The diploma thesis is focused on the phenomena of political correctness. The topic is studied at three levels which correspond to the three chapters. The first chapter analyses the development of the term political correctness and the discussion which took place in the USA. The second chapter presents the main philosophical and ethical basis of political correctness, the third chapter describes its particular diplays.

The Western liberal democracy is today challenged and criticised, mainly from a right-wing nationalist side, but also from a left-wing side. What both sides have in common is a disapproval of universalistic structures, which can be concluded as an opposition against a thinking derived from the modern Enlightenment era. This postmodern critique can be traced back to the 1960’s and the uprising of critical movements, such as poststructuralism. Michel Foucault, a significant postmodern thinker, identified his work to be linear to the work of Immanuel Kant – a highly anticipated Enlightenment thinker. How can this be? The aim of this study, based on modern and postmodern interpretations, is to analyse the roots of the Enlightenment in order to see if the postmodern critique is an extension or backlash to the tradition of Enlightenment and how it may affect the idea of liberal democracy. This can provide valuable insights whether the critique is an attempt to reform or destroy the tradition of Enlightenment, and ultimately, the liberal democracy of the west. The result states that the postmodern critique mostly has its origin in the Enlightenment and therefore, in most cases, should be seen as an attempt to reform rather than destroy Enlightenment thinking and the liberal democracy. However, despite providing unquestionable legitimate critique, the postmodern thinking does not offer a plausible alternative to the current system and should therefore remain as a tool of providing critique.

The following dissertation studies the question how cyber security has become a national security agenda and discusses implications of the observed processes to current international security status quo. I divided the research into three parts. The first part embodies theoretical and methodological approach. The second part studies three distinct discourses related to cyber security, the techno-geek discourse, the crime-espionage discourse and the nation-defense discourse using the method of Michel Foucault about archaeology of knowledge. The third part then draws on these three discourses and discusses implications through lens of several theoretical perspectives. Namely through concepts taken from science and technology studies, from actor network theory and network assemblages. The critical point of the research is a distinct reading of these discourses. While techno-geeks are understood as a source of semiosis, hackers' capability and crypto-anarchy ideology influenced by cyberpunk subculture, the cyber-crime and espionage discourse is read as a source of evidence of the hackers' capability. The inspiration in popular subculture is combined with current efforts in development of liberating technologies against oppression by authorities, oppression recognized by the eyes of the crypto-anarchist...

Diploma thesis "Constitutional aspects of protection of democratic principles in EU countries", examines the occurrence of aspects in EU constitutions, which protect constitutions from paradox of democracy. Paradox of democracy is an attribute of democracy, when democracy itself within its own democratic processes can transform to an undemocratic regime. The thesis aims to the occurrence of constitutional aspects, which can provide protection against the paradox of democracy. The research is based on created model situation, which provides a base for observation of relevancy of individual aspects of constitutional protections of democratic principles. From conducted research the diploma thesis provides evaluation of potential strength of each aspect of constitutional protection of democratic principles, and also provides ranking of EU countries in this area. The end of the thesis deals with three countries, which ended last in the ranking and tries to evaluate the risk of change to undemocratic regime, on base on occurrence of extremist parties in parliaments of these countries

Though various obligations typically affect our behavior without being recognized, they have a substantial impact on how we operate as human beings. The relationships we have between, say, our parents when in their household obligate us to take out the trash at certain times and wash the dishes after dinner. The relationships we have between our closest friends often oblige us to hear them out when they have undergone a traumatic experience. Upon reflection, it may be easy to point out a number of the obligations which inform our social behavior. What is not so easy, however, is pointing out the foundation for such obligations. In this project I will explore the foundation of obligation, specifically political obligation. Through this exploration I will attempt to situation political obligation in the ontology of political actors. In particular, an analysis of liberal democracy and social democracy, and their ontological backgrounds, liberalism and communitarianism, will be utilized in order to elucidate both the usefulness and the location of political obligation. Ultimately, I will show how recourse to Marxism provides for a more robust account of political obligation.

ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 ushered in a new era of globalisation and with it, intensified levels of global migration. The movement of people across increasingly fluid and penetrable boundaries has altered the demographic profile of European states and this cultural diversity has confronted contemporary Western liberal democracies with a unique set of challenges concerning the integration of diverse groups into society for the purpose of fostering cohesion and domestic stability. The effects of cultural diversity are not limited to demographics however, and this thesis focuses predominantly on the political and public responses that this phenomenon has evoked. The context of the Netherlands provides a particularly enlightening example of the way in which attempts to manage cultural diversity have stimulated intensive debate on immigration and integration topics, which have subsequently become firmly ensconced within public and political discourse. This ongoing debate in the Dutch context has brought to the fore wider questions pertaining to citizenship, national identity and culture. More importantly, these issues have exposed the limits of Dutch tolerance: increasingly restrictionist immigration and integration policy over the last two decades, and in the last 10 years in particular, has appeared incongruous with stereotypical perceptions of the Netherlands as an ultra-liberal and progressive paragon of multiculturalism. This thesis therefore seeks to rework this image of the Netherlands by observing possible shifts in public attitudes towards immigrants and immigration in the context of considerably less favourable material circumstances, occasioned by the current global financial crisis. Attitudes towards Muslims in Dutch society are of particular interest to this research given the particular cultural and symbolic threat that Islam is considered to pose to liberal values. Realistic Group Conflict Theory provides a useful framework for analysing inter-group competition and conflict stemming from both material and non-material perceptions of threat. Whilst particular focus is accorded to the specific macro-economic conditions of the ongoing financial crisis for observing potentially shifting sentiments, this discussion is situated within a larger national debate about immigration and integration spanning two decades. Linking public perception data to analyses of Dutch integration and immigration policy, patterns of voting behaviour and the real effects of the financial crisis on the Dutch economy, the ultimate intention of this research, then, is to assess the prospects and overall “health” of liberal democracy in the Netherlands. The country‟s experiences in attempting to deal with cultural pluralism reveal that liberal democratic norms have not simply been entrenched as “givens” and they are subject to contestation and ambiguity. It is in attempts to address difference and “otherness” in society that the shortfalls of Dutch liberal democracy have been laid bare. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Met die val van die Berlynse Muur in 1989 het „n nuwe tydperk van globalisasie aangebreek en daarmee saam, verskerpte vlakke van globale migrasie. Die beweging van mense oor meer toegangklike grense het die demografiese profiel van Europese state verander. Hierdie kulturele diversiteit het huidige Westerse liberale demokrasieë met „n unieke stel uitdagings gekonfronteer, aangaande die integrasie van diverse groepe in die samelewing met die doel om saamhorigheid te bevorder. Die effek van kulturele diversiteit is egter nie beperk tot demografie nie en hierdie tesis fokus hoofsaaklik op die politieke en openbare reaksies wat die verskynsel uitgelok het. Die Nederlandse konteks verskaf „n besondere insiggewende voorbeeld van die manier waarop pogings om kulturele diversiteit te hanteer, intensiewe debat oor immigrasie- en integrasie-onderwerpe gestimuleer het, wat sedertdien stewig in die openbare en politieke diskoers verskans is. Die voortdurende debat in die Nederlandse verband het wyer vrae aangaande burgerskap, nasionale identiteit en kultuur laat ontstaan. Selfs van groter belang is die feit dat hierdie vraagstukke die perke van Nederlandse verdraagsaamheid ontbloot het: toenemende inperkings op immigrasie- en integrasie-beleid oor die afgelope twee dekades en veral in die laaste 10 jaar, het teenstrydig voorgekom met die stereotipiese indruk van Nederland as „n ultra-liberale en progressiewe toonbeeld van multi-kulturalisme. Hierdie tesis be-oog derhalwe om hierdie beeld van Nederland te ondersoek deur moontlike veranderings in openbare houdings teenoor immigrante en immigrasie waar te neem, teen die agtergrond van aansienlik minder gunstige materiële omstandighede, veroorsaak deur die huidige globale finansiële krisis. Houdings teenoor Moslems in die Nederlandse samelewing is van besondere belang in hierdie ondersoek teen die agtergrond van die beweerde kulturele en simboliese bedreiging wat Islam vir liberale waardes inhou. Realistiese Groep-Konflikteorie voorsien „n nuttige raamwerk om inter-groep wedywering en konflik, wat spruit uit beide materiële en nie-materiële perspesies van bedreiging, te analiseer. Alhoewel besondere aandag geskenk word aan die spesifieke makro-ekonomiese omstandighede van die huidige finansiële krisis om moontlike veranderings in houdings waar te neem, is hierdie bespreking deel van „n groter nasionale debat oor immigrasie en integrasie oor die afgelope twee dekades. Deur inligting oor openbare persepsie te verbind met die Nederlandse integrasie-en immigrasie-beleid, stempatrone en die ware uitwerkings van die finansiële krisis op die Nederlandse kultuur, is die uiteindelike doel van hierdie navorsing om die vooruitsigte en algehele “gesondheid” van liberale demokrasie in Nederland te evalueer. Die land se ervaring van kulturele pluralisme bewys dat liberale demokratiese norme nie verskans is nie en dat hulle onderhewig is aan omstredenheid en dubbelsinnigheid. Die pogings om verskille en “andersheid” in die samelewing aan te spreek, het die tekortkominge van die Nederlandse liberale demokrasie ontbloot.

Thesis (PhD (Education Policy Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / In this dissertation I critically explore school governance in relation to a liberal conception of deliberative democracy incorporating an argument for democratic citizenship. The notion of decentralisation and representative democracy informed collective decision making with the advent of South Africa’s constitutional democracy. This emphasis on participatory democracy aims to enhance nation building/citizenship as South Africa endeavours to sever its ties with its Apartheid past. Entrenched in the practice of representative democracy particularly in the context of schools is educational governance implemented through School Governing Bodies (SGBs). I argue that the legitimate learner and parent voices seem to be excluded from SGB practices – a notion which reinforces the presence of weak democratic practices. My concern is that SGBs in disadvantaged communities do not necessarily adhere to the tenets of democracy as accentuated in the Constitution of South Africa, incorporating the Bill of Rights and the South African Schools Act (SASA of 1996). A weak form of democratic practice seems to manifest itself when the SASA and the implementation thereof are inconsistent with each other, resulting in school governance practices operating in a manner contrary to what the Act purports. The promotion of democracy customarily involves protecting the legitimate (individual and community) interests of all. It is in this context that this dissertation attempts to find a route towards stronger democratic practices, therefore endorsing some of the principles of the South African Constitution, the Bill of Rights and the SASA. I argue that SGB practices seem to undermine these legitimate interests thus posing a dilemma for democracy. In addition current SGBs do not seemingly establish conditions according to which deliberative democratic practices can be achieved. And, unless SGBs also connect deliberative practices with citizenship as well as to “experiencing what is Other”, it would remain weakly democratic. For deliberative practices to happen I propose that conditions ought to be established whereby reasonableness and the incorporation of “the Other”, that is, learners and parents need to be included through pedagogic attentiveness – what can epistemologically referred to as “witnessing the “unknowability of the Other”, can counter such a weak democracy. In other words by including the marginalised voices that are seemingly excluded from SGBs, the potential to move towards strong democratic practices shall be enhanced.

Réalisé en cotutelle avec l'Université de Paris-Sorbonne (Paris IV). / Nos recherches ont pour point de départ le constat d’un manque de dialogue entre trois philosophies politiques du XXe siècle nous provenant des États-Unis alors même que cet État devrait être le chef de file et un modèle d’ouverture en matière de réflexion sur la démocratie libérale. Les trois philosophies politiques en question sont celles de John Rawls, de Richard Rorty et de Leo Strauss. Nous avons donc procédé à l’amorce d’un dialogue en mettant en relation les idées des trois auteurs sur les grands thèmes de la vérité, de l’histoire, des dimensions de l’homme et des principes démocratiques, et avons fait un effort supplémentaire de rapprochement en montrant le rapport de chacun à onze dualismes classiques liés à ces quatre thèmes. Ces dualismes sont des oppositions binaires habituellement vénérables qui classent et divisent deux ordres de réalité. Avec ce langage commun des dualismes classiques, les obstacles aux rapprochements dus aux jeux de langage ou aux vocabulaires trop particuliers des trois auteurs sont tombés. Nous montrons d’abord qu’aucun vainqueur clair ne ressort de notre confrontation, mais qu’il y a moyen de porter un jugement sur les trois auteurs en fonction de critères non controversés (cohérence, complexité ou nuances, capacité à réfuter les deux autres). Ensuite, une confrontation et un dialogue directs des trois positions permettent de les faire s’exprimer sur les mêmes enjeux et de dégager des conclusions d’intérêt général dépassant le débat d’auteurs. Ces conclusions montrent quel genre de compromis peut être trouvé entre les principes de vérité et d’histoire, approuvent le projet de résoudre les tensions dans la vision de l’homme, en particulier entre les sphères publiques et privées, mais rappellent l’importance du point de vue ancien sur les principes repris par la démocratie (liberté, égalité, justice), ne serait-ce que pour faire contrepoids à la tendance générale. Ultimement, nous montrons comment de cette confrontation peut se dégager le programme pour la philosophie politique de vivre dans une tension féconde entre critique (prémoderne) et confiance (moderne), ainsi que la nécessité réaffirmée de poursuivre les efforts de dialogue pour rendre notre pensée digne de l’idée de la démocratie libérale. / Our study stems from the awareness that three twentieth-century political philosophies emanating from the United States have not partaken in any serious dialogue, even though this country should be a leader and model of openness regarding the topic of liberal democracy. The three political philosophies in question are those of John Rawls, Richard Rorty and Leo Strauss. Consequently, we have initiated a dialogue by confronting the ideas of these three thinkers on matters concerning truth, history, the dimensions of man, and democratic principles, having furthered this effort by highlighting the opinion of each on eleven classical dualisms related to these four matters. These dualisms are binary oppositions, generally venerable, which classify and divide two orders of reality. Using the common language of classical dualisms allowed us to overcome the obstacles due to the particular language game or vocabulary of each. In the first place, we show that if no real victor emerges from our confrontation, it is possible to judge each of the thinkers according to non contentious criteria (consistency, complexity or subtlety, capacity to refute the other positions). Then we illustrate that the direct confrontation through dialogue allows each of the three positions to express itself on the same issues and leads one to conclusions regarding matters beyond simple exegetic analysis. These conclusions show what kind of compromise is possible between the principles of truth and history. They support the project of resolving the tensions in our understanding of man, in particular, between the public and private spheres. Finally, they remind us of the importance of the ancient view of democratic principles (freedom, equality, justice), if only to counterbalance the current overwhelming trend. Ultimately, we explain how this confrontation can lead to a program for a political philosophy which balances the claims of (premodern) criticism and (modern) confidence, as well as restates the importance of continuing the dialogue in order that our thought be worthy of the idea of liberal democracy.

This Master's thesis reflects the theory of American political philosopher S. Wolin. The work introduces the reader to interpretations of S. Wolin's term inverted totalitarianism and confronts it with the common and mainstream approaches to totalitarianism. It is concerned about S. Wolin's reflection on contemporary western liberal democracy as managed democracy. The text pays attention to work of G. Agamben who takes a similar critique on the form of Euro-Atlantic democracy; for instance the thesis deals with his view of state of exception in which the author sees connections on inverted totalitarianism. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

Trust, cooperation and equal value. The purpose of the current study has been to present evidence of interracial bridging social capital between groups and individuals in South African small-town society. An ethnological field study has been executed by searching, observing and interviewing citizens at various meeting points in civil society where interracial interaction is taking place. The collected empirical data will be evaluated in relation to established theories regarding the importance of social capital in relation to political prospering of liberal democracies. This will be done in order to answer the question: in what way and in which spheres of South African society can evidence of bridging social capital be found? The discussion and conclusion will be dependent on to what extent bridging social capital is taking place in conjunction with interracial meetings. The research will be divided into three phases. The first phase will be presenting the idea of the research and the preparation of how it is going to be performed. The second phase demonstrates the execution of data gathering with the theories at its core. Finally, the third phase of the essay will be carried out by discussing the results and how it contributes to the existing science base (George and Bennet, 2005, p. 73). In conclusion, the study showed that bridging social capital is possible to find primarily in the spheres of education and Christian parishes close to communities where the middle and upper-class live.