This thesis investigates depictions in the Kurdish media (Rudaw and Firat News Agency (ANF)) of mass violence perpetrated against Kurdish civilians in northern and northeastern Syria – an area known to Kurds as Rojava – in recent years. Articles from two media organizations were subject to mixed-method text analysis (quantitative and qualitative) to uncover how mass violence was portrayed. The theory of framing in the media is used to show how violence is committed and what role ideology plays in this process. It is subsequently used in order to uncover commonly used frames for the roles played by various actors involved in mass violence. Hence, a comparison is made between the contents of the two media institutions. The results primarily relate to the role of ideology in the coverage of mass violence by the selected Kurdish media outlets, which are affiliated with two major Kurdish political parties, one left-leaning and one right-leaning. Findings revealed different aspects of mass violence, governed principally by nationalist and partisan orientations. Nationalist agendas played a significant role in Rudaw’s content and a smaller one in ANF’s. Partisan agendas had roughly the same magnitude in both, and the two outlets clashed politically but met nationalistically in many areas. The research questions were addressed through a content analysis of tens of stories disseminated by both Kurdish media organizations during the same time-space.

The struggle of the Kurdish nation in Iran entered a new phase of modern nationalist movement since World War II, especially since the establishment of the Society for the Revival of Kurdistan (J.K.) in 1942. The J.K. was then transformed into the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), which later changed its name to the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (PDKI) in 1945. This dissertation addresses a major gap in the existing research about the study of Iranian Kurdish nationalism spearheaded by the PDKI. Offering a historical sociology, the dissertation argues that this movement should be understood within the context of the state-building process in Iran and nationalist and national liberation movements in the world. It offers, for the first time and in any language, the most extensively researched and detailed history of the PDKI, its struggles for Kurdish national rights, its programs, organizational structure, political strategies, achievements, internal conflicts, numerous splits and unifications, women’s status within it, and its relations with other parties. It critically analyzes the strengths and weaknesses of the PDKI. The methodological components include: literature review, discourse analysis, content analysis, snowball sampling, in-depth, open-ended interviews with 29 high-ranking activists, archival research, fieldwork conducted in the Iraqi Kurdistan and in Europe, Internet research, and statistical data. Sources used were in English, Persian, Kurdish, and Turkish. While the PDKI has championed a democratic Kurdish nationalist movement, it has heavily undermined the democratic principles within and outside the party and underestimated women’s potential within the movement. In order for the PDKI to re-emerge as a party in sync with our times, it needs to undergo a radical reform and democratize its internal and external relations. / Graduate / 2023-08-22

