In 2014, Sweden became the first country in the world to explicitly adopt a feminist foreign policy. Since then many countries have followed their example by putting gender equality, feminism and the rights of women on their agenda for foreign policy. The application of a Westernised perception of feminism on states within a culturally different context has however faced some critique. Taking into account the troubled relationship that Western First world feminism has had with colonialism, alongside the criticism that contemporary international development has faced, there is an academic relevance to the contribution and exploration of the nascent field of feminist foreign policy. This study takes a critical approach towards the Eurocentric Westernized perception of development and feminism, with the objective to see how current development policies could potentially reinforce and reproduce colonial structures through the discourse of Western feminism. By taking a feminist postcolonial approach to deconstructive discourse analysis, this study unveils the reproduction of unequal power structures through the development discourse, Western feminist discourse and neoliberal discourse.

Gender equality is one of the fundamental values of the European Union (EU). The EU possesses the ambition as well as the legal obligation to promote equal rights beyond its borders. Hence, it is of most importance that the EU construct gender equality policies that foster positive change, certainly due to the EU’s normative ability to influence other actors. This paper is concerned with how problems of gender inequality is constructed by the European Commission and moreover which foreign policy approach that is proposed to combat inequality. While focusing on contexts where gender is present, this study applies feminist theoretical approaches to critically examine statements given by the European Commission. The ‘What’s the problem represented to be?’ approach allows the study to identify problem representations, underlying assumptions and effects. It is determined that elements from both liberal and radical feminism is evident in the European Commission’s problem representations and that the male/female dichotomy which the problematisations are based on might prevent equality between men and women. Mostly due to its focus on the differences between genders. The findings also show that the European Commission suggest to combat inequality using a multidimensional problem-solving approach where actions are executed at individual, national, international and supranational levels simultaneously. Additionally, much emphasis is put on solving issues at grass-root levels.

No / FP7

A social problem that has created many debates is the issue of the gender distribution in a workplace where the main aim has been to create an equal workplace between the sexes without discrimination or favouring other genders. This has meant that it is necessary to break down male-dominated occupations to a more equal distribution between men and women, more specifically male-dominated occupations that are often leading roles within companies and organizations. According to the new directive by the European Parliament, all EU countries must take measures when it comes to increasing the number of women in management. The directive discussed during Session’s info November 21-24, 2022, plenary session in Strasbourg requires companies with more than 250 employees to carry out transparent recruitment within the company to ensure that at least 40 percent of nonexecutive board members or 33 percent of all board members are represented by women no later than July 2026 (EU. 2022). One country that has received harsh criticism is Sweden, which chose to vote no to the proposal, which has led to Sweden ending up in the same party as Hungary and Poland, which are often associated with Europe's worst countries when it comes to equality issues. This essay will analyse whether the quota system is the right way to achieve equality and how it in turn is a fair method to use. By implementing the different theories of John Rawls, Robert Nozick and liberal feminism we can for a better perception and understanding of what is "justice".

The aim of this study is to make visible and analyze how male subordination is described and which ideals of masculinity are highlighted as worthy of aspiration in material from internet personality Andrew Tate. The material consists of interviews and podcasts that are available on the internet. The analysis draws on a qualitative content analysis, in which three feminist perspectives are used as an analytical lens for interpreting the material: liberal feminism, radical feminism and queer theory. The results show that male subordination is described as coming from an inverted gender order, a matriarchy, as well as inherent differences between the nature of the sexes that inhibit men. Among these inherent differences is a male sense of duty and a societal view of male value as lower than female. The results also show that violence, dampening of emotions, and money constitute masculinity traits that are highlighted as desirable. Tate's view of male subordination and ideals of masculinity is characterized by a tendentious argument that collides with the three feminist perspectives. Thus, it is possible to understand Tate's approach as anti-feminist, which is consistent with research on, among other things, the Manosphere that Tate can be connected to.

Syftet med denna undersökning har varit att undersöka ifall män och kvinnor representeras på lika eller olika sätt i en svensk branschtidning. Syftet har även inkluderat att studera ifall det har skett någon förändring i denna representation över tid. Därför har undersökningen innefattat ett tidsperspektiv. Tidsperspektivet har inneburit att undersökningen har utförts vid fyra olika tidsnedslag, vilka är år 1981, 1991, 2001 samt 2011. Den frågeställning som vi har avsett att besvara är: Hur har män och kvinnor porträtterats i branschtidningen Veckans Affärer från 1980-talet fram till 2010-talet? Finns det likheter och/eller skillnader? Finns det också någon skillnad i hur mycket utrymme som män respektive kvinnor har fått i branschtidningen genom åren? Undersökningen har tolkats utifrån ett teoretiskt ramverk bestående av R.W. Connells teori om den hegemoniska maskuliniteten. De feministiska perspektiven liberalfeminism, radikalfeminism och marxistisk socialistisk feminism har också använts. Även Gunilla Jarlbro och Maria Edströms genomgång av genusstrukturer har använts som teoretiskt underlag i denna uppsats. Den metod som har använts till denna undersökning är dels en mindre kvantitativ räkning av samtliga nummer av tidningen Veckans Affärer under 1981, 1991, 2001 samt 2011. Därefter har en kritisk diskursanalys utförts på fyra stycken utvalda nummer från respektive tidsnedslag under undersökningsperioden. De huvudsakliga resultaten som har kunnat uttolkas i denna undersökning är att män får mycket mer utrymme i det undersökta tidningsmagasinet än vad kvinnor får. Det finns dessutom tydliga skillnader i hur män och kvinnor porträtteras i tidningsmagasinet. Den slutsats som därmed kan dras av denna undersökning är att kvinnor inte är helt jämställda män när det kommer till hur de representeras i media. / The purpose with this essay has been to study if men and women are represented in different ways in a Swedish trade magazine. The purpose has also been to study if there have occurred any differences over time. The study has therefore included a timeline where we have studied four years with ten years apart. These have been during the years of 1981, 1991, 2001 and finally 2011. The question formulation in this essay has consequently been as follows: In what ways have men and women been portrayed in the trade magazine Veckans Affärer from the 1980’s up to the 2010’s? Are there any similarities and/or differences? Is there also any difference in the amount of space that has been given to men and women in the trade magazine throughout the time? Several theories have been used in order to interpret the results of our study. These have consisted of R.W. Connell’s theory about the hegemonic masculinity, the three feministic perspectives of the liberal feminism, the radical feminism as well as the Marxist-socialistic feminism. Also the theory of different gender structures of Gunilla Jarlbro and Maria Edströms have been used. The method in this study has consisted of two steps, first has a smaller quantitative analysis been made. It has been made on all of the copies that have been published of the magazine Veckans Affärer during the time of our study, which is during 1981, 1991, 2001 and 2011. A critical discourse analysis has subsequently been made on four chosen copies from all the chosen years during the time of our study, which are 16 copies of the magazine in total. The main result that we have been able to distinguish from our material is that men in general are provided more space in the studied magazine than women are. There are also clear differences in the ways that men and women are portrayed. One of the main differences in the magazine is that women are more often than men described to be more connected to the private sphere. The conclusion one therefore can draw from our study is that little has happened over time in the area of gender research. Women are still quite unequal compared to men in the ways they are portrayed in media.

This thesis examined why an actor in the labor market, namely Volvo Cars, promotes parental leave. Previous research has shown that workplace-related factors are important for parents' use of parental leave. The purpose of this thesis was thus to highlight how actors in the labor market have the ability to influence the use of parental leave and, by extension, the development of gender equality. This thesis utilized an explanatory analysis of two policy documents and an information film about the Family Bond and three interviews with employees at Volvo Cars. The results showed that one of the reasons why Volvo Cars introduced the "Family Bond" is the company's desire to create equal opportunities for all. "Family Bond" is thus also part of Volvo Cars' inclusive approach in the sense that the company recognizes that parenting and family constellations can look different. A second reason for the implementation is Volvo Cars' aim to contribute to equal parenting. In addition, Volvo Cars believes that paid parental leave, by enabling the company to recruit and retain more women in the company, leads to more diversified perspectives which in turn drives innovation, creativity, improves productivity and the company's operations. A fourth reason for the introduction of the "Family Bond", which is also the most prominent, is that this parental leave policy is part of the entire Volvo Cars corporate culture, which is centered around the human being and the family.

Government began legislating abortion in the mid nineteenth century and has controlled access to this service for women ever since. With the creation of hospital boards after WWII, state control over access became further entrenched. Regulations and restrictions since Roe v. Wade limit the availability of abortion services for women served by Medicaid and other social assistance programs. The existence of a class bias around access can be seen throughout the topic's history and legislation has unfairly targeted and therefore disproportionately affects poor women. The data show that these restrictions have no impact on the number of unintended pregnancies over the last 20 plus years. Without the ability to personally fund the procedure, poor women do not enjoy the same choices as women in other social classes. In the next decade, we are likely to experience more of the same without having a realistic conversation about Medicaid funding of abortion.

<div> <div> <div> <p>The following study used a liberal feminist lens to address a gap in the literature on contraceptive method use and romantic relationships by examining the association between contraceptive method use and both relationship satisfaction and balance of power. Specifically, it surveyed married women between the ages of 20-49 using either oral contraceptives (OCs) or natural family planning (NFP). Relationship satisfaction was measured using the Couple Satisfaction Index (CSI-4). Balance of power in the relationship was measured using the Relationship Balance Assessment (RBA). It was hypothesized that women using NFP would report higher relationship satisfaction and greater balance of power than women using OCs. Instead, results of the multiple regression analyses indicated that women using NFP experienced significantly lower rates of balance of power in their relationship. There was no significant difference in relationship satisfaction between groups. Additionally, control variables of religious importance and number of children were found to be associated with balance of power. Controls of age and religious importance were found to be associated with relationship satisfaction. Clinical implications, strengths and limitations, and future directions for research were discussed. </p> </div> </div> </div>

The primary objective of this thesis is to conduct a comparative analysis of Sweden'slegislation, that criminalizes the purchase of sexual services, with Finland's laws thatdistinguish prostitution from human trafficking and prohibit the purchase of sexual services ifthe customer is aware of or ought to have suspected that the prostitute is a victim of humantrafficking. The study aims to identify and examine the core differences between these laws and how they reflect distinct views on prostitution and women, and the extent to which they are aligned with gender equality. The study employs a liberal sex work perspective which regards prostitution as a form of work that can be separated from the individual's body and aneo-abolitionist perspective that views prostitution, whether voluntary or involuntary, as a harmful and exploitative practice that oppresses women. The study employs a most-similardesign and ideological analysis to address the research questions. The results reveal the legislations' role in promoting gender equality as part of a broader feminist struggle against patriarchal structures. Sweden's law addresses gender inequality by identifying prostitution as a manifestation of male violence against women, while Finland's law targets exploitation insex trafficking, maintaining gender equality by protecting those most vulnerable inprostitution.