This work focuses on the influence of terror, extremism, trafficking and corruption on the regional security of Central Asia, with a particular emphasis on Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan is regarded as the most stable and financially developed state in Central Asia, yet domestic and regional stability are threatened by the rise in extremism, narcotics trafficking, institutional corruption and acts of terrorism. The challenges of trafficking and extremism within the region originated from outside of Central Asia. Foreign organizations and ideologies are significant actors in progression of regional instability. Government response to these challenges can perpetuate or stymie the aforementioned threats to regional security. Repressive regimes inadvertently contribute to the propaganda of the non-state foes. A prominent solution is the international program referred to as border management. This program aims to support border security while also promoting economic growth and ensuring the protection of human rights. Improved borders promotes regional security, economic growth can potentially undermine the growth of corruption and human rights protection can undermine a large part of extremist propaganda.

This dissertation provides an in-depth study of police transformation in Georgia, Kyrgyzstan and Russia since the collapse of the Soviet Union. It draws upon interviews with police, NGO workers, politicians and international practitioners, and employs a comparative-historical approach. Contra to democratic policing approaches, advocating the diffusion of police power and implementation of police reform concurrently with wider democratisation, reform was relatively successful in Georgia after the 2003 Rose Revolution because of state-building. The new government monopolised executive power, fired many police, recruited new personnel, raised police salaries and clamped down on organised crime and corruption. Success also depended on the elite's political will and their appeal to Georgian nationalism. Prioritisation of state-building over democratisation limited the reform's success, however. The new police are politicised and have served elites' private interests. Reform has failed in Kyrgyzstan because of a lack of state-building. Regional, clan and other identities are stronger than Kyrgyz nationalism. This has hindered the formation of an elite with capacity to implement reform. The state has limited control over the police, who remain corrupt and involved in organised crime. State-building has not precipitated police reform in Russia because of the absence of political will. The ruling cohort lacks a vision of reform and relies on corruption to balance the interests of political factions. The contrasting patterns of police reform have a number of implications for democratic police reform in transitioning countries: First, reform depends on political will. Second, institutionalising the police before democratising them may be a more effective means of acquiring the capacity to implement reform. Third, such an approach is likely to require some sort of common bond such as nationalism to legitimate it. Fourth, ignoring democratisation after institutionalisation is risky as reformers can misuse their power for private interests.

This thesis presents a comprehensive study of Kyrgyz foreign policy from the early 1990s to 2011. It seeks to answer the following research question: how and to what extent does regime security affect Kyrgyz foreign policymaking? In so doing, this work aims to contribute to the understanding of Central Asian politics and the foreign policy sources of weak states across the post-Soviet space. The underlying theme of this dissertation is centred on the question whether neorealist or constructivist traditions provide a more in-depth account of the erratic Kyrgyz foreign policymaking. Notwithstanding a myriad of studies on weak states, the analysis of their foreign policies is limited and mostly characterised by idiosyncratic, reductionist and great power approaches. In this respect, an interpretive and inductive framework integrative of both internal and external variables and with properly contextualised causal mechanisms may explain the international behaviour of weak states in broader and more genuine terms. Thus, the puzzle to be resolved is whether the concepts of rent-seeking and virtual politics can either substitute for or complement the New Great Game narratives in the context of weak states in general and Kyrgyzstan in particular.

本文目的在於探討喬治亞、烏克蘭與吉爾吉斯等三國，其政權替換的經過。政權替換為什麼會發生？這三個國家政權替換發生的情況有何不同？而反對勢力又是如何出現？一些共同的成功因素在個別國家有無程度上的不同？經由文獻回顧，作者指出這一波政權替換發生的主要因素：選舉競爭性的來源、反對勢力與政權正當性危機的出現、外國影響與獲得資訊能力。 本文認為這三個國家在面臨不同的背景條件與政治環境之下，透過選舉的舉行，使各個國家出現不同的反對勢力起源，形成對當權者的挑戰。而選舉舞弊造成統治者的正當性危機，加上在不同程度的資訊獲得能力影響下的群眾示威，導致政權危在旦夕。最後，示威群眾的策略與統治者的個人決斷，促成了政權替換。 / The purpose of this study is to explore the process of regime change in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan. Why did regime change happen? What are the differences between these three cases? How did the opposition emerge? Did the common factors of successful regime change have varied degree in each country? Through a literature review, the author points out the main factors of this wave of regime change: the source of election competitiveness, the emergence of opposition vis-à-vis the regime legitimacy crisis, and foreign influence of information accessibility. The thesis argues that the elections held in these three countries with different backgrounds and political environments contributed to various origins of opposition forces against the authorities. Electoral frauds led to the crisis of regime legitimacy. In addition, under the influence of different level of information accessibility, public demonstration put the ruling regime into an imminent crisis. Finally, the strategies of mass protest and the incumbents’ decisions resulted in regime change.