In der Geheimdienstoperation Unternehmen „Mammut“ und seiner Vorgeschichte spiegeln sich unterschiedliche Fragen und Probleme zur Geschichte Südkurdistans von 1918 bis in die Zeit des Zweiten Weltkriegs. Die Benennung „Mammut“ erinnert hierbei an den berühmten Kurdenführer Scheich Mahmud.In den britischen Akten sollte sich die völlige Bestätigung dieser Vermutung finden. Der Beginn dieser Geheimdienstoperation der deutschen Abwehr fällt in den Spätherbst 1942. Damals erschien eine Zangenbewegung zwischen dem Kaukasus und Nordafrika zu den Ölfeldern Mesopotamiens möglich. Zu ihrer Unterstützung sollte ein antibritischer Aufstand der südkurdischen Bevölkerung stattfinden. Ausgelöst werden sollte er durch einen deutschen Agententrupp, dem auch ein bis zwei einheimische Kurden aus der Region angehören sollten. Die Planungen verzögerten sich jedoch um einige Monate. Dadurch konnte es der Abwehr angesichts der strategischen Lage Mitte 1943 aber nur noch um eine Aktion zur Destabilisierung der britischen Machtposition durch kurdische Partisanen gehen. Weiterführende Ziele waren zu diesem Zeitpunkt nicht mehr erreichbar. Zum Anführer dieser Aktion wurde der Leutnant Gottfried Johannes Müller bestimmt, der in den 30er Jahren schon einmal privat in dieser Region gewesen war. Mitte April 1943 wurde dann auch der Kurde Ramzi Nafi Rashid Agha von der Abwehr zur Mitarbeit am Unternehmen „Mammut“ überredet. Die Operation startete endlich nach weiteren Verzögerungen am 15. Juni 1943. Doch bereits am 28. Juni, genau elf Tage danach wurden die Deutschen entdeckt und verhaftet. Ramzi stellte sich einen Tag später den Behörden in Erbil. / In the intelligence operation "Mammut" and its prehistory, very different questions and problems of the southern history from 1918 up to the time of World War II are reflected. The name "Mammut" recalls the famous Kurdish leader, Sheik Mahmud. A complete confirmation of this assumption can supposedly be found in British records. The beginning of this covert operation by the German Abwehr falls into the late fall of 1942. At that time, a pincer movement between Caucasus and North Africa to the oil fields of Mesopotamia appeared possible. An anti-British uprising of the southern Kurdish people was to occur in support of this. It was to be started by a German agent squad, to which one or two local Kurds from the region supposedly belonged. The plans were delayed however for a few months. For that reason, in view of the strategic situation in mid-1943, this action could only serve as a destabilisation of the British position of power through Kurdish partisans. Further strategic goals were unreachable at this point of time. This action was led by Lieutenant Gottfried Johannes Müller, who had been in this region earlier in the 1930''s for private reasons. In mid-April 1943 the Kurd, Ramzi Nafi Rashid Agha, was also convinced to join the operation. It finally began after further delays on June 15, 1943. However, on June 28, exactly 11 days afterwards, the Germans were detected and arrested. One day after that Ramzi gave himself up to the authorities in Erbil

Through an analysis of the Iraq’s engineered genocides against Kurds during the years of Saddam Hussein’s regime, this work aimed to reveal the weakness of the current political and social situation in Iraq. The purpose was to offer an overview of the dangers posed by the current difficult coexistence between the Federal Government in Baghdad and the Kurdish Regional Government in Erbil. The birth of a new political system after the fall of Saddam's regime meant that every institutional power had to be built from scratch in a political and social reality new to most Iraqis. This process of renovation, already witnessed in Europe after World War II, in particular in Italy and Germany, implied the writing of a new constitution and of a new set of legal frames with the purpose to give the country a strong and reliable democratic base. In the case of Iraqi Kurds, who suffered discrimination, death and, ultimately genocide, it is important to revisit their recent past in order to feel they are an integral part of the new country born after the last Gulf War in 2003. Despite the international interest in the Kurdish case, Kurdish people did not have the opportunity to see the ones responsible of the crimes committed against them brought to international justice, as happened in the past in the case of Rwanda and Bosnia. The execution of Saddam Hussein in 2006 meant that the charges against him and his commanders related to the Kurdish case were not discussed in court preventing Kurdish people not only from obtaining the justice they were entitled to but, most importantly, from gaining access to the truth about the massacres and human rights abuses carried out by Saddam's regime between 1963 and 2003. Through an analysis of the Iraq’s engineered genocides against Kurds during the years of Saddam Hussein’s regime, this work aimed to reveal the weakness of the current political and social situation in Iraq. The purpose was to offer an overview of the dangers posed by the current difficult coexistence between the Federal Government in Baghdad and the Kurdish Regional Government in Erbil. The birth of a new political system after the fall of Saddam's regime meant that every institutional power had to be built from scratch in a political and social reality new to most Iraqis. This process of renovation, already witnessed in Europe after World War II, in particular in Italy and Germany, implied the writing of a new constitution and of a new set of legal frames with the purpose to give the country a strong and reliable democratic base. In the case of Iraqi Kurds, who suffered discrimination, death and, ultimately genocide, it is important to revisit their recent past in order to feel they are an integral part of the new country born after the last Gulf War in 2003. Despite the international interest in the Kurdish case, Kurdish people did not have the opportunity to see the ones responsible of the crimes committed against them brought to international justice, as happened in the past in the case of Rwanda and Bosnia. The execution of Saddam Hussein in 2006 meant that the charges against him and his commanders related to the Kurdish case were not discussed in court preventing Kurdish people not only from obtaining the justice they were entitled to but, most importantly, from gaining access to the truth about the massacres and human rights abuses carried out by Saddam's regime between 1963 and 2003.

