diverse Manifestations of Acquiring Knowledge” will take you into the lives of ten Southern Italian women from Calabria. They will lure you back to their villages: their place of birth, their hearth, to the midst of the olive trees. Their stories will then migrate to Canada, as these women take their first steps on Pier 21. “In the end, all that matters is our stories.” This thesis will give voice to ten Southern Italian women who will tell the world what, to them, matters most. They will tell their tales and pass on the wisdom they have learned along the way. With each breath and each step, they are always growing, never remaining the same. They go along and live out their villages wherever the thread takes them. This thesis itinerary will begin in the village, follow a journey across the Atlantic Ocean to a life in Canada. Chapter One: (Introduction) will outline and describe the background, purpose and objectives, on this journey of awakening. Chapter Two: (Literature Review) will look at pedagogical perspectives in curriculum theory. Chapter Three: (Methodology) will focus on the research methodology applied throughout this thesis process. Chapter Four: (Stories as Data) will lure readers into the personal lives and experiences of participants. Chapter Five: (Interpretation of Stories) will reveal the analysis of acquired knowledge as reported by participants. This thesis itinerary will continue and conclude by the fireside with a collection of Calabrian folktales told by these participants, and translated from the Calabrian dialect into English.

À la croisée de l’histoire coloniale et de l’histoire de l’immigration en France, cette thèse se propose d’aborder sous un angle neuf le rôle des Italiens dans la colonisation et le peuplement des villes du littoral oriental de l’Algérie à travers le cas de Bône (Annaba). Elle s’appuie sur un corpus de sources récoltées en France (Paris, Aix-en-Provence, Toulon, Marseille), en Italie (Rome, Pouilles, Sardaigne) et en Algérie (Annaba, Constantine). Un premier axe est consacré à l’étude des politiques migratoires mises en place des deux côtés de la Méditerranée au cours du XIXe siècle pour réguler et contrôler les circulations croissantes entre l’Italie et l’Algérie. Un second s’articule autour des modalités d’installation des Italiens à Bône. Par le biais d’une étude socio-quantitative, les spécificités de l’installation et de l’intégration des étrangers sont étudiées dans un cadre urbain et colonial. Le troisième volet porte sur la place des Italiens dans la société coloniale algérienne de l’entre-deux-guerres. Il permet de resituer l’Algérie dans la politique africaine de l’Italie libérale et fasciste, et plus largement dans les rapports franco-italiens au Maghreb. / At the cross-road of the colonial history and immigration history in France, this PHD thesis proposes to address under a new angle the role of the Italians in the colonisation and settlement of the cities of Algerian western coastline, through the case of Annaba. It is based on a corpus of sources gathered in France (Paris, Aix-en-Provence, Toulon, Marseille), Italy (Rome, Puglia, Sardinia) and Algeria (Annaba, Constantine). A first axis is dedicated to the study of migration policies adopted in both sides of the Mediterranean Sea during the 19th century, which aimed at regulating and controlling the growing circulation between Italy and Algeria. The second axis deals with the modalities of settlement of Italians in Annaba. Through a socio-quantitative study, the specificities of the settlement and integration of foreigners are studied from an urban and colonial perspective. The third axis addresses the status of the Italians in the Algerian colonial society of the inter-war period. It enables to place back Algeria in the African policy of the liberal and fascist Italy, and furthermore in the relationships between Italy and France in Maghreb.

