The purpose of this study is to examine the role of form-focused instruction in relation to learner investment in second language (L2) communication and learning. Although positive effects of form-focused instruction have been reported in the instructed second language acquisition literature, most of this research has been conducted from a cognitive-interactionist perspective. Little attention has been paid to the social and cultural factors of form-focused instruction, including learner investment— a desire to learn a second/foreign language taking into consideration learners’ socially constructed identities (Norton-Peirce, 1995). Drawing on second language socialization theory (Duff, 2007) and using discursive practices (Young, 2009) as an analytic framework, this study examines how form-focused instruction influences learner investment in L2 communication in the classroom setting. Twenty-four high school students in Japan participated in a study, where two Japanese teachers of English team-taught four 50-minute lessons. Each lesson contained a 30-minute treatment period, which consisted of a 15-minute exclusively meaning-focused (MF) activity and a 15-minute form-focused (FF) activity that included attention to both form and meaning. By counter-balancing effects of tasks, target grammar features, and teachers, the study examined whether and how the same learners invested in L2 communication in similar or different ways during the two different types of activities. Data were collected through classroom observations, video-recorded classroom interactions, stimulated recalls, interviews, questionnaires, and diaries. The interactional data were analyzed quantitatively by comparing the frequency of turns and language-related episodes during FF and MF activities. The same interactional data were also analyzed qualitatively in relation to discursive practices and self-reported data. The results showed that the FF activities created contexts for learners to establish their identities as L2 learners leading to more engagement in L2 communication than in the MF activities. This suggests that FF activities create a social context that enables learners to communicate in the L2 with greater investment than in MF activities.

The purpose of this study is to examine the role of form-focused instruction in relation to learner investment in second language (L2) communication and learning. Although positive effects of form-focused instruction have been reported in the instructed second language acquisition literature, most of this research has been conducted from a cognitive-interactionist perspective. Little attention has been paid to the social and cultural factors of form-focused instruction, including learner investment— a desire to learn a second/foreign language taking into consideration learners’ socially constructed identities (Norton-Peirce, 1995). Drawing on second language socialization theory (Duff, 2007) and using discursive practices (Young, 2009) as an analytic framework, this study examines how form-focused instruction influences learner investment in L2 communication in the classroom setting. Twenty-four high school students in Japan participated in a study, where two Japanese teachers of English team-taught four 50-minute lessons. Each lesson contained a 30-minute treatment period, which consisted of a 15-minute exclusively meaning-focused (MF) activity and a 15-minute form-focused (FF) activity that included attention to both form and meaning. By counter-balancing effects of tasks, target grammar features, and teachers, the study examined whether and how the same learners invested in L2 communication in similar or different ways during the two different types of activities. Data were collected through classroom observations, video-recorded classroom interactions, stimulated recalls, interviews, questionnaires, and diaries. The interactional data were analyzed quantitatively by comparing the frequency of turns and language-related episodes during FF and MF activities. The same interactional data were also analyzed qualitatively in relation to discursive practices and self-reported data. The results showed that the FF activities created contexts for learners to establish their identities as L2 learners leading to more engagement in L2 communication than in the MF activities. This suggests that FF activities create a social context that enables learners to communicate in the L2 with greater investment than in MF activities.

This research concerns a Kuna-Spanish bilingual elementary school in Panama City, founded for Kuna children by Kuna teachers. Based on ethnographic and linguistic fieldwork, this research investigates the socio-cultural context for the emergence of the school and the ways that students, teachers and parents, together with Kuna elders, navigate the path of indigenous schooling. The process of negotiating linguistic and cultural meanings in Kuna-language education includes both "traditionalized" Kuna forms of learning and informal education in and around the home. These various foundations of Kuna knowledge, from the use of Kuna oral history to eating Kuna food in the home, are incorporated into the curriculum in various ways, highlighting the potential of schooling as a place of knowledge production for indigenous peoples that is culturally inclusive. At the same time, the manner in which Kuna identity is indexed in the school is uneven. It is liberating in some moments while very restrictive in others, reflecting similar patterns, often in relation to state-sponsored notions of "multiculturalism" in the Kuna community and in the broader context of Panamanian society. In order to fully explore the complexities of the school and its workings, this research explores the Kuna experience in Panama City, where more than half of the Kuna population currently resides. This dissertation is a contribution to the fields of linguistic anthropology and the anthropology of education, analyzing the case of an urban Kuna school that employs both Western and indigenous pedagogy and content, with specific implications for studies of language socialization, bilingual education and educational politics for indigenous peoples. / text

Recent scholarship has highlighted the importance of supporting home languages for linguistic-minority families in multilingual settings, as the family language is the means through which they can more successfully socialize their children into the beliefs, values, ideologies and practices surrounding their languages and cultures. Although there has been some research examining issues of Spanish acquisition, maintenance and loss in Canada, the language socialization ideologies and practices of Hispanic families have not yet been examined in this context. This ethnographic study investigated language socialization in immigrant families from ten Spanish-speaking countries residing in Greater Vancouver. Thirty-four families participated, three of which were selected for intensive case study in their homes and in three grassroots community groups. More specifically, the study examined the families’ desires and goals with respect to Spanish maintenance, the meanings they assigned to Spanish, and the processes through which they attempted to valorize Spanish with their children. The study found that many families formed support groups in order to transmit language and culture to their children. A cross-case analysis revealed that the families further exerted their agency by strategically turning these spaces into “safe houses” to resist assimilation and into venues for the Spanish socialization of their children, which enabled them to also transmit cultural values, such as familism. The families conceptualized Spanish maintenance as an emotional connection to the parents’ selves and as a bridge between the parents’ past and the children’s future. It was also constructed as a key that opened doors, as a bridge for learning other languages, and as a passport to a cosmopolitan worldview. Detailed discourse analyses revealed how the families utilized explicit and implicit directives, recasts, and lectures to socialize children into Spanish language ideologies. These analyses also showed how children at times resisted the parents’ socialization practices, but other times displayed their nascent understanding of their parents’ language ideologies in their own use of cross-code self-repair. The study offers unique insights into the complexity of L1 maintenance and the dynamics of language socialization in the lives of linguistic minorities and concludes with implications for policy, pedagogy and research.

Recent scholarship has highlighted the importance of supporting home languages for linguistic-minority families in multilingual settings, as the family language is the means through which they can more successfully socialize their children into the beliefs, values, ideologies and practices surrounding their languages and cultures. Although there has been some research examining issues of Spanish acquisition, maintenance and loss in Canada, the language socialization ideologies and practices of Hispanic families have not yet been examined in this context. This ethnographic study investigated language socialization in immigrant families from ten Spanish-speaking countries residing in Greater Vancouver. Thirty-four families participated, three of which were selected for intensive case study in their homes and in three grassroots community groups. More specifically, the study examined the families’ desires and goals with respect to Spanish maintenance, the meanings they assigned to Spanish, and the processes through which they attempted to valorize Spanish with their children. The study found that many families formed support groups in order to transmit language and culture to their children. A cross-case analysis revealed that the families further exerted their agency by strategically turning these spaces into “safe houses” to resist assimilation and into venues for the Spanish socialization of their children, which enabled them to also transmit cultural values, such as familism. The families conceptualized Spanish maintenance as an emotional connection to the parents’ selves and as a bridge between the parents’ past and the children’s future. It was also constructed as a key that opened doors, as a bridge for learning other languages, and as a passport to a cosmopolitan worldview. Detailed discourse analyses revealed how the families utilized explicit and implicit directives, recasts, and lectures to socialize children into Spanish language ideologies. These analyses also showed how children at times resisted the parents’ socialization practices, but other times displayed their nascent understanding of their parents’ language ideologies in their own use of cross-code self-repair. The study offers unique insights into the complexity of L1 maintenance and the dynamics of language socialization in the lives of linguistic minorities and concludes with implications for policy, pedagogy and research.

Thanks to preschool Bamse and the entire literature I have related to in my degree work I have both got an explanation for my question at issue, and a clearer insight for my main question "The treating of bilingual children after acclimatization". I have within the investigation chosen to study on the basis of the educationalists perspective on bilingual way of working. My question at issue on this investigation has been to see how a regular day of language development looks and how the group of children developed the Swedish language. The purpose with my degree work was to be able to get an insight in the educationalists way of working and methods and also to see how the educationalists treats bilingually individuals after the acclimatization. I have when it concerns choice of method and material collections assumed from a qualitative investigation and gathered the material with help from participation notices and interviews. Down here I will sum up the investigation in poles and describe the aspect the informants have pointed out under the interviews. Bilingually children’s develop the Swedish language with the educationalists by: Converse and communicate with the child Name word and objects Using the body language at conversations Building security in the group of children Integrate the playing to a language development in the regular day Confirm the child’s meaning at different connections Create a god relation with the individual Take part of the mother tongue in the program to name single words Giving the individual the opportunity to express their thoughts freely Place the child at the center of attention among the group of children Take part of the parents experience with the mother tongue Giving space to create own imagination with the playing for the individual Have the language as an approach Even the theories mediate that the educationalists shall promote the work with bilingual children so that they control the purpose and see the meaning of activity. The play shall be reason for all activity to increase the will for the group of children. Litterateur also brings out that the preschool program shall establish that the individual gets the opportunity to develop its mother tongue to increase the understanding of the Swedish language. Finally I want to point out that on the basis of the interviews and observations on the preschool program, the educationalists consider that the mother tongue is like a foundation for bilingually children so that they will develop the Swedish language.

Recent scholarship has highlighted the importance of supporting home languages for linguistic-minority families in multilingual settings, as the family language is the means through which they can more successfully socialize their children into the beliefs, values, ideologies and practices surrounding their languages and cultures. Although there has been some research examining issues of Spanish acquisition, maintenance and loss in Canada, the language socialization ideologies and practices of Hispanic families have not yet been examined in this context. This ethnographic study investigated language socialization in immigrant families from ten Spanish-speaking countries residing in Greater Vancouver. Thirty-four families participated, three of which were selected for intensive case study in their homes and in three grassroots community groups. More specifically, the study examined the families’ desires and goals with respect to Spanish maintenance, the meanings they assigned to Spanish, and the processes through which they attempted to valorize Spanish with their children. The study found that many families formed support groups in order to transmit language and culture to their children. A cross-case analysis revealed that the families further exerted their agency by strategically turning these spaces into “safe houses” to resist assimilation and into venues for the Spanish socialization of their children, which enabled them to also transmit cultural values, such as familism. The families conceptualized Spanish maintenance as an emotional connection to the parents’ selves and as a bridge between the parents’ past and the children’s future. It was also constructed as a key that opened doors, as a bridge for learning other languages, and as a passport to a cosmopolitan worldview. Detailed discourse analyses revealed how the families utilized explicit and implicit directives, recasts, and lectures to socialize children into Spanish language ideologies. These analyses also showed how children at times resisted the parents’ socialization practices, but other times displayed their nascent understanding of their parents’ language ideologies in their own use of cross-code self-repair. The study offers unique insights into the complexity of L1 maintenance and the dynamics of language socialization in the lives of linguistic minorities and concludes with implications for policy, pedagogy and research. / Education, Faculty of / Language and Literacy Education (LLED), Department of / Graduate

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Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T18:10:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Alguns estudos sobre aquisição da linguagem têm mostrado, ao longo dos anos, que as interações adulto-criança se configuram distintamente daquelas adulto-adulto, de forma a possibilitar que essas crianças tenham um acesso facilitado à complexa estrutura lingüística (e.g. SNOW e FERGUSON, 1977; Ferguson, 1996). Outros têm se voltado para a compreensão do desenvolvimento pragmático da linguagem nas crianças nos seus primeiros anos de vida (e.g. ERVIN-TRIPP, 1979; CORSARO, 1979), revelando a (evolutiva) competência dessas crianças na realização de determinados atos de fala (AUSTIN, 1999). A presente pesquisa vale-se desses estudos, ampliando os horizontes de pesquisa ao partir do pressuposto de que aprender uma língua é parte integral do processo de tornar-se membro a de um grupo (OCHS, 2002). O processo de desenvolvimento (lingüístico-pragmático) de uma criança está, pois, atrelado às práticas (interacionais) em que a criança se engaja, juntamente com outros as membros as do(s) grupo(s) ao(s) qual(is) ela perte / Some studies concerning language acquisition have shown that adult-child and adult-adult interactions are distinctly constituted so as to provide children a facilitated access to the complex linguistic structure (e.g. SNOW e FERGUSON, 1977; FERGUSON, 1996). Others have tried to understand children's pragmatic development of language throughout their first years of life (e.g. ERVIN-TRIPP, 1979; CORSARO, 1979), revealing the (evolving) competence of these children in realizing certain speech acts (AUSTIN, 1999). This research departs from those studies and broadens the research perspectives by considering that learning a language is constitutive of the process of becoming a member of a group (OCHS, 2002). The (linguistic-pragmatic) development process of a child is thus linked to the (interactional) practices in which the child is engaged, as are the other members of the group. From a micro-ethnographic perspective, rooted in theoretical and analytical presuppositions implied in the analysis of face-to-face int