Suivant les violences du sud du Kirghizistan en 2010, plusieurs auteurs de même que des médias ont décrit les affrontements entre les Ouzbèks et les Kirghizes comme étant dûs à des manipulations de l’ethnicité par les élites de la région. Ce travail de mémoire de maîtrise analyse l’influence des élites dans la société kirghize, elle évalue la capacité de celles-ci à mobiliser les gens pour quelque chose d’aussi radical que des violences ethniques. L’emprise politique et économique des élites kirghizes et ouzbèkes sur la société est donc confrontée à des facteurs de mobilisation plus émotifs. La théorie de Scott Radnitz sur le clientélisme et sur la capacité qu’ont les élites à réunir une foule majeure pour des regroupements publics sera notamment examinée et mise en opposition à des théories qui attribuent des causes plus émotionnelles aux affrontements. Cette analyse démontre que la théorie de Scott Radnitz indique une bonne première piste à suivre pour l’étude de toute mobilisation au Kirghizistan. Cependant, pour la mobilisation menant à des violences ethniques, il faut apporter une petite nuance afin d’incorporer les aspects émotionnels à la mobilisation. / Following the ethnic violence which happened in southern Kyrgyzstan in 2010, several authors and media sources have stated that the confrontation between the Uzbeks and the Kyrgyz was due to manipulations of ethnicity by the region’s elites. This master’s dissertation analyzes the influence of elites within Kyrgyz society, it thus analyzes they’re capacity to mobilize people for something as radical as ethnic violence. The political and economic leverage which these elites have in society is thus confronted to more emotional factors of mobilisation. Scott Radnitz’s theory on clientelism and on elite’s ability to gather large crowds for public gatherings will be examined and opposed to other theories which attribute more emotional causes to confrontation. The results of this analysis indicate that Radnitz offers and excellent guide to studying any type of mobilisation in Kyrgyzstan. However, in the case of ethnic violence, the emotional aspect to mobilisation must be taken into account to fully understand the situation.

In simultaneously pursuing commercial and social goals, specialist microfinance organisations (MFOs) are leading examples of social enterprises working in development. Yet evidence of the feasibility of such ‘double bottom line’ management is limited. The thesis takes a comparative case study approach to investigating the dynamics of a social enterprise model of microfinance, with particular emphasis on its role in promoting employment related goals. Case study material consists primarily of the experience of two Central Asian MFOs that participated in an action research project ‘Microfinance for Decent Work’ implemented by the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Data was obtained through participant observation, staff interviews, client level surveys, and it also includes reflective practice arising from my participation in the ILO project as a consultant to both MFOs between 2008 and 2012. The findings are mixed. One of the MFOs was more strongly internally motivated to achieve social goals, and was more successful in implementing social performance management initiatives. The other was motivated more by the goal to demonstrate social performance to external stakeholders, and was less responsive to the evidence generated. The thesis also illustrates both path dependence in the evolution of social performance management, and the limited capacity of external agencies such as the ILO to influence the institutionalisation of development management within MFOs.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) first came into being as a result of border negotiations between Russia and China but evolved shortly thereafter into more than this. A regional organization comprised of Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and China the SCO’s mandate now encompasses trade and security. Most secondary literature on this organization tends to detail the interests of its constituent members, while overlooking the historical relationships underlying the SCO’s growth and evolution. This thesis argues that Russia’s long-standing relationships with the states of Central Asia created the conditions making the SCO a necessary tool of Russian foreign policy, while Moscow’s relations with China and the US have driven the development of the group. It concludes that the SCO has become the most viable of Central Asia’s regional organizations because it has effectively resolved contradictions and conflicts in Russia’s relationships with the other SCO members.

This study seeks to analyze the process of transition and democratization in Kyrgyzstan from 1990 to 2000. The collapse of the Soviet Union opened new political perspectives for Kyrgyzstan and a chance to develop sovereign state based on democratic principles and values. Initially Kyrgyzstan attained some progress in building up a democratic state. However, in the second half of 1990s Kyrgyzstan shifted toward authoritarianism. Therefore, the full-scale transition to democracy has not been realized, and a well-functioning democracy has not been established. This study aims to focus on the impediments that led to the failure of establishing democracy in Kyrgyzstan. It analyzes the role of economy, political elites and political culture in the form of tribalism in Kyrgyzstan within the framework of the economic and political changes that have been undergoing since independence. The political and economic developments in Kyrgyzstan are discussed with specific reference to the hardships in economic transition, elite continuity and role of tribal and clan structures in present politics.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2008. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 312-338).

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) first came into being as a result of border negotiations between Russia and China but evolved shortly thereafter into more than this. A regional organization comprised of Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and China the SCO’s mandate now encompasses trade and security. Most secondary literature on this organization tends to detail the interests of its constituent members, while overlooking the historical relationships underlying the SCO’s growth and evolution. This thesis argues that Russia’s long-standing relationships with the states of Central Asia created the conditions making the SCO a necessary tool of Russian foreign policy, while Moscow’s relations with China and the US have driven the development of the group. It concludes that the SCO has become the most viable of Central Asia’s regional organizations because it has effectively resolved contradictions and conflicts in Russia’s relationships with the other SCO members.