Ce travail aborde les développements de la psychiatrie dans les colonies italiennes de la Corne de l’Afrique et de la Libye. La psychiatrie coloniale – que l’on appelle aussi ‘ethnographique’, ‘comparée’, ‘raciale’ – se nourrit de théories anthropologiques consolidées, de mensurations anthropométriques, d’observations cliniques ; c’est dans ce cadre complexe qu’elle émerge comme discipline autonome, en partie au moins, par rapport à la psychiatrie de le mère-patrie et qu’elle contribue au bon fonctionnement du régime colonial. Les protagonistes sont en premier lieu les médecins et les patients ; à l’arrière plan on trouve aussi les administrateurs et les hommes politiques, ou encore les familles et les communautés d’origine des patients. À travers des documents précieux comme les dossiers médicaux, il est possible de reconstituer les parcours des patients, de raconter des histoires de vie et d’identifier des éléments récurrents dans les différentes expériences. De plus, grâce à la documentation privée de certains médecins coloniaux, il est possible de saisir les motivations qui poussaient certains spécialistes à venir exercer dans les colonies. L’étude de la littérature psychiatrique de l’époque, associée à l’analyse des parcours des médecins, fait apparaître les échanges et les influences qui marquaient l’activité des psychiatres coloniaux. En ce sens il m’a semblé important d’analyser les modèles anglais et français dont les médecins italiens déclarent s’inspirer dans leur réflexion théorique et donc dans la construction de la discipline ainsi que dans les solutions pratiques mises en œuvre pour faire face à la question psychiatrique dès le début des différentes expériences coloniales. Le nœud de l’assistance aux colons et aux militaires qui présentaient des troubles psychiques, ainsi qu’aux indigènes considérés fous, a plus retenu l’attention dans la colonie libyenne (déjà en 1911-1912, avec des réalisations institutionnelles dans les années trente) tandis que dans les colonies de l’Afrique orientale italienne, la question de l’assistance psychiatrique a été moins débattue, débouchant par conséquent sur très peu de réalisations pratiques. / The dissertation reviews the ways in which psychiatry developed in the Italian colonies in the Horn of Africa and in Libya. Colonial psychiatry – variously called “ethnographic”, “comparative”, or “racial” psychiatry – drew on established anthropological theories, anthropometric measurements and clinical observations, the consistently-organized framework within which it emerged as an discipline supporting colonial government and at least partially independent of psychiatry in the home country. The primary interaction within this colonial psychiatry was that between doctors and patients; in the background were the colonial administrators, the political decision-makers, and the patients’ families and home communities. Precious documentary resources such as medical records let us trace patients’ careers, tell their life stories, reconstruct typical cases and confirm recurrent features in their various experiences; from the private papers of some colonial doctors we can gather the specialists’ motivations to move to the colonies; and an examination of the psychiatric literature of the day enables us to reconstruct the discussions and inspirations which fostered the work of the colonial psychiatrists. I have recognized the importance of analysing the British and (still more) the French models from which the Italian clinicians claimed to draw their inspiration, both in terms of theory (and the construction of the resulting discipline), and in the practical solutions implemented to tackle psychiatric issues from the earliest days of the various colonial experiments. This issue – of supporting psychiatrically-afflicted colonists and soldiers and natives regarded as “mad” – was paid most attention in the Libyan colony, starting in the very first months of the occupation (in 1911 and 1912) and then taking institutional form in the 1930s; in the colonies of what was known as “Italian East Africa”, on the other hand, there was less discussion of psychiatric support and correspondingly limited practical achievements. / La tesi percorre gli sviluppi della psichiatria nelle colonia libica e nelle colonie del Corno d’Africa. La psichiatria coloniale – che assume denominazioni diverse: ‘etnografica’, ‘comparata’, ‘razziale’ – si nutre di teorie antropologiche consolidate, di misurazioni antropometriche, di osservazioni cliniche ed è in questo quadro articolato che emerge come disciplina autonoma, almeno in parte, rispetto alla psichiatria della madrepatria, e funzionale al buon ordine del regime coloniale. Nella cornice della psichiatria coloniale interagiscono in primo luogo medici e pazienti; sullo sfondo ci sono gli amministratori e i decisori politici, le famiglie e le comunità di provenienza dei pazienti. Attraverso documenti preziosi come le cartelle cliniche è possibile tracciare le traiettorie dei pazienti, raccontare storie di vita, ricostruire casi esemplari e fissare dei punti ricorrenti nelle diverse esperienze. Grazie alla documentazione privata di alcuni medici coloniali è possibile cogliere le ragioni che spingevano gli specialisti in colonia. Infine la letteratura psichiatrica del periodo preso in esame permette di ricostruire gli scambi e le ispirazioni che alimentavano l’attività degli psichiatri coloniali. In tal senso si è ritenuto importante analizzare i modelli inglese e soprattutto francese a cui i medici italiani dichiarano di ispirarsi, sia nella riflessione teorica e quindi nella costruzione della disciplina, sia nelle soluzioni pratiche attuate per far fronte alla questione psichiatrica sin dai primi tempi delle diverse esperienze coloniali. Tale questione, ovvero il problema dell'assistenza ai coloni e ai militari che presentavano disturbi psichiatrici nonché agli indigeni ritenuti folli, ha ricevuto maggiore attenzione nella colonia libica, e questo sin dai primi mesi della sua occupazione, tra 1911 e 1912, per poi manifestarsi in realizzazioni istituzionali negli anni Trenta; mentre nelle colonie della cosiddetta Africa Orientale Italiana il tema dell’assistenza psichiatrica è stato meno dibattuto, sfociando pertanto in scarse realizzazioni pratiche.