This Final Thesis is concerning the question of Kurdish minority which is currently dwelling in the Turkish state. I tried to make a clear picture about historical development of both nations, Turkish and Kurdish. The main hypothesis should reveal whether prevail the effort of Kurdish people to reconstruct own state -- new Kurdistan or whether are they attempting to obtain autonomy of Turkish government on the present. One part of this Thesis covers the interrelations in between those two groups of nations.

For very long time the Kurdish population have aspired to create their own independent, sovereign and viable state. In 2017, a referendum was held in the Kurdish regions of Iraq, voting for that the Kurdish Regional Government was to become an independent state. This referendum created an extensive debate, particularly on the viability of a Kurdish State. Would an independent Kurdish State be able to become viable, and would a new democratic state in the Middle East bring peace and stability to the region, or only result in yet another devastating conflict in the area? This research will examine this particular debate through a qualitative meta analysis of newspaper articles published in different parts of the world using a state-building perspective. The findings of this research will identify the main arguments supporting and opposing the referendum. Those arguments will be analysed and discussed, as well as potential tendencies within the articles, analysing possible correlations between arguments expressed in the articles and official reactions by the respective states.

La Constitution de 2005 est une étape essentielle dans l’histoire de l’Irak moderne. Des années de dictature et de régime de parti unique sous Saddam Hussein ont entraîné l’Irak dans une série de crises externes et internes. Le changement politique en 2003 et les événements qui l’ont suivi ont créé les conditions pour la reconstruction juridique de l’Irak. L’Assemblée Constituante a élaboré la Constitution que les Irakiens ont approuvée par une large participation au référendum du 15 octobre 2005. Ce travail a bénéficié du soutien de la communauté internationale et du Conseil de Sécurité de l’ONU. La Constitution a établi une forme fédérale de l’État et un régime « parlementaire » donnant de larges pouvoirs au Conseil des Représentants.Ces principes et l’application de la démocratie « consociative » ont garanti le respect du pluralisme, mais, par ailleurs, ils ont amplifié le sentiment d’appartenance à une composante au détriment de celui d’appartenance nationale. Malgré l’inachèvement des textes législatifs permettant l’application complète de la Constitution et de quelques-uns des piliers de la démocratie ce texte est arrivé à ce que soient organisées plusieur sélections, transmis pacifiquement le pouvoir et garantie la vie démocratique en Irak. Elle reste la meilleure chance pour rassembler les Irakiens. / The 2005 Constitution is an essential step in the history of modern Iraq. Years of dictatorship and one-party rule under Saddam Hussein led Iraq into a series of external and internal crises. Political change in 2003 and the events that followed have created the conditions for the legal reconstruction of Iraq. The Constituent Assembly drafted the Constitution that the Iraqis have approved by a large turnout in the referendum of 15October 2005. This work was supported by the international community and the Security Council of the UN.The Constitution founded a federal form of government and a "parliamentary" system gives broad powers to the Council of Representatives. These principles and application of "consociational" democracy ensured respect for pluralism, but otherwise, they amplified the feeling of segmental membership at the expense of national belonging. Despite the incompleteness of legislation to the full implementation of the Constitution and some of the pillars of democracy, this text came to be that organized several elections, peacefully passed power and guarantee the democratic process in Iraq. It remains the best chance to gather the Iraqis.

