Ce mémoire a pour but de miner le projet libertarien d'une défense de la structure de la propriété libérale basée sur le principe de propriété de soi. Loin de nier le concept de propriété de soi, nous adoptons le principe associé à la pensée libertarienne et démontrons que l'adoption d'un tel principe nous mène à la restructuration du concept de propriété vers un concept qui est cohérent avec les valeurs égalitaristes et démocratiques. Nous espérons, ceci faisant, pouvoir montrer l'incohérence du projet libertarien, et fournir les outils nécessaires afin que les égalitaristes puissent défendre leurs idées en terrain libertarien. / The purpose of this thesis is to try and undermine the libertarian project of defending the liberal structure of ownership through its use of the principle of self-ownership. Far from denying the concept of self-ownership, we adopt the principle associated with libertarian thought and show that the adoption of such a principle leads us to a restructuring of the concept of ownership towards one that is coherent with egalitarian and democratic values. We hope that, by doing so, we are able to show the incoherence within libertarianism and give the tools necessary for egalitarians to defend their ideas on libertarian grounds.

In this dissertation, I investigate the implications of libertarian morality in relation to the problem of climate change. This problem is explicated in the first chapter, where preliminary clarifications are also made. In the second chapter, I briefly explain the characteristics of libertarianism relevant to the subsequent study, including the central non-aggression principle. In chapter three, I examine whether our individual emissions of greenhouse gases, which together give rise to climate change, meet this principle. I do this based on the assumption that we are the legitimate owners of the resources we use in those activities. In the fourth chapter, I question this assumption and scrutinize libertarianism’s restrictions on appropriations of climate-relevant resources, which leads me to distinguish between some different versions of the libertarian view. Toward the end of the chapter, I also examine libertarianism’s answer to the political question regarding how emission rights should be distributed. The fifth chapter investigates libertarianism’s verdicts for mere risks of infringement, as stemming from people’s emissions and acts of appropriations. In chapter six, I investigate the libertarian right to self-defense against both the effects of climate change and other people’s climate-relevant activities. In chapter seven, I discuss two intergenerational issues related to climate change: what libertarianism says concerning future generations and how libertarianism might deal with the problem of historical emissions. The eighth chapter explores the implications of libertarianism regarding collective moral wrongdoing in connection to climate change. In chapter nine, I take a look at the libertarian room for governmental responses for tackling climate change. The tenth and final chapter is a summary. The overall conclusion of the dissertation is that libertarianism recommends that we reduce our emissions and decrease our extraction of natural resources such as forests and fossil fuels. Furthermore, governments are permitted to undertake some quite substantial actions in order to fight the causes of climate change. I end with some bottom-up reflections on what these conclusions might say about the plausibility of libertarianism. I claim that although libertarianism after all manages to explain some of our moral intuitions regarding climate change, it is questionable whether libertarianism’s explanation is better than those offered by alternative moral theories.

<p>This study deals with theories of community, justice, and freedom within liberalism, communitarianism, African philosophy and theology. The study maintains that there are different latitudes on how to formulate and articulate theories of community, justice and freedom informed by particualr moral experiences with bearing on different views of human. People differ and their claims on moral matters are influenced by contexts in which they find themselves, which means that cultural diversity has bearing on different interpretations of what it means to be a human being. Given the importance of this diversity, of particular significance in this study is the relationship between various theories of justice and freedom and different understandings of the relationship between the individual and the community. The study endorses that any contemporary discourse on community, justice, and freedom to be adequate should take notice on the political, economic, and cultural aspirations of the people it seeks to address itself. It argues that there might be alternative theories of community, justice, and freedom which may give a fuller appreciation to the fact that there are different understandings of what community implies as well as what justice and freedom means. One such alternative is the African view of human, that of "ubuntu", which maintains that "to be" is "to belong". In this view a person is because of others, and by inference one's humanity, including one's sense of personhood, is affirmed by affirming the humanity and personhood of others. The first aim of the study is to examine how we should understand different theories of justice and freedom within Western political philosophy, and African political theory and theology. The second aim is to analyse how different theories of justice and freedom are related to different conceptions of the relationship between the individual and the community. The third and final aim is to propose an adequate theory of community, justice, and freedom from an African perspective.</p>