Les sociétés européennes du XVe siècle sont marquées par de profondes transformations sociales, culturelles, mais aussi religieuses : une grande vague de réforme traverse alors tous les ordres réguliers. Les tenants de ce que l’on va bientôt appeler « l’Observance » prônent un respect plus rigoureux de la règle tout en s’engageant dans la pastorale des laïcs, à une époque où les crises se succèdent au sein de l’Eglise séculière. Les religieuses prennent une part active à ce mouvement. Les moniales dominicaines, inspirées notamment par l’enseignement de Catherine de Sienne, commencent leur réforme dès 1385. Celle-ci se traduit par une réaffirmation de leur rôle contemplatif au sein de l’Ordre des Prêcheurs et par l’élaboration de normes très sévères concernant la clôture, perçue comme la manifestation visible de leur consécration totale à Dieu. La diffusion des monastères de stricte clôture, à une époque où les béguines et les pénitentes sont encore nombreuses au sein des villes, marque les esprits. L’Observance ne peut, d’ailleurs, être comprise en-dehors du contexte social dans laquelle elle s’insère, c’est pourquoi nous nous sommes intéressés à la composition sociale de deux communautés observantes de Dominicaines italiennes. Les religieuses prises en compte dans notre étude (de 1385 à 1461) sont, en grande majorité, issues de familles de la bourgeoisie urbaine (banquiers, membres des professions savantes ou riches artisans) ; elles sont aussi, le plus souvent, veuves. Peu à peu cependant, les premières moniales sont remplacées par d’autres membres de leur famille, en particulier des jeunes filles non destinées au mariage, que leurs parents établissent ainsi honorablement. La réforme observante doit donc son succès non seulement à son message prônant le renouveau de l’Eglise et de la société chrétienne, mais aussi au fait qu’elle a répondu aux nouvelles exigences d’une classe dirigeante élargie et urbanisée : les murs de la clôture protègent l’honneur de femmes célibataires de plus en plus nombreuses, tout en rendant visible leur consécration au sein d’une société où chacun se doit de remplir les devoirs correspondant à son état. / During the XVth century, European societies got transformed by deep social, cultural but also religious evolutions. A great reform movement spread through all the regular religious orders. The supporters of this movement, quickly called the “Observance” , were asking for a more rigorous respect of the Rule; they were also involved in the secular Church, trying to make up for the several crisis it was undergoing at the moment. Religious women took an active part in this movement. Dominican nuns, inspired by Catherine of Siena’s teaching, began to reform their monasteries in 1385: they reaffirmed their contemplative role within the Order of Preachers and elaborated some very strict new norms of enclosure, considered as a the visible sign of their total consecration to God. The diffusion of these new monasteries strictly enclosed, while beguines and penitent women were still numerous in the cities, was an outstanding fact for contemporary people. The Observance indeed has to be considered and studied within its social context. That is why we paid attention to the social composition of two italian observant communities of Dominican nuns (until 1461). The religious women taken into account in our study were mainly coming from non-noble but rich families (bankers, members of intellectual professions, rich artisans). Most of them were widow women. Thus, little by little, the first reformers nuns were replaced by other members of their families, mostly young brides that would not have been married, and whose parents considered observant monasteries as an honourable refuges. The Observant reform’s success is not only due to its message on the Church and Christian Society revival, but also to the answer it gave to the new requests of an enlarged and urbanized ruling class. The walls of the enclosed convents were indeed supposed to preserve the honour of a growing number of non-married women, making visible to external people their consecrated life in a society in which everybody was supposed to do the duty corresponding to its own status. / Le società europee del Quattrocento sono segnate da profonde mutazioni sociali, culturali, e anche religiose. Un movimento di riforma, che presto verrà chiamato “osservanza”, appare in quasi tutti gli ordini religiosi. Gli Osservanti promuovono il rispetto stretto della Regola, senza staccarsi però dal mondo dei laici nel quale si impegnano, cercando di rimediare alle difficoltà della Chiesa secolare, allora in crisi. Le religiose partecipano attivamento al movimento. Le monache domenicane, fedeli all’insegnamento di Caterina da Siena, cominciano a riformare le loro comunità a partire del 1385. La loro riforma consiste nella reaffermazione del loro ruolo contemplativo all’interno dell’Ordine dei Predicatori e nell’elaborazione di nuove e severissime norme di clausura, considerata come la manifestazione visibile della loro consacrazione totale a Dio. La diffusione dei monasteri di stretta clausura nelle città quattrocentesche in cui beghine e penitenti sono ancora numerose colpisce molto i contemporanei. L’Osservanza infatti non puo essere capita senza prendere in considerazione il contesto sociale in cui si è sviluppata; abbiamo dunque studiato con particolare interesse la composizione sociale di due comunità osservanti di Domenicane italiane. Le religiose censite nel nostro studio (dal 1385 al 1461) provengono, per la maggior parte, da ricche famiglie borghesi (banchieri, membri delle professioni intellettuali, ricchi artigiani); sono anche molto spesso vedove. Tuttavia, a poco a poco, vengono sostituite da altre donne provenienti dalle stesse famiglie, soprattutto giovani ragazze non destinate al matrimonio i cui genitori considerano il monastero osservante come un luogo sicuro e prestigioso. Il successo della riforma osservante, quindi, non è dovuto solo alle predicazioni dei suoi sostenitori sulla rinascità della Chiesa e della società cristiana, ma anche al fatto che la riforma sia andata incontro alle nuove esigenze di una classe dirigente più larga e più urbanizzata: i muri della clausura proteggono infatti l’onore delle sempre più numerose donne celibi, e rendono visibile la loro consecrazione in una società in cui tutti devono adempiere i doveri del proprio stato.

La tesi è divisa in tre parti: la prima parte offre un panorama delle principali teorie della valenza sviluppate in Francia e in Italia, con particolare attenzione allo statuto sintattico dei complementi preposizionali (argomenti o aggiuntivi); la seconda parte presenta lo studio contrastivo di 103 verbi francesi tratti dal "Dictionnaire de la Complémentation Verbale" di Salkoff-Valli (in preparazione); la terza parte presenta lo studio contrastivo di due gruppi preposizionali francesi di particolare interesse traduttivo: "de N" con valore di causa e "contre N". / This Thesis is divided into three parts : the first one gives an overview of the main valency theories, which have been developed in France and Italy, particularly paying attention to the problem of prepositional complements ambiguity (objects or modifiers of the verb) ; second part proposes a contrastive study of 103 French verbs, taken from Dictionnaire de la Complémentation verbale of Salkoff-Valli (in progress); third part proposes a contrastive study of two French prepositional phrases "de N" indicating a cause, and "contre N", object or specific modifier of the verb , very interesting topic under the point of view of the translation into Italian.