<p>The objective of this thesis is to find factors that can be helpful for Swedish companies that are thinking about entering the Kurdish market. The Kurdish market is a new and growing market in a region that is in its development phase. The Kurdish region has an area of 88 000 km2 and is located in northern Iraq and the languages spoken in the region are mainly Kurdish and Arabic. Since the fall of the Saddam Hussein regime in 2003 the region has made an effort to attract foreign investors to the region. The efforts include laws designed to make it easier for investors to establish themselves on the Kurdish market. We thought it would be interesting to examine the Kurdish market to find out important factors that might be of interest for Swedish firms. In a globalized economy it is important to internationalize in order to meet the competition that comes from a globalized economy. So what factors could constitute an obstacle for a successful internationalization to the Kurdish market?</p><p>Through contact with representatives from Kurdistan regional government (KRG) we have managed to interview four Swedish firms that already have established themselves on the market. We have used a semi-structured interview technique to conduct the interviews. To get a perspective on how the internationalization process progress, we have gathered information about the process. This information resulted in an interview guide that covered the aspects of internationalization and was a useful tool for us during the interviews.</p><p>As a result from our investigation we conclude that the Kurdish market is a promising market if your company is active in the right field of business, though there are some issues that one has to be aware of and it is important to handle these correctly for a successful business on the market. Through our analysis we have contributed with some new aspects that are specific for the Kurdish market and may also be of importance on other markets as well.</p>

<p>Arbetets syfte är att göra en fördjupad studie av symbolerna i den textila färgningstekniken bogolan från Mali där intervju och litteratur ställs emot varandra. Syftet är att ta reda på om malis befolkning är medvetna om symbolernas betydelse i textilen bogolan. Arbetet forskar i djupare kunskaper kring symbolers värde för människor därför jämförs textilen med två andra textila hantverk närmare bestämt kelimmattor från Kurdistan och batik från Java. Uppsatsen behandlar de likheter och skillnader som påträffas mellan de tre textilierna. Utifrån en kvalitativ metod med ett deduktivt förhållningssätt genomfördes en sammanställning av det insamlade materialet från litteratur och från halv-strukturerade intervjuer. Resultatet visar att det har skett en förändring gällande symbolers betydelse i textilen bogolan men även de två andra textilierna. Många likheter påträffas mellan de tre textilierna samtidigt som skillnaderna gör sig tydliga. Arbetet öppnar en dörr till fortsatta studier om symbolers värde och betydelse i textila hantverk för de människor som bär och brukar dem.</p>

<p>Lack of women rights in the international society is something that UN and other international human organizations are striving against. Women oppression is common in many countries, but is often connected with the Muslim countries. Women oppression is something that is against UN: s definition of human rights. The international society has therefore tried to protect the women, and has formed resolutions, conventions and so on, for their security.</p><p>According to the Iraqi regime, human rights are an important question. The country has therefore signed the UN: s convention about women rights. Since the year of 1992, when the Kurdish area of Iraq became self- governed, Kurdistan has started programs that favour women rights. Organizations and institutions have for example been established, that are struggling for the women in the society. The ruling government has also instituted some laws that favour women rights.</p><p>Islamic fundamentalism and Muslim feminism are two theories that today have supporters in the international society. Both of those theories and their supporters believes in the Quran and use it to justify their own actions, but in different ways. The fundamentalists emphasize the differences that, by the nature, exist between the sexes. According to the fundamentalists, women and men have different responsibilities in the society. The feminists on the other hand believe in equality between the sexes and mean that women oppression has its origin in an erroneous interpretation of the Quran.</p><p>Different kinds of crimes against women rights issues are today common in Kurdistan. Many of those crimes don’t have any support in neither UN, nor the Quran. Muslim feminists, the department for human rights and the women organizations all has agreed about the meaning of women rights. They believe in UN: s definition of women rights and they all use the Quran to justify women right issues. Islamic fundamentalists on the other hand also use the Quran for justifying their actions, but they don’t believe in UN: s definition of women rights.</p><p>So both Muslim feminists and Islamic fundamentalists exist today in Kurdistan, and their engagement in women issues is therefore affecting the work of the organizations and the department.</p>