This study deals with theories of community, justice, and freedom within liberalism, communitarianism, African philosophy and theology. The study maintains that there are different latitudes on how to formulate and articulate theories of community, justice and freedom informed by particualr moral experiences with bearing on different views of human. People differ and their claims on moral matters are influenced by contexts in which they find themselves, which means that cultural diversity has bearing on different interpretations of what it means to be a human being. Given the importance of this diversity, of particular significance in this study is the relationship between various theories of justice and freedom and different understandings of the relationship between the individual and the community. The study endorses that any contemporary discourse on community, justice, and freedom to be adequate should take notice on the political, economic, and cultural aspirations of the people it seeks to address itself. It argues that there might be alternative theories of community, justice, and freedom which may give a fuller appreciation to the fact that there are different understandings of what community implies as well as what justice and freedom means. One such alternative is the African view of human, that of "ubuntu", which maintains that "to be" is "to belong". In this view a person is because of others, and by inference one's humanity, including one's sense of personhood, is affirmed by affirming the humanity and personhood of others. The first aim of the study is to examine how we should understand different theories of justice and freedom within Western political philosophy, and African political theory and theology. The second aim is to analyse how different theories of justice and freedom are related to different conceptions of the relationship between the individual and the community. The third and final aim is to propose an adequate theory of community, justice, and freedom from an African perspective.

This thesis looks at fundamental disagreements about the role of society in the delivery of health care services. In particular, it develops an argument for viewing health care as a human right, and in doing so, argues that society is at least partially responsible for the health of its members. In the first section of the thesis, I argue that health is a human need, and that the institutional goal of health care is to restore to an individual their health. As an institution, health care is a primary social good and, as such, it ought to be afforded the same institutional protections as other primary social goods, and encoded as a “human right.” In the second section, I tackle the “Difficult Costs” objection, noting that while there is high financial cost associated with the provision of health care services, the moral and social cost of not providing health care and viewing it as a human right far outweighs the financial costs. With another appeal to Rawlsian principles, by way of reflective equilibrium, I argue that the design of an institution is paramount to the cost-effective distribution of health care resources in accordance with the view that health care is a human right. In the final section, I acknowledge that the objections to health care as a human right should be taken seriously, and that they form the basis of the limits to this right. I argue that any right to health care cannot be extended beyond the restoration of basic, species-typical normal human function. I acknowledge that the Rawlsian ideal has difficulty rendering decisions where priority is a central concern. Finally, I suggest that these limitations can be overcome when the right to health care is viewed as progressively realizable, in conjunction with other basic human rights.

Robert Kane asserts that some decisions and actions which are made by an agent are undetermined. These undetermined decisions are what allow an agent to have free will and ultimate responsibility for her decisions and actions. Kane appeals to probabilistic causation in order to argue that these undetermined decisions are not arbitrary or random. I argue that Woodward’s interventionist approach to causation can be used by Kane to make his theory of free will more plausible by illustrating how the agent causes her decision. Woodward’s account can link an agent’s reasons with her decision, activity in her self-network with her decision, and can render undetermined decisions plural rational, plural voluntary, and plural voluntarily controlled.

This thesis looks at fundamental disagreements about the role of society in the delivery of health care services. In particular, it develops an argument for viewing health care as a human right, and in doing so, argues that society is at least partially responsible for the health of its members. In the first section of the thesis, I argue that health is a human need, and that the institutional goal of health care is to restore to an individual their health. As an institution, health care is a primary social good and, as such, it ought to be afforded the same institutional protections as other primary social goods, and encoded as a “human right.” In the second section, I tackle the “Difficult Costs” objection, noting that while there is high financial cost associated with the provision of health care services, the moral and social cost of not providing health care and viewing it as a human right far outweighs the financial costs. With another appeal to Rawlsian principles, by way of reflective equilibrium, I argue that the design of an institution is paramount to the cost-effective distribution of health care resources in accordance with the view that health care is a human right. In the final section, I acknowledge that the objections to health care as a human right should be taken seriously, and that they form the basis of the limits to this right. I argue that any right to health care cannot be extended beyond the restoration of basic, species-typical normal human function. I acknowledge that the Rawlsian ideal has difficulty rendering decisions where priority is a central concern. Finally, I suggest that these limitations can be overcome when the right to health care is viewed as progressively realizable, in conjunction with other basic human rights.

