The aim of the study is to examine the current Palestinian refugees’ situation in the biggest refugee camp in Lebanon. The research questions of this thesis are: How are Palestinians integrating into Lebanese society? What are the experiences of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon? How do Palestinian refugees identify themselves? Through the interviewees’ perceptions of their situations, this study provides their viewpoints regarding the position of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon. This thesis utilises qualitative interviews to collect data and analyse the interviews of five participants who are third- and fourth-generation Palestinian refugees. The Palestinian refugees’ situation is studied by applying the theories of social integration, structural discrimination, and social identity. Through the analysis of the five interviews, it was revealed that three main factors dominate the Palestinian refugees’ situation in Lebanon: their integration and how difficult it might be to integrate, their experiences that are presented by the restrictions Palestinian refugees face, and their identity, how they identify themselves.

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This Master’s thesis explores the intersection of powers that create (in)secure female migration to Lebanon. It contributes to a growing literature corpus about the lives of women, originating from South/ South-East Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa, who migrate to Lebanon to work in the domestic work sector. Ongoing exploitations of migrant domestic workers (MDWs) under Lebanon’s migration regime, the kafala system, have been documented in detail. Yet, the question about which overlapping powers actually shape the migratory experience of MDWs calls for closer inspection – especially in light of previous unidirectional analyses that seem to obscure the intersectional experiences of migrant women. By uncovering intersecting systems of domination and subordination, this analysis aims to deconstruct oppressive powers and to answer the research question about which powers create (in)secure female migration to Lebanon. This objective is approached through ethnographic-qualitative methods of semi-structured interviewing and participant observation during a seven-week field research in Lebanon. Data contributed by research participants, i.e. MDWs themselves and individuals that have experience in supporting them, are analyzed through an intersectional lens that acknowledges the multifacetedness of MDWs as social beings comprised of overlapping and intersecting dynamic facets. This analysis argues for multiple levels and layers that create an enmeshed web of interacting categories, processes and systems that render female migration insecure. Detected underlying powers range from global forces over specific migration regulations to societal structures that are based on sexism, racism, cultural othering and class differences - amongst others. These forces are impossible to deconstruct in isolation because they function through each other. Their multilevel intersections lead to power imbalances between worker and employer, isolation and invisibility of the former on several levels as well as the commodification, dehumanization and mobility limitations of MDWs. Yet, female labor migrants counter these intersecting powers through creative and dynamic acts of resistance and self-empowerment and, thus, prove that the dismantling of overlapping oppressions calls for intersecting multilevel deconstructions.

This dissertation looks at democracy in Lebanon, a country that has a pluralistic society with many societal cleavages. The subject of this study is the consolidation of democracy in Lebanon, described by Arend Lijphart as a "consociational democracy". The research question and sub-question posed are: 1- How consolidated is democracy in Lebanon? 2- What are the challenges facing the consolidation of democracy in Lebanon? The preamble of the 1926 Lebanese Constitution declares the country to be a parliamentary democratic republic. The political regime is a democracy, but one that is not built on the rule of the majority in numbers, since the numbers do not reflect the history of the country and its distinguishing characteristics. The division of power is built on religion, which defies the concept prevailing in western democracies of the separation between church and state. As the internal and the external conditions change, sometimes in a violent manner, the democracy in the country still survives. Today, after the war that ravaged Lebanon from 1975 to 1990, the Syrian occupation that lasted until 2005, the Israeli war in the summer of 2006, and the roadblocks in the face of the overdue presidential election in 2008, democracy is still struggling to stay alive in the country. There is no denying or ignoring the challenges and the attempts against democracy in Lebanon from 1975 to the present. Even with these challenges, there are some strong elements that let democracy survive all these predicaments. The reasons and events of the 1975-1995 war are still being sorted out and only history will clear that up. Can we say today that the Consociational democracy in Lebanon is consolidated? To answer this question Linz & Stepan's three elements of a consolidated democracy are used as the criteria: the constitution of the land, people's attitude towards democracy and their behavior. The analysis examines the Lebanese Constitution, surveys about people's attitude towards democracy, and reported events about their behavior, such as political demonstrations and political violence narrated in the media. The findings of this study show that although the Lebanese find democracy as being the only game in town, the consolidation of democracy in the country still faces some challenges, both internal and external. The study also shows that the criteria used for western democracies need to be adjusted to apply to a society such as the one in Lebanon: plural, religious and traditional.

Global humanitarian standards increasingly call for greater refugee participation in the decisions that affect refugees’ lives, with the dual aim of developing more equitable relations with refugees (transformative participation) and improving the effectiveness of aid interventions (instrumental participation). However, the limited research available suggests past approaches to refugee participation have habitually failed to meaningfully include refugees in the decision-making processes of humanitarian programs and policies. Rather, humanitarian organizations are criticized for paying lip service to refugee participation while maintaining control over important decisions and, thus, their power in relation to refugees. Though this issue has long been recognized as problematic, few studies have tried to understand and explain why efforts to implement meaningful refugee participation continuously fail to achieve this concept’s empowering and transformative objectives. The following dissertation responds to this query through an in-depth case study of refugee participation in the context of Beirut, Lebanon with the objective of understanding: how urban refugees are able to participate in decision-making processes of the humanitarian interventions that impact their lives; what barriers exist that impede their participation; why these barriers endure; and what the consequences of a lack of meaningful refugee participation are to refugees and to the wider humanitarian response. I answer these questions by drawing on semi-structured, qualitative interviews with a diverse group of refugee participants (44 interviews) and humanitarian organizational participants (42 interviews). This data is triangulated by comparing and testing the information received from interview participants with each other and against documentary evidence, such as government and NGO policy documents and reports, quantitative studies, newspaper articles, field notes, and academic studies. My analysis is further strengthened by a conceptual framework built on three approaches: the concept of meaningful participation and what this really entails; a Foucauldian concept of power to explain how discourses of power/knowledge shape and produce the relations between refugees and humanitarian organizations; and the Capabilities Approach as a comprehensive framework that can strengthen and guide participatory processes to ensure they maintain their transformative objectives. Relying on the perspectives of both humanitarian organizations and refugees, my research reveals conflicting understandings of what refugee participation means to these groups. Most humanitarian organizations view their efforts as generally successful and think that they listen to refugees. In contrast, refugees feel that their voices are frequently dismissed or ignored, particularly when their requests fail to match up with what organizations have already decided. This failure to listen to refugees’ voices and what they see as important creates a continuous gap between how humanitarian organizations, the Government of Lebanon, and refugees frame the problems at hand and the solutions to address these problems. In turn, this gap limits the impact of humanitarian efforts that aim to ‘protect’ refugees–in the fullest sense of this word–as refugees’ real needs go unmet. This forces refugees to respond in the few ways open to them, by resisting, manipulating, or avoiding humanitarian interventions all together, further undermining the effectiveness of these interventions. It is often implicitly assumed that refugee participation will naturally lead to its intended outcomes of greater program effectiveness and more equitable power relations between refugees and humanitarian organizations. However, this thesis demonstrates that neither of these objectives can take place unless refugees have influence and control over the decisions that affect them. Building on these findings, I offer a number of concrete recommendations to address the barriers identified in the research and help make meaningful refugee participation a reality.

GEOGRAPHY Lebanon, a small state on the eastern shores of the Mediterranean sea, is the home of about two million people in approximately four thousand square miles. The Coastal Stript The narrow coastal strip is about five to ten miles wide, but at some places it disappears completely. Olives, citrus fruits, bananas, and different kinds of vegetables are cultivated intensively all along the Mediterranean coast.

This thesis investigates the relationship between the ecosystem of independent media organisations in Lebanon, and their relationship to the European Union, specifically the European Endowment for Democracy. The analysis follows a trajectory starting from Beirut all the way back to Brussels, the lens of focus widening as it reaches its conclusion. It does so through first focusing on the case study of Megaphone News and whether it can be considered a Non Profit Media Organisation as proposed by economist, Julia Cagé. Then it takes testimonies from seven respondents across a number of these organisations to consider whether their approach and strategies align with the theory of participative journalism. Finally it uses thematic clusters to broaden discussion to consider the European Endowment’s role in the development of Lebanon’s independent media.  It concludes that European involvement in this context is fundamentally limited and impact by interests other than democracy assistance. It shows that neither theories can accommodate the interdependence and collaboration between organisations. It shows that the work of these independent media organisations has influenced the development of the European Endowment in a relationship that can be characterised as symbiotic and contradictory to the founding principles of this European Union institution. Both theories do not fully accommodate for the difficulties of operation in a collapsing economy and an unrepresentative political elite. The fluidity and innovation of these organisations in difficult conditions generate insights about how the theories and the relationship with Europe may be improved to facilitate continuation of development. The European Endowment is crucial in facilitating the growth of independent media in Lebanon, but those organisations have also shifted perspective of the Endowment in return. The content of this facilitation reveals internal limitations to democracy assistance efforts.

Opened in 2008, the Lebanon Mountain Trail (LMT) links Lebanon’s North to its South through 470 km of paths and a network of Muslim, Druze, and Christian homestays. Although similar heritage trails exist elsewhere the world, the LMT runs through a landscape fractured by sectarian division and scarred by war. Drawing on fifteen months of ethnographic fieldwork conducted between 2017 and 2019 that included walking alongside Lebanese and international hikers over the trail’s 1,100+ km length, this dissertation explores how the practice of long-distance hiking creates and mediates feelings of national and cultural belonging– feelings of territorial, social and national attachment – under fraught circumstances. This research found that Lebanese hikers developed a new and heightened sense of belonging to Lebanon as nation and to regions of the country where they had previously felt unwelcome. These attachments were produced by bonding experiences along the trail that created a shared ritual frame in which hikers perceived Lebanon as if it were unified and acted as if sectarian differences were not a divisive category. By walking the trail together, hikers constructed and inhabited their own fleeting dreams of Lebanon as they would have wished it to be. They imbued this as if Lebanon with a variety of different personalized meanings, ones that enabled hikers to resolve ambiguities in their own lives. For most participants, these attachments were time delimited and could only be sustained by returning to the dream worlds they enacted on the trail through repeated trekking. For others the experience was so profound that they incorporated elements of the experience into their everyday live. While this research adds to the existing literature on the study of trekking and trails as engines for cultivating belonging, it breaks new ground by examining how this occurs in landscapes where evidence of past wars is ever present and sectarian divisions still unresolved. The ability of the LMT to produce such attachments for Lebanese hikers complicates our understanding of the relationship between walkers and the landscapes they encounter, giving the cultural landscape as much significance as the natural landscape.

Purpose: The relationship between context and e-governance has been gaining a significant momentum in academic circles due its social and technical complexities. There are many challenges posed by the disparity between the context and the system when it comes to e-governance in developing countries. This research aims to reveal more successful adoption of e-governance initiatives and exposes factors that hinder its implementation. We develop a conceptual framework showing the reciprocity between the context and the system or what is termed “Context-System Gap”. Therefore, this research will study the appropriateness of the context and its influence on the system and the influence of the system on the context. The purpose of this research is to explore the factors that enable successful e-government adoption in Lebanon, where e-governance is still at its initial stage. Most empirical research and theories on the implementation of e-governance in developing countries remain at the macro-level and miss out on the complexities of the context of deployment and the role of the gap between the citizens and the government. The purpose of this thesis is to provide an empirical model differentiating between the electronic context and the electronic system and shed a light over a new gap, government-citizen gap, in the adoption of e-government. Design/methodology/approach: Following previous research on e-government services adoption, this study uses several technology use and acceptance models and literature to examine the elements behind the adoption and use of e-government services in Lebanon from citizen and government perspectives. The research strategy is a quantitative method approach employing questionnaire. Quantitative data will be collected from e-government users (citizens) and statistical tests will be conducted in order to examine the relation between variables. Practical implications: The findings are useful for policy-makers and decision-makers to develop a better understanding of citizens' needs. The proposed model can be used as a guideline for the implementation of e-government services in developing countries. Originality/value: This study is the only one to examine the dimensions influencing citizens’ adoption of e-government technologies in developing countries using a unified model merging context and system elements.

In the contemporary era, civil society has become an essential component for addressing the political liberalization and democratization of Middle Eastern regimes. This study concentrates on civil society in Lebanon, a small democratic nation in the Levant. Lebanon's government is a consociational system characterized by dysfunctional power-sharing among sectarian parties. Comprehending the factors in Lebanon that influence civil society's ability to function and serve its purpose is essential. This understanding can assist in gaining insights into how civil society activists in the Middle East may mobilize to contribute to purposeful political and social evolutions. This exploratory study seeks to gain a better understanding of how Lebanese civil society functions and the factors that contribute to its capacity (or incapacity) to resolve societal challenges in the context of the Lebanese state's frailty. This study seeks to analyze the impact of multiple contemporary stressors on the fragile state infrastructure, namely the over a decade-long hosting of Syrian refugees and the country's recent political and economic collapse. It also aims to examine how these particular challenges have affected the function of civil society, as well as the intricate dynamics between various organizations at the national and international levels. The gathered evidence supports the conclusion that civil society organizations (CSOs) in Lebanon struggle to navigate a landscape characterized by multiple crises and a faltering public sector. As local CSOs devote a significant portion of their attention to humanitarian aid and external funding, their interactions with international NGOs and Syrian refugee populations contends with complex challenges. Ultimately, this reality has revealed the diminished capacity of CSOs to contribute to meaningful and lasting change in the country.