Pas de résumé / Doctorat en droit / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Lebanon is situated in a Mediterranean semi-arid region rich in hydraulic resources but strongly under the impact of anthropogenic pressure, mainly after the industrial boost in the last 50 years. In this thesis our research is devoted to the study of water resources and the assessment of soil pollution in two contrasting watersheds that may resemble similar regions in the world. Rivers act as a collective funnel of contaminants derived from rock weathering, industrial, agricultural and urban practices. Thus we focus our study on the two main contrasting watersheds in Lebanon: an industrially dominated watershed located northwest of the country on the Mediterranean coast (Al Jouz basin), and a rural historically agricultural watershed that lies in the continental valley between the two mountainous chains (Litani basin). Geochemical analysis coupled to multi-isotopic applications was used as tools to investigate the collective influence of land-use cover, geomorphological processes, topography, soil type, geology, geography, orography, climate, and hydrological variability on drainage basin evolution. A two-year sampling strategy was followed (2011-2013) to collect not only water samples at various depths in the reservoir and in the piezometers, but also sediments (lacustrine, riverine and coastal) and soils (surficial and cores) to cover seasonal variations (rainy, first flush and dry seasons) in both studied areas. The results highlight the entire mechanism of characterization, origin, and partitioning between the dissolved and particulate phases of pollutants. Furthermore, the environmental implication of the Qaraaoun reservoir was assessed by emphasizing water hydrodynamics and its interaction with the watershed. Characterizing industrial and agricultural pollution allows the understanding of metal behavior and the prediction of its fate, in association with the environmental receiving media in semi-arid and Mediterranean areas. This work was the first to trace pollution sources and to reconstruct the metal fluxes in two of the most environmentally significant watersheds in the country. Stable and radioactive Pb isotopes were used in addition to 137Cs to study the geomorphological influence and the chronology of the environmental stress exerted by the factory and the dam on basin ecology. Moreover, the nature of the Qaraaoun reservoir and the internal hydrological dynamics were explored using stable hydrogen and oxygen isotopes to delineate the reservoir water layers and its fast response to meteorological and hydrodynamic changes in the watersheds, and to demonstrate its strong hydrological connectivity with groundwater. Reservoir water balance was made, indicating groundwater influx into the reservoir which was reported for the first time. The water hydrodynamics was also assessed using a box model, which in its role can be used to evaluate the reservoir water balance and hydro-project functionality and to establish the basis for water sustainability in the long term. This work has yielded a better understanding of biogeochemical processes under different environmental conditions. The treated issues in this thesis will provide a foundation for future hydropower projects and allow one to draw a road-map for national management plans, and to raise the alert for remediation processes and management methods to preserve the environment and resource sustainability, and ultimately the wellbeing of the local population.<p><p> / Doctorat en Sciences / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The county of Tripoli (Lebanon) was one of four “crusader states” established in the Levant after the First Crusade (1095-99). Compared to the other states, the county of Tripoli has suffered from a disproportionate level of historiographical neglect. What has been produced has taken an institutional and Eurocentric approach to the subject and its sources. The present thesis jettisons this in favour of a post-institutional methodology, approaching the county from the perspectives of geography and demographics, which together ensure that it is treated within its proper Syro-Lebanese context. Chapter one looks at the role of local geography in shaping the political frontiers of the county of Tripoli and its neighbours, arguing that topography was more important than the agency of the European settlers. Chapter two continues to challenge traditional assumptions regarding European influence, arguing that the specifically southern French origins of many of the county’s settlers were of little significance. Chapter three analyses the use of Arabic by the Frankish government of the county, informed by an awareness of diglossia. It argues that the Franks were more likely to know spoken Arabic than written, but remained reliant upon local intermediaries when ruling over Arabophones. Chapter four looks at popular religion, arguing that the cross-fertilisation of religious beliefs and practices was widespread but poorly understood by the contemporary intelligentsia, upon whose sources historians rely. As a whole, the thesis argues that the county’s inhabitants lacked a distinctive culture, identity, religion or language. The sole justification for viewing the county as an integrated unit is geographical.

Cette étude traite de la fondation du ministère des Affaires étrangères du Liban sous le mandat du président Béchara El-Khoury (septembre 1943-septembre 1952), premier chef d'État du Liban indépendant. La création de cette institution étatique a été un enjeu dans le processus d'affranchissement national qui a mis fin au mandat français. L'étude met en évidence la contribution du ministère des Affaires étrangères au parachèvement de l'indépendance et, en particulier, son rôle dans les négociations que le Liban a menées en 1946 en vue de l'évacuation des troupes franco-britanniques de son territoire et qui ont permis à la jeune diplomatie libanaise de faire ses premières preuves. Elle analyse l'oeuvre de structuration du ministère, l'organisation de son administration centrale, la formation de son cadre diplomatique et consulaire ainsi que la création de ses premières légations à l'étranger. Mais au-delà de l'institution étatique et en lien direct avec elle, l'étude s'intéresse à sa fonction, la politique étrangère, et sa transformation, sous le régime de l'indépendance, en politique publique à part entière. Elle met l'accent sur le champ politique, idéologique et social dans lequel le ministère des Affaires étrangères a évolué et la politique étrangère a été élaborée. Elle analyse les parcours et les motivations des "pères fondateurs" du Liban indépendant et les principes de base de leur politique étrangère qui ont guidé le ministère des Affaires étrangères de 1943 à 1952. L'étude tente, enfin, de montrer les limites de l'institutionnalisation de la politique étrangère libanaise à l'épreuve des crises régionales et internationales, notamment l'émergence de la Guerre froide et du conflit israélo-arabe, et leurs répercussions sur les équilibres nationaux institués par le Pacte de 1943. / This study deals with the foundation of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Lebanon under the Presidency of Bishara El-Khoury (September 1943-September 1952), the first President of the independent Lebanon. The formation of this institution was an important issue in the process that leads Lebanon to its independence and to the end of the French Mandate. The study focuses on the contribution of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in this struggle and particularly its role in the negotiations that Lebanon conducted for the evacuation of the French and British troops from its territory, which allowed the young Lebanese diplomacy to experiment its first success. The study also analyses the structuring work of the Ministry, the setting up of its central administration, the formation of its diplomatic and consular staff and the creation of its first diplomatic missions abroad. However, beyond the institution and in close connection with it, the study focuses on its function, the foreign policy, under the independence regime and its transformation into a full public policy. It emphasizes on the political, ideological and social ground in which the ministry was developed and the foreign policy elaborated. It analyses the political career and the motivations of the founding fathers of the independent Lebanon and the principles of their foreign policy that guided the Ministry of Foreign Affairs from 1943 to 1952. The study, finally, try to show the limits of the institutionalization of the Lebanese foreign policy that experiments its first regional and international crisis, particularly the rise of the Cold war and the Israeli-Arab conflict, and their consequences on the national balance established by the Pact of 1943.

This thesis is an ethnography of Palestinian political factions in Lebanon through an immersion in the daily life of homes. It explores the nature of factions and faction membership from the vantage point of those who form their very basis. It asks how did Palestinian political factions, which are clearly made of people, come to be seen as autonomous bodies that are studied as a whole and spoken of in the singular (‘Fatah did this’ and ‘Hamas declared that’). Through a detailed account of the everyday practices of Palestinian refugees I problematise the underlying conceptualization of factions in the academic literature as bounded structures defined by their respective ideologies. I explore how factions appear in the daily life of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon; how Palestinians join factions; how their relationship evolves over time; how they demand, and at times obtain, aid; how and whether they participate in events organized by factions; and how factionalism affects their understandings of what factions are. This ethnographic approach reveals that what binds Palestinian refugees to factions is not the ideology or regional or international alliances of the factions. For example, young Palestinians do not join a faction based on whether it is Islamic, Marxist, or nationalist; rather they do so based on where they have friends or family, and sometimes depending on which faction has the closest youth centre to their home. In fact, it is those personal relationships, including those developed with other faction members that keep Palestinians affiliated to factions. Factions appear as a loose network of people held together by different degrees of trust and cohesion. Yet my work does not dismiss the fact that factions also appear as structures, as coherent entities. On the contrary, in the second part of this thesis, I trace another set of practices, that of aid distribution, criticism, physical representation, and factionalism, to show how factions metamorphose from loose networks based on interpersonal relations into impersonal structures defined by ideology. An examination of the everyday practices and representations of Palestinian political factions reveals how those structures come into being, how that operation creates and maintains a certain configuration of power in Palestinian society, and how factions remain the center of political life in the face of widespread condemnation.

Introduction: It’s estimated to be 4 573 185 Palestinians living as refugees 2014, since the start of the Israel-Palestine conflict in 1948. The third generation of Palestinians live without recognized citizenship and lack essential fundaments to achieve good health. Refugee women are more at risk for health hazards, especially women in fertile age. The aim is to identify effects on the health among Palestinian women in fertile age, in occupied Palestinian Territories and Lebanon. Methods: An integrative literature review with ten selected original articles, which have been analyzed and compiled together. Result: Stress is associated with political instability and affect Palestinian women, especially during pregnancies. Access public health care is a problem and affected women at birth, family planning and a cause of death. Participation in religious organization is a protective copingstrategy when faced with chronic political violence, also solidarity is strengthen. Living conditions in refugeecamps is associated with prevalence of obesity, anemia and domestic violence. Discussion: The military occupation prevent women to access health care. Women have an indirect roll in Israel-Palestine conflict to raise the population number. Individuals who experience chronic violence develop coping-strategies of solidary trait for survival. Living conditions in refugee camps is a risk factor for over-weight, obesity and anemia among Palestinian women. Conclusion: Negative effects among fertil women as stress, PTSD, physical illness, obesity and anemia is associated with living conditions in refugee camps. Development of external and solidary copingstrategy have protective effects on long term political violence. / Introduktion: Det uppskattas att 4 573 185 palestinier år 2014, leva som flyktingar, sedan Israel-Palestina konflikten påbörjades år 1948. Tredje generationen palestinier lever utan erkänt medborgarskap och saknar essentiella fundament, för att uppnå god hälsa. Flyktingkvinnor är mer utsatta för hälso-riskfaktorer, speciellt kvinnor i fertil ålder. Syftet är att identifiera effekter på hälsan hos palestinska flyktingkvinnor i fertil ålder, i ockuperade Palestinska Territoriet och Libanon. Metod: En litteraturöversikt med tio utvalda original artiklar har analyserats och sammanställts för att besvara syftet. Resultat: Stress är associerat med politisk instabilitet och drabbar palestinska kvinnor, speciellt under graviditeter. Åtkomst på hälso-sjukvård är ett problem och drabbar kvinnor vid förlossningar, familjeplanering och utgör dödsorsak. Engagemang i religiös verksamhet är en skyddande copingstrategi vid kroniskt politiskt våld, även solidaritet stärks. Levnadsförhållanden i flyktingläger kopplas till prevalens av fetma, anemi och våld i hemmet. Diskussion: Militär ockupationen förhindrar palestinska kvinnors att nå sjukvård. Kvinnor har en indirekt roll i Israel-Palestina konflikten med att bidra till befolknings tillväxt. Individer som erfar kroniskt våld utvecklar copingstrategier av solidariskt slag för överlevnad. Levnadsförhållanden i flyktingläger är en riskfaktor för fetma, övervikt, och anemi bland palestinska kvinnor. Slutsats: Negativa effekter bland fertila kvinnor som stress, PTSD, fysiska sjukdomar, fetma och anemia är associerat med levnadsförhållanden i flyktingläger. Utvecklande av yttre och solidarisk copingstrategi har skyddande effekt vid långvarigt politiskt våld.

There are many important factors that influence and even determine the work of middle and senior managers in the public and private sectors, NGOs, and international organizations such as the UN. Yet, despite this overall agreement, the study of 'managerial effectiveness' has remained relatively neglected and unexplored particularly within the developing world. The present research explores the dimensions of the managerial effectiveness of middle and senior managers who work in the Education Programme of the UN Agency in Lebanon. These managers are dedicated to refugees and their children at primary and high schools, and vocational centers. In doing so this study has adopted the framework, 'parameters of managerial effectiveness', developed by Analoui (1999) to explore and identify the factors and causal influences which form the basis for the effectiveness of these managers to develop policies and strategies for their increased effectiveness. The literature in the areas of development of management, management training and development, and recent works on managerial effectiveness confirm the importance of the parameters and interrelationship between them and the unique contextual factors, namely the personal, organizational and external factors. The Education Programme of the UNRWA in Lebanon provides a suitable case, and the middle and senior managers constitute the units of analysis. The entire cadre of senior and middle management (N= 132) were included in this first time study. The methodology adopted for collecting and generating relevant and adequate data was a combination of survey questionnaire, interviews and the use of secondary data available. The adoption of 'triangulation' as a strategy yielded adequate and relevant data which was analyzed using statistical methods. The quantitative analysis was supported by qualitative data based on senior and middle managers' own perception of their effectiveness. The results, by and large, support Anloui's (1999; 2007) theory and led to the first time discovery of the eight parameters of the managerial effectiveness in UNRWA, Lebanon. The results revealed a myriad of factors and influences concerning the middle and senior managers' perception, managerial skills and competencies, organizations criteria for effectiveness, opportunities, demands and constraints involved, as well as the inter-organizational relationship and the dominant managerial philosophy of effectiveness. The study contributes to the literature on managerial effectiveness by contextualizing the model adopted thus contributing to this neglected field of managerial studies. It also provides the basis for the formulation of policies and strategies to improved and increase managerial effectiveness in Lebanon, Syria, Jordan and Palestine, and the developing world as the whole where UN is actively operating to support refugees. Like any empirical investigation the study suffers from limitations which need to be considered in the future research in this field.

Denna uppsats redovisar en kvalitativ textanalys av nyhetsrapporteringen om kemattacken utanför Syriens huvudstad Damaskus i tre engelskspråkiga tidningar i USA, Ryssland och Libanon. Studien jämför nyhetsrapportering i The New York Times (USA), The Moscow Times (Ryssland) och The Daily Star Lebanon (Libanon). Underlaget för studien är material publicerat under tre perioder och består sammantaget av 35 artiklar.. Den första perioden utspelar sig de första två dagarna efter kemattacken i Damaskus förorter. Andra perioden utspelar sig dagen före och efter att Syriens regim pekas ut som ansvarig av USA:s utrikesminister. Den tredje perioden utspelar sig dagen före och efter att Syriens regim får en diplomatisk möjlighet att förhindra ett amerikanskt anfall genom att överlämna alla sina kemvapen. Uppsatsens teoretiska ramverk bygger på tidigare forskning om journalistisk narrativitet, krigs- och fredsjournalistik och hur källor hanteras i krigsrapportering. Genom att svara på åtta delfrågor besvaras studiens fråga om hur kemattacken i Damaskus förorter rapporterades i de tre tidningarna. Källor och citat i artiklarna är avgörande för helheten. Övergripande har New York Times fokus på president Obama, hans administration, dess uttalanden och relationer. När president Obama under sista perioden vänder sig till amerikanska kongressen och ber om stöd för ingripa i Syrien flyttas fokus i rapporteringen till ett än mer nationellt perspektiv. Daily Star har ett växlande perspektiv. Artiklarna följer internationell politik och hur den mobiliseras. Tidningen speglar också lidandet i Syrien samt konsekvenserna i det egna landet. Moscow Times håller sig till ett ryskt politiskt perspektiv i samtliga artiklar. Det är främst det egna landets toppolitiker som kommer till tals.

Les jeunes du Liban, comme partout ailleurs, connaissent des difficultés lorsqu'il s'agit dechercher un travail. Le contexte est cependant spécifique, puisque le pays connait desproblèmes économiques, auxquels il faut ajouter les conflits politiques locaux et une situationcommunautaire et confessionnelle complexes. Dans le même temps, les technologies del'information et de la communication (TIC) apparaissent dans des discours et des projetsmultiples comme sources de nouvelles opportunités pour l'individu. Par les nouveaux usageset modes de socialisation qu'elles induisent et les compétences qu'elles délivrent, ellestransforment l'organisation de l'activité professionnelle et domestique sous différentes dimensions, ainsi que les besoins en capital humain du marché de l'emploi. Les objectifs posés sont alors de savoir dans quelle mesure l'usage des TIC pourrait avoir un impact positif sur l'insertion socio-professionnelle du jeune libanais. Pour répondre à cette question, cet ouvrage propose une méthodologie d'enquête et d'analyse basée sur le paradigme des économies de la grandeur tiré des travaux de Boltanski, Thévenot, et Chiapello. Il analyse les discours d'acteurs concernés par la problématique de l'insertion professionnelle et sociale dans notre contexte précis, ainsi que les pratiques technologiques du public étudié. / The youth of Lebanon, as elsewhere, are experiencing difficulties when seeking a job.However,the context is specific, since the country is experiencing economic problems, which must beadded the local political conflicts and a community and religious complex situation. At thesame time, information technology and communication (ICT) appear in speeches and multipleprojects as sources of new opportunities for the individual. For new uses and modes ofsocialization and skills they induce, they transform the professional and domestic activityorganization in different dimensions, as well as the human capital needs of the labormarket. The objectives raised then are research to what extent the use of ICT could have apositive impact on the socio-professional integration of young Lebanese. To answer thisquestion, this thesis provides a survey methodology and analysis based on the paradigm ofeconomies of scale issued from the work of Boltanski, Thévenot, and Chiapello. It analyzes thediscourses of actors concerned by the issue of professional and social integration in ourspecific context, and technology practices of the considered public.

This thesis explores Shi’a-Sunni relations in Gulf politics during a period of regional upheaval, starting with the 2003 invasion of Iraq through the Arab revolts of early 2011. It seeks to understand the conditions under which sectarian distinctions become a prominent feature of the Gulf political landscape, focusing on the three Gulf countries that have been affected most by sectarian tensions: Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait. The study analyzes the contagion effect of the civil war in Iraq, the 2006 war in Lebanon, and the Arab Spring on local sectarian dynamics in the three states. Specifically, it explores the role of domestic institutions—parliaments and other quasi-democratic structures, the media, and clerical establishments—in tempering or exacerbating sectarianism. It finds that the maturity and strength of participatory institutions in each state played a determinant role in the level of sectarianism resulting from dramatic shifts in the regional environment since the 2003 invasion of Iraq. I conclude, therefore, that the real roots of the so-called “rise of the Shi’a” phenomena lie in the domestic political context of each state, rather than in the regional policies of Iran or the contagion effect of events in Iraq or Lebanon. Although the Gulf Shi’a took a degree of inspiration from the actions of their co-religionists in Iraq, Iran and Lebanon, they ultimately strove for greater rights in a non-sectarian, nationalist framework. The rise of sectarianism in the Gulf has been largely the product of excessive alarm by entrenched Sunni elites or the result of calculated attempts by regimes to discredit Shi’a political actors by portraying them as proxies for Iran, Iraq, or the Lebanese Hizballah. What is qualitatively different about the post-2003 period is not the level of mobilization by the Shi’a, but rather the intensity of threat perception by Gulf regimes and Sunni Islamists.