This paper aims to examine the different perspectives that emerged during the debate surrounding the right-wing newspaper “Nya Tider” and their participation at the Swedish bookfair in Gothenburg back in 2017. The study relies on the theoretical foundation that is known as Spiral of Silence and Agenda-Setting. But is examined and operationalized by the historical perspective given by John Durham Peters in his book “courting the abyss”. Peters portrays in his book a variety of different takes on the free speech phenomenon. The study’s aim was then to see if similar perspective were protruding now as it has before.A research question regarding what perspective were protruding in the debate that followed “Nya Tider” and their announcement that they were going to attend the bookfair once again where therefore coined. The direct translation of this questions is “What perspective of where the limit of free speech should be drawn is present in the Swedish media outlet regarding the debate of “Nya Tider” participation at the book fair in Gothenburg 2017.In order to examine what perspective protruded in the debate the approach of a qualitative content analysis was deemed the best way to examine the phenomenon. A total of (n) 36 articles were systematically analyzed and a total of 4 perspectives where formed, the liberal, the absolutistic libertarian, the opponent perspective and the victim perspective. Each one different from each other. The study also examined the level occurrence of the different perspective and found that in 18 out of the 36 article’s the opponent perspective where present, whereas the absolutistic libertarian perspective only occurs in 4 out of the 36 articles’. A big difference where therefor found in what coverage the different perspectives were given in the Swedish news outlets.In a time where political censorship is at a rise around Europe with the implementation of laws that prevent people from speaking their minds. Or compelling them to address people a certain way, not by choice but by legislation, the need to examine what perspectives are occurring in our media might for the uneducated seem like a vague way to approach a complicated matter.But Agenda-Setting research has shown that the media agenda affects both the public agenda as well as the legislative part of our society. Therefore, a lack of occurrence of certain perspectives can also affect what laws are put in place. It is therefore imperative to examine what sort of perspective occurs in the Swedish debate to prevent an infraction of the Swedish free speech law, and to keep Sweden a free, secular society.

Master's thesis describes the development and operations of The Party of Free Citizens. The thesis includes a series of terms, without which party is impossible to categorize. These terms include: liberalism, classical liberalism, libertarianism, capitalism, right-wing, euroscepticism. Thesis also includes analysis of the organizational structure, constitutional documents and political program of The Party of Free Citizens. Last but not least thesis includes summary of election results of The Party of Free Citizens. The aim of master's thesis is to describe the meaning and background of The Party of Free Citizens. To process master's thesis were used internet sources, primarily website of The Party of Free Citizens. In thesis were also used dictionaries, professional political science publications and essayistic literature type.

This diploma thesis deals with a political program of Strana svobodných občanů. Firstly, the methodology used in this thesis is explored in the first chapter. Then, in the second chapter are defined and described relevant theoretical concepts. These are the concepts of Euroscepticism, anarchocapitalism and libertarianism. In the case of Euroscepticism, a typology by a French political scientist Cécile Leconte is used as well because Euroscepticism is a very complex term. In the next chapter there are described relevant aspects of political philosophy of Strana svobodných občanů. The fourth chapter, with help of content analysis of the Strana svobodných občanů program, answers to all of the research questions: To what extent is Euroscepticism present in the political philosophy of Strana svobodných občanů? How the presence of Euroscepticism in the political philosophy of Strana svobodných občanů evolved since the founding of the party to the present? To what extent is anarchocapitalism present in the political philosophy of Strana svobodných občanů? How the presence of anarchocapitalism in the political philosophy of Strana svobodných občanů evolved since the founