The main purpose of the thesis is to investigate the possibility of bridging the dichotomy between Islam and the criteria of modern society by means of reinterpreting the principles (foundations) of Islam. The reformists Abdolkarim Soroush, Sedigheh Vasmaghi and Tariq Ramadan seek to prove that the methods keeping strictly within the boundaries of tradition interpreting the Quran along the lines of previous generations is not necessarily the sole means of coming to an understanding of the Quran’s message. The thesis discusses these reinterpreters’ critique of tradition and their arguments for the possibility of uniting the principles of Islam with the prerequisites of modern society. In conjunction with this, the question whether modern society presupposes a strict division between the private and the public sphere is problematized from a point of departure in Jeffrey Stout’s Democracy and Tradition. The thesis attempts to show potential conceptions of a modern society based on the principles of Islam.

Nous avons constaté une absence de dialogue entre trois philosophies politiques états-uniennes duXXe siècle, celles de John Rawls, de Richard Rorty et de Leo Strauss. Nous avons donc voulu pallierce manque en les faisant dialoguer sur les grands thèmes de la vérité, de l’histoire, des dimensions del’homme et des principes démocratiques, et les avons rapprochés davantage en montrant le rapportde chacun à onze dualismes classiques liés à ces quatre thèmes. Ces dualismes sont des oppositionsbinaires habituellement vénérables qui classent et divisent deux ordres de réalité. Ce langagecommun des dualismes classiques a permis des rapprochements étroits. Si aucun vainqueur clair neressort de notre confrontation, il y a néanmoins moyen de porter un jugement sur les trois auteurs enfonction de critères non controversés (cohérence, complexité ou nuances, capacité à réfuter les deuxautres). Ensuite, une confrontation et un dialogue directs des trois positions permettent de dégagerdes conclusions d’intérêt général. Celles-ci montrent quel genre de compromis peut être trouvé entreles principes de vérité et d’histoire, approuvent le projet de résoudre les tensions dans la vision del’homme, surtout entre privé et public, tout en rappelant l’importance du point de vue ancien sur lesprincipes repris par la démocratie (liberté, égalité, justice). En dernier lieu, nous montrons comment leprogramme d’une philosophie politique qui vit d’une tension féconde entre critique (prémoderne) etconfiance (moderne) peut se dégager de cette confrontation, ainsi que la nécessité de poursuivre lesefforts de dialogue pour rendre notre pensée digne de l’idée de la démocratie libérale. / Having noticed a lack of dialogue between three American political philosophies, those of John Rawls,Richard Rorty, and Leo Strauss, we attempt to remedy the situation by confronting their ideas onmatters concerning truth, history, the dimensions of man, and democratic principles. We examine themfurther by highlighting the opinion of each on eleven classical dualisms related to these four matters.These dualisms are binary oppositions, generally venerable, which classify and divide two orders ofreality. This common language of classical dualisms enables us to compare our thinkers more closely.If no real victor emerges from our confrontation, it is possible to judge each of the thinkers according tonon contentious criteria (consistency, complexity or subtlety, capacity to refute the other positions). Wethen illustrate that the direct confrontation through dialogue leads one to conclusions regarding mattersbeyond simple exegetic analysis. These conclusions show what kind of compromise is possiblebetween the principles of truth and history, they support the project of resolving the tensions in ourunderstanding of man, in particular, between the public and private spheres, all the while reminding usof the importance of the ancient view of democratic principles (freedom, equality, justice). Ultimately,we explain how this confrontation can lead to a program for a political philosophy which balances theclaims of (premodern) criticism and (modern) confidence, as well as restates the importance ofcontinuing the dialogue in order that our thought be worthy of the idea of liberal democracy.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Venceslau Alves de Souza.pdf: 1075609 bytes, checksum: f7e3705ae5eabd411448fe7d996c786b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-14 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This study was written from a nonIberian perspective to analyze a phenomenon that is very wellknown in Brazil and which is commonly referred to as malandragem . This social practice is examined from the point of view of a theory of social action, in other words, from the starting point of a Western way of thinking that is in opposition to theories that seek its existence in premodern emotionThis study argues that malandragem is much more a product of our modernity, that has been evident since the beginning of the nineteenth century particularly in the resistance of the dominated groups in society which resulted in the formation of the malandro , malandragem , and manifestations such as the jeitinho (Brazilian way), xaveco (flirting), ginga (swing), darse bem (to do well ) levar vantagem ( to take advantage ) jogo de cintura ( to know how to deal with situations). It is also in that resistance that by allowing malandragem to be accepted as a national characteristic it is possible to hide the latent conflict behind the modern forms of domination that (paradoxically) allow human rights to be advanced. The domination is also accentuated in the interclass relationship which distances those individuals from those rights and moves them closer to malandragem / Este estudo foi escrito numa perspectiva nãoiberista do surgimento e evolução de um fenômeno muito conhecido dos brasileiros ao qual se convencionou chamar de malandragem . Esta prática social é aqui investigada sob a luz de uma teoria social da ação, ou seja, a partir do processo de racionalização do Ocidente, em contraponto às teorias que buscam na emoção prémoderna as causas de sua existência. Na perspectiva deste estudo, é muito mais do formato de nossa modernidade, presente entre nós desde princípios do século XIX, particularmente da resistência dos grupos dominantes e daqueles dominados em admitir a totalidade de seus imperativos, que se forma o malandro, a malandragem e todos os seus pressupostos, tais como, o jeitinho, o xaveco, a ginga, o darse bem, o levar vantagem, o jogo de cintura. É nele também que, ao naturalizar a malandragem como uma marca nacional , podese ocultar o conflito latente onde assentam as formas de dominação modernas que (paradoxalmente) permitem fazer avançar os direitos de cidadania. A dominação entre nós é acentuada também no formato intraclasses, o que distancia os indivíduos desses direitos e os aproxima das coisas da malandragem

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Venceslau Alves de Souza.pdf: 1075609 bytes, checksum: f7e3705ae5eabd411448fe7d996c786b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-14 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This study was written from a nonIberian perspective to analyze a phenomenon that is very wellknown in Brazil and which is commonly referred to as malandragem . This social practice is examined from the point of view of a theory of social action, in other words, from the starting point of a Western way of thinking that is in opposition to theories that seek its existence in premodern emotionThis study argues that malandragem is much more a product of our modernity, that has been evident since the beginning of the nineteenth century particularly in the resistance of the dominated groups in society which resulted in the formation of the malandro , malandragem , and manifestations such as the jeitinho (Brazilian way), xaveco (flirting), ginga (swing), darse bem (to do well ) levar vantagem ( to take advantage ) jogo de cintura ( to know how to deal with situations). It is also in that resistance that by allowing malandragem to be accepted as a national characteristic it is possible to hide the latent conflict behind the modern forms of domination that (paradoxically) allow human rights to be advanced. The domination is also accentuated in the interclass relationship which distances those individuals from those rights and moves them closer to malandragem / Este estudo foi escrito numa perspectiva nãoiberista do surgimento e evolução de um fenômeno muito conhecido dos brasileiros ao qual se convencionou chamar de malandragem . Esta prática social é aqui investigada sob a luz de uma teoria social da ação, ou seja, a partir do processo de racionalização do Ocidente, em contraponto às teorias que buscam na emoção prémoderna as causas de sua existência. Na perspectiva deste estudo, é muito mais do formato de nossa modernidade, presente entre nós desde princípios do século XIX, particularmente da resistência dos grupos dominantes e daqueles dominados em admitir a totalidade de seus imperativos, que se forma o malandro, a malandragem e todos os seus pressupostos, tais como, o jeitinho, o xaveco, a ginga, o darse bem, o levar vantagem, o jogo de cintura. É nele também que, ao naturalizar a malandragem como uma marca nacional , podese ocultar o conflito latente onde assentam as formas de dominação modernas que (paradoxalmente) permitem fazer avançar os direitos de cidadania. A dominação entre nós é acentuada também no formato intraclasses, o que distancia os indivíduos desses direitos e os aproxima das coisas da malandragem

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Various writers, for example Rudolf Bahro and Arne Naess, have for a long time associated Green politics with an impulse toward deepening democracy. Robert Goodin has further suggested that decentralisation of political authority is an inherent characteristic of Green politics. More recently in New Zealand, speculation has been raised by Stephen Rainbow as to the consequences of the direct democratic impulse for existing representative institutions. This research addresses that question. Examination of the early phase of Green political parties in New Zealand has found that the Values Party advocated institutional restructuring oriented toward decentralisation of political authority in order to enable a degree of local autonomy, and particpatory democracy. As time has gone on the Values Party disappeared and with it went the decentralist impulse, this aspect of Green politics being conspicuously absent in the policy of Green Party Aotearoa/New Zealand, the successor to the Values Party. Since this feature was regarded as synonymous with Green politics, a certain re-definition of Green politics as practised by Green political parties is evident. This point does not exhaust the contribution Green politics makes to democracy however, and the methodology used in this research, critical discourse analysis (CDA), allows an insight into what Douglas Torgerson regards as the benefits in resisting the antipolitical tendency of modernity, of politics for its own sake. This focusses attention on stimulating public debate on fundamental issues, in terms of an ideology sufficiently at variance with that prevalent such that it threatens to disrupt the hegemonic dominance of the latter, thereby contributing to what Ralf Dahrendorf describes as a robust democracy. In this regard Green ideology has much to contribute, but this aspect is threatened by the ambition within the Green Party in New Zealand toward involvement in coalition government. The final conclusion is that the Green Party in New Zealand has followed the trend of those overseas and since 1990 has moved ever closer to a commitment to the institutions of centralised, representative, liberal democracy and this, if taken too far, threatens their ideological integrity.

Despite the general academic consensus that liberal democracy has triumphed over communism, Marxist-inspired movements continue to thrive across the global south. This is a curious phenomenon in the post-Cold War era. This paper explores the recent growth of both The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia and the Naxalite-Maoist Insurgency in India, and compares the two groups. It analyzes the factors that have led to their resurgence, in particular, the political and economic dimensions. Specifically, it addresses the impact of two dominant factors in fomenting their resurgence: neo-liberalism and political exclusion. First, recent growth of both groups seems to correlate with the adoption of neo-liberal economic policies and progressively draconian structural adjustments, which aggravated existing poverty and inequality, in their respective countries. Second, recent growth of both groups seems to correlate with political exclusion of marginalized groups, an exclusion increasingly enforced by state violence. The survival and growth of Marxist-inspired armed movements across the globe also raises important questions about the future of liberal democracy. This paper asks whether the persistence of Marxist-inspired movements across the global south has given the lie to the "end of history" theory, and what their resurgence says, if anything, about the "clash of civilizations theory. It concludes that the success of these movements challenges the apparent triumph of liberal democracy in both Colombia and India, and perhaps in the post-Cold War era globally.

This paper offers a critical framework for understanding how liberal democracies will be tested and constrained by the twin energy crises of climate change and energy scarcity. The analysis is developed in three distinct phases: the first phase pursues a critical understanding of the contemporary liberal democratic state as it relates to the fossil fuel dependent capitalist economy. I argue that the state’s dependence on economic growth prevents it from confronting the structural nature of the twin energy crises. In phase two I shift focus, engaging with the historically significant relationship between liberal democracy and market-capitalism. This argument is developed by exploring (1) the historical connection between democracy, liberalism and capitalism; (2) the permanent and dynamic tension that arises from these mutually dependent, yet conflicting ideologies and (3) the crucial role fossil energy has played, and continues to play, in masking and displacing the sources and the consequences of this tension. Finally, in phase three, I explore the divergent interests of the liberal and democratic traditions, suggesting this generates points of tension within liberal democracy that may be exacerbated as the twin crises worsens. I conclude by arguing that it is only through understanding how the twin energy crises will test and constrain liberal democracy that we will be able to defend, strengthen and deepen its core values.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 3032.pdf: 3287651 bytes, checksum: 414d3c348211320309d99e43efa3beaa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-08-24 / The main objective of this study is to analyze the factors that explain the reactions of the opposition sectors to the government of Hugo Chávez between 2001 and 2004. The understanding of these reactions is searched having as background the break with the liberal democratic regime occurred in 1999, with the up rise of this president, inaugurating what it calls democracia participativa y protagónica . To achieve its objectives this work try to understand initially the political regime in the country since the construction of liberal democracy around the Pact of Punto Fijo, through its crisis during the 1980s, until the election of Chavez in 1998. Finally, we present some interpretations on the political and institutional changes occurred with the new government and what they may represent in the sectors linked to the former regime that arise in opposition. The findings indicate that the reactions of these sectors to the government initiated in 1999, resulted from its displacement from the power, and not as they stated in their dissatisfaction with the "authoritarianism" of the new regime. What they pursued was the control of the state, allowed by the minimalist nature of democracy pre-Chávez. / O objetivo principal deste estudo consiste em analisar os fatores que explicam as reações dos setores oposicionistas ao governo de Hugo Chávez entre 2001 e 2004. A compreensão destas reações é buscada tendo como pano de fundo a ruptura com o regime democrático liberal ocorrido a partir de 1999, com a ascensão deste presidente, inaugurando o que o mesmo denomina democracia participativa e protagônica . Para alcançar seus objetivos este trabalho se empenha inicialmente em entender o regime político no país desde a construção da democracia liberal em torno do Pacto de Punto Fijo, passando por sua crise durante os anos 1980, até a vitória de Chávez em 1998. Por fim, apresenta algumas interpretações sobre as transformações políticas e institucionais ocorridas com o novo governo e o que as mesmas passam a representar para os setores ligados ao antigo regime que se colocam na oposição. As conclusões obtidas indicam que as reações destes setores ao governo iniciado em 1999, resultaram de seu desalojamento do poder, e não como afirmavam de sua insatisfação com o autoritarismo do novo regime. O que eles perseguiam, no limite, era o controle do Estado, permitido pelo caráter minimalista da democracia pré-Chávez.

This is a study of whether it is possible for the governmental form of democracy to be ap-plicable in states that have not had democracy as their governmental form earlier in their political history. In this thesis the concept of liberal democracy is the major theory used as well as the concepts of rule of law and civil society. After giving a description of the con-cepts the thesis continues with two chapters that respectively describe and explain the states of Belarus and Cuba. The two states are going to be used in the analysis at the end of this thesis. The analysis includes several conditions to asses if democracy exists. These conditions are derived from the chapters on democracy and rule of law. In the analysis the states of Bela-rus and Cuba are analyzed based on the conditions derived from the chapters on democra-cy and rule of law. The results of the concluding discussion are that the probability for de-mocracy to survive in Cuba is higher than in Belarus because Cuba seems to be transition from an authoritarian form of regime to a form o f democracy. In contrast to Belarus, Cu-ba seems to be willing to open up from seclusion and isolation, as well as listen to its people than what the state of Belarus is willing to do.