The pedracista electoral coalition that was formed in Mexico during the 1828 presidential elections was deliberately ignored by the traditional historiography of the early national period. Instead it concentrated on the leaders of the liberal struggle, deeming this alliance unworthy of study. There were essentially two key reasons why this happened. On the one hand, General Manuel Gómez Pedraza (1789-1851) was not an archetypal liberal patriot in the mould of those heroes that were exalted and written about by Mexico’s Porfirian and PRIísta historians. His politics were associated with a certain ideological indeterminateness as a result of his moderate stance, proving problematic to historians who were intent on developing a liberal and subsequently post-revolutionary historia patria. On the other hand, the official historiography accepted, unquestioningly, the critical version of his actions that his opponents circulated at the time. As a result of this, the yorkino version of the events is the one that prevailed, casting Pedraza in the role of staunch anti-yorkino in a simplistic bipartisan vision of Mexican politics that depicted the political tensions of the time as a clear-cut confrontation between the pedracista aristocrats and the democratic yorkino followers of mulatto hero of the War of Independence, General Vicente Guerrero (1783-1831). This two-dimensional dichotomy has only recently started to be nuanced by the revisionist historiography of the last thirty years. This has been due, in great measure, to the fact that the traditional interpretation of the pedracista coalition posed a number of significant problems when attempting to understand the political behaviour of the people involved. Above all, it was an interpretation that proved incapable of explaining how such a variety of political tendencies, represented by those individuals who joined the alliance that backed Pedraza’s presidential candidacy, could have come together; i.e., anti-masonic groups, the imparciales, certain yorkinos and former escoceses. This thesis aims to explain what brought these individuals, whose political ideas were ostensibly incompatible, together, in what resulted in a particularly resourceful and successful electoral force. The pedracista coalition represented the first political formation in Mexico that came together specifically to win a presidential election. It was one which set out to bring an end to the political interference of Masonic societies in Mexico, and in particular, that of the Rite of York lodges. It also challenged the yorkinos’ electoral campaign by criticising their leader, Guerrero, and, by highlighting the negative aspects of their Masonic faction. It pointed out, moreover, the dangers inherent in a central administration led by guerrerista yorkinos and, in so doing, made clear the problems that were to be found in the political ideas these individuals stood for, depicting them as partisan, ignorant, and representative of the popular classes. The pedracista coalition argued that the presidency needed to go to someone who did not belong to any particular party, who was virtuous, who was renowned for being hard-working and energetic in government, and who belonged to the exclusive circles frequented by the “hombres de bien”. Given that Pedraza won the elections, it is evident that his coalition benefited from a constitutional structure that favoured his candidacy, gaining, at the same time, the public validation of the governmental authorities in place at the time. However, Pedraza’s candidacy was defeated by the armed mobilizations that ensued in the pronunciamientos pro-yorkino followers launched from October to November 1828, and was consequently eliminated from the political scene until late 1832 given that the leaders of the imparciales as well as Pedraza himself chose not to fight back or support a counter-revolution. During the electoral campaign, the pedracista coalition displayed, with astounding clarity, what it thought were the essential qualities a president needed to possess and, likewise presented a distinctive appreciation of how it thought the Mexican political class should behave. In this sense, the coalition’s views, captured in its votes, networks and press articles, offer a fascinating snapshot of what were the fundamental themes of the Mexican republic during its formative years as a nation-state, and how this ignored political grouping interpreted them. Of particular interest is the manner in which the pedracista coalition explored the ways in which political legitimacy, participation and representation were to be understood, defended, and systematised. By studying the pedracista coalition this thesis offers, for the first time, a detailed analysis of the nature and dynamics of Mexican politics in the mid-late 1820s, as experienced, discussed, and represented by the short-lasting yet effective alliance that was forged around the candidacy of Manuel Gómez Pedraza.

Univ., Diss. u.d.T.: Ahrens, Stefan: Legitimität und Gründung--Oldenburg, 2004.

This thesis examines some epistemic defences of democracy put forward by David Estlund, Michael Fuerstein, Cheryl Misak, and Fabienne Peter, as well as a critique of democracy raised by Jason Brennan. It then develops an epistemic defence of a moderately non-egalitarian system, which it proposes to call liberal trusteeship. According to the proposed theory, the power to draft laws ought to be separated from the power to enact those drafts into law. The former power ought to be vested in trustees, who are essentially specialists that have inquired extensively into a given matter, and the latter power ought to be vested in a democratically elected parliament. Subsequently, this thesis argues that parliament should nevertheless have the prerogative to ultimately override trustees on ethics and pass its own legislation regulating moral matters; that the criteria for selecting trustees should be determined by jury courts; and that parliament and jury courts should be given some powers to influence the composition of trustee committees, so that the political process can guard against the risk that trustees might be biased or corrupt. The above proposal is grounded on three principal claims. Firstly, this thesis argues that moral authority and legitimacy ought to be reserved for the political system that strikes the best balance between competence and equality. Secondly, it argues that liberal trusteeship is more likely than democracy to determine correctly what ought to be done in light of the progress of open and vigorous inquiry into a given matter. Thirdly, and as a result, it argues that liberal trusteeship is likely to exercise power sufficiently more competently than democracy, such that its moderate deviation from political equality will be justified. In the light of this, the thesis concludes that liberal trusteeship would strike a better balance between competence and equality than democracy.

Submitted by Ana Valéria de Jesus Moura (anavaleria_131@hotmail.com) on 2014-07-24T17:36:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de Luana Paixão Dantas do Rosário - Uma teoria substantivo-dialógica de legitimidade democrática do Poder Judiciário -Revisada e Revista.pdf: 1096186 bytes, checksum: 51cd2c067d7fe20463778fb42f505962 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Valéria de Jesus Moura (anavaleria_131@hotmail.com) on 2014-07-24T17:37:01Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de Luana Paixão Dantas do Rosário - Uma teoria substantivo-dialógica de legitimidade democrática do Poder Judiciário -Revisada e Revista.pdf: 1096186 bytes, checksum: 51cd2c067d7fe20463778fb42f505962 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-24T17:37:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de Luana Paixão Dantas do Rosário - Uma teoria substantivo-dialógica de legitimidade democrática do Poder Judiciário -Revisada e Revista.pdf: 1096186 bytes, checksum: 51cd2c067d7fe20463778fb42f505962 (MD5) / Esta tese resulta das pesquisas desenvolvidas ao longo do curso de doutoramento em Direito Público na Universidade Federal da Bahia, na linha de pesquisa Cidadania e Efetividade dos Direitos. O objetivo inicial desta tese era desenvolver uma teoria substantivo-procedimentalista de legitimidade democrática do Poder Judiciário. Resultou no desenvolvimento de uma teoria substantivo-dialógica. A conciliação entre as perspectivas substancialista e procedimentalista se deu pela hermenêutica fenomenológica. Inicialmente, esclarece a concepção multidimensional de Direitos Fundamentais na qual se firmará e insere o problema no domínio da moralidade prática. Aborda o tema da legitimidade democrática pela elucidação dos conceitos de democracia, república e soberania. Trata da relação entre Direito, democracia e legitimidade. Visita as doutrinas sobre a legitimidade da jurisdição constitucional pela tutela dos procedimentos democráticos. Faz referência ao ativismo judicial. Expõe a teoria substancialista de Ronald Dworkin dos direitos morais e da igualdade política como substrato de legitimidade. Analisa o juiz Hércules. Expõe a teoria de Jürgen Habermas, que, ao colocar o Direito e a moral na razão comunicativa, acaba por desenvolver uma perspectiva procedimentalista de legitimidade. Aborda o procedimentalismo de pretensão corretiva de Robert Alexy, a partir da análise de sua teoria dos Direitos Fundamentais, de sua Teoria da Argumentação Jurídica e do seu constitucionalismo discursivo. Questiona se sua teoria atinge o objetivo de fundir a perspectiva procedimentalista a pontos substantivos de partida e regulação. Expõe a hermenêutica fenomenológica de Heidegger e filosófica de Gadamer. Distingue o plano hermenêutico do plano apofântico da linguagem. Revisa a hermenêutica heterorreflexiva, seus conceitos de abertura compreensiva contratextual, de primazia do problema e abertura dialógica. Analisa a proposta do juiz Hermes. Desenvolve uma teoria substantivo-dialógica de legitimidade na qual cria a figura da juíza Maia. Determina a pressurização ontológica da dignidade como institucionalização prévia do espaço do jogo na ética da alteridade para o desvelamento da resposta correta.

Orientador: Omar Ribeiro Thomaz / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-06T11:57:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cherem_YoussefAlvarenga_M.pdf: 1667068 bytes, checksum: 23d691189fa6ca5fdeeef14108da6208 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: Durante os dois mandatos Mohammad Khatami como presidente da República Islâmica do Irã (1997-2001; 2001-2005), observou-se um debate intenso e violento na sociedade iraniana a respeito da concepção do espaço político e dos fundamentos da ação política. Uma parte essencial desse debate foi a participação dos estudantes numa incipiente (embora efêmera e limitada) abertura do espaço público. Mas essa política de reforma teve o resultado inesperado de trazer à tona as vozes de contestação da organização normativa autoritária do campo político, expondo as contradições constitutivas do sistema e seu funcionamento ambíguo, e ameaçando por um momento a dominação da elite política religiosa-revolucionária. Essa ameaça ocorreu porque os estudantes agiam segundo uma lógica republicana de igualdade jurídico-política e exigiam a instauração desse padrão, prometido por Khatami durante a campanha eleitoral. Em outras palavras, podemos perceber uma vontade de reformulação simbólico-institucional da divisão público-privado que regia as relações entre o estado e a sociedade do Irã desde o estabelecimento da República Islâmica. A participação de elementos anteriormente excluídos do espaço público e o fortalecimento da sociedade civil fizeram com que fossem contestados a estrutura de poder e o funcionamento enclausurado (privado) do sistema político iraniano, bem como regras não escritas da vida política iraniana. Assim, embora os estudantes tenham sido reprimidos, esse período de abertura relativa nos abre uma perspectiva frutífera para interpretar a pluralidade de concepções de governo, religião e sociedade presentes num país muçulmano, opondo-se a algumas visões do meio acadêmico que se destacam por uma leitura superficial e/ou unidimensional de fenômenos onde se entremeiam cultura e política / Abstract: Islam, legitimacy and political culture: the Iranian student movement in the Khatami government During his two terms as the president of the Islamic Republic of Iran (1997-2001; 2001- 2005), we have come to witness an intense and violent debate in Iranian society about the conception of the public space and the fundaments of political action. An essential element in this debate was the participation of the students in a fledgling (but ephemeral and limited) opening of the public space. But this policy of reform had the unexpected result of bringing into the open the dissenting voices against the normative, authoritarian framing of the public space, exposing the inherent contradictions of the system and its hazy functioning, and jeopardizing, even if for just one moment, the ascendancy of the religious revolutionary elites. The students¿ coming out in public was a threat because the students acted according to a republican logic of juridical and political equality and demanded the implementation, as promised by Khatami in his campaign of this pattern, and the abolition of the ¿unwritten rules¿ of Iranian political life. In other words, we can notice a will of symbolic and institutional reformulation of the separation between public and private spheres that ruled the relations between state and society in Iran since the establishment of the Islamic Republic. The participation of people who had been previously excluded from public space and the strengthening of civil society increased opposition to the power structure and the closed, private working of the political system. Thus, although the students have been repressed, this period of relative opening opens a promising path to interpret the plurality of conception of government, religion and society in a Muslim country ¿ an interpretation that engages critically some scholarly views of the interweaving of culture and politics that are remarkable for their shallow and/or one-dimensional reading of intrinsically multi-layered phenomena / Mestrado / Mestre em Antropologia Social

Orientador: Pedro Paulo Abreu Funari / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-14T14:45:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gralha_JulioCesarMendonca_D.pdf: 3776014 bytes, checksum: 0a5aa716bf21efe840c6f6928825b132 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: O presente trabalho visa compreender os processos que levaram a dinastia ptolomaica a estabelecer sua legitimidade no Egito por quase três séculos a partir de um projeto político-religioso que enfatizava a adoção de práticas mágico-religiosas egípcias e da adoção da monarquia divina egípcia tendo como expressão da materialidade o uso da arquitetura e da iconografia na titulatura em decretos e de forma diversa, e, sobretudo por um programa de construções de templos no Alto Egito, principalmente após a Rebelião Tebana de modo a estabelecer relações de poder, de cooperação e cooptação dos segmentos sociais afim de consolida a legitimidade dinástica. Outrossim, o presente trabalho visa desenvolver metodologias e grades de análises de modo a demonstrar o sentido da pesquisa. As fontes de caráter iconográfico e arquitetônico utilizadas em boa parte fazem parte do acervo fotográfico do autor. / Abstract: The intention of his thesis is to understand the Ptolemaic dynasty processes which allowed to establish his legitimacy almost three centuries based on politic-religious project that the main focus is the adoption of Egyptian magic-religious practices and the adoption of Egyptian divine monarch that the materiality expression is the architecture and iconography used in titles, decrees and other forms and especially developed by building program of temples in Upper Egypt, mainly after the end of Theban Rebellion, with an intention to establish power relation, cooperation and cooptation of social segments consolidating dynastic legitimacy. On the other hand this paper intend to developer methodologies and analyses grade to confirm this research. The architectural and iconographic resources were being used belong to author particular acquis. / Doutorado / Historia Cultural / Doutor em História

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During the so-called third wave of democratisation, South Africa experienced a transition from authoritarian rule to democratic rule in 1994. This transition was coupled with a transformation process, which saw the establishment and introduction of democratic principles and norms, as well as democratic institutions. All these make South Africa a democracy in theory but do not necessarily mean that it is a democracy in practice. Moreover, democracy, unlike authoritarian rule, depends on the support of the populace. Lack of support for democratic rule renders the regime illegitimate, since it does not have enough support to continue as the authority of the country. Against the theoretical point of departure (i.e. support for democracy is closely tied to legitimacy of the authority), it is imperative to evaluate these types of support for democracy as well as their changing levels in the country. This will shed some light on whether the populace in the country embrace democracy as a form of governance – that is, whether the populace perceive democracy as a political regime that is entrenched not only in theory, but also in practice. This will be highlighted by their level of support, which determines whether the regime is perceived as legitimate or illegitimate. It will further shed some light on the degree or level of support for the political system governing the country. Support for democracy may be evaluated by using two models or types of support, i.e. diffuse and specific support. Diffuse support consists of three levels of support, namely, political community, regime principles and regime performance, whilst specific support consists of two levels of support, namely regime institutions and political actors. For this study, these models and levels of support are evaluated amongst the supporters of the ruling party, namely the ANC. For comparative purposes, however, support patterns for democracy, as measured in the World Values Surveys from 1995 to 2006, amongst the ANC supporters will be evaluated in relation to non-ANC supporters. These patterns are crucial, since they will highlight whether support for democracy is support for democratic rules and norms, i.e. democracy per se, or whether support for democracy is closely tied to party support and position. The study reveals that there are relatively high levels of support for political community, regime principles and regime performance amongst both the ANC supporters and non-ANC supporters, when compared to levels of support for regime institutions and political actors, meaning that there are high levels of diffuse support when compared to specific support. Moreover, the ANC supporters have higher levels of both diffuse and specific support for democracy when compared to non-ANC supporters. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die 1990‟s gedurende die derde golf van demokratisering in die wêreld, het Suid Afrika ook „n transformasie van „n outoritêre stelsel na „n demokrasie ondergaan. Hierdie transformasie het op die vestiging van demokratiese beginsels en norme sowel as demokratiese instellings uitgeloop. Hoewel dit Suid-Afrika ‟n demokrasie in teorie gemaak het, het dit die stelsel nie noodwendig ‟n demokrasie in die praktyk gemaak nie. Dit is belangrik om in ag te neem dat „n demokrasie, anders as „n outokrasie, die ondersteuning van die bevolking moet geniet. ‟n Gebrek aan genoegsame steun kan daartoe lei dat ‟n regering gesag op ‟n onlegitieme wyse uitoefen. Teen hierdie teoretiese agtergrond is dit dus belangrik om die tipes sowel as die veranderende vlakke van ondersteuning vir demokrasie te evalueer. Sodoende word ‟n insig verkry of die bevolking demokrasie as ‟n vorm van regering nie net in teorie aanvaar nie, maar ook in die praktyk. Die vlak van ondersteuning sal bepaal of die regime as legitiem of onlegitiem beskou word. Dit kan ook verder lig werp op die vlak van ondersteuning vir die politieke selsel wat in plek is. Ondersteuning vir demokrasie kan bepaal word deur gebruik te maak van twee modelle of tipes van ondersteuning, naamlik, verspreide (“diffuse”) en spesifieke (“specific”) ondersteuning. Verspreide ondersteuning bestaan uit drie vlakke van ondersteuning, naamlik, steun vir die politieke gemeenskap, regime beginsels en regime optrede. Spesifieke ondersteuning in teenstelling, bestaan uit twee vlakke van ondersteuning, naamlik steun vir regime instellings en vir die politieke akteurs. Vir hierdie studie is die modelle en vlakke van ondersteuning ge-evalueer met spesifieke verwysing na die ondersteuners van die ANC - die regerende party. Vir ‟n vergelykingsbasis is hierdie ondersteuningspatrone met die nie-ANC ondersteuners soos dit voorkom in die World Values opnames van 1995 tot 2006 gebruik. Hierdie patrone is van kardinale belang omdat dit vir ons ‟n aanduiding gee of ondersteuning vir demokrasie ook die ondersteuning vir demokratiese reëls en norme behels. Die bevindinge dui op relatiewe hoër vlakke van ondersteuning vir die politieke gemeenskap, regime beginsels en regime werkverrigting onder ANC ondersteuners sowel as nie-ondersteuners as dit vergelyk word met vlakke van ondersteuning vir regime instellings en politieke akteurs. Dit beteken dat daar hoër vlakke van verspreide ondersteuning bestaan in vergelyking met spesifieke ondersteuning. Verder is bevind dat ANC ondersteuners hoër vlakke van verspreide sowel as spesifiek ondersteuning vir demokrasie vertoon in vergelyking met nie-ondersteuners van die ANC.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-150) / It is increasingly becoming apparent that elections, as component parts of democratic processes, do not always guarantee a smooth transfer of power and stable democratic cultures in many contemporary polities. Whenever election outcomes are disputed, Governments of National Unity (GNU) are presented as strategic conflict prevention and resolution models. Yet, the GNU’s ability to nurture democracy in situations where it remains weak or non-existent is extremely limited. This dissertation therefore uses Zimbabwe’s case study to examine how its recent internal political turmoil had overwhelming implications for its legitimacy and democracy. Through qualitative research, the study reveals that despite partially reconciling Zimbabwe’s political protagonists, the GNU neither permanently resolved the crisis nor addressed significant related issues; thus, creating a paradox of legitimacy for the country. The dissertation concludes with recommendations for further research on matters of legitimacy in power-sharing scenarios such as Zimbabwe’s. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International politics)

The Hispanic phenomenon of the pronunciamiento, particularly prominent in nineteenth-century Mexico, is just one example of an insurrectionary political act that has contributed to the traditional portrait of chaos and disorder that has tainted much of our interpretation of the country‟s socio-political history. Once considered to be a violent, non-ideological, praetorian military act, recent studies reveal that the pronunciamiento was primarily a written petition that sought to further political proposals or address particular grievances through negotiation (albeit often backed by the threat of force). Although the military were largely the most visible leaders of the pronunciamiento, a plethora of political and civilian actors and interest groups partook in the practice with the intention of having their grievances/demands attended to by the national government. As well as being viewed as one of the causes of chronic instability, the pronunciamiento was also the primary mechanism employed to bring about tangible political changes throughout the country. At the local level of San Luis Potosí, the pronunciamiento seed also germinated and was used by all political groups and factions in their negotiations with local and national authorities alike. Local interests were often at the heart of these negotiations and so dictated the nature of the pronunciamiento in San Luis Potosí. This dissertation will explore and analyse the pronunciamiento practice, its origins, dynamics and nature, from the regional perspective of San Luis Potosí. Bearing in mind that the pronunciamiento was borne out of, and operated in a specific socio-political-economic context of constitutional disarray and transition, its analysis will also further our understanding of the broader socio-political culture not only of San Luis Potosí, but of Mexico in general. This in turn will contribute to the acknowledged need for reinterpretation and revaluation of the tumultuous period of early nineteenth-century Mexico. It will expose the period as an age of democratic revolutions; of intense political debate between emergent political groups and factions, who increasingly used the pronunciamiento to further an ideological stance, represent a spectrum of interests and force some kind of political change both at a national and regional level when all other constitutional options had been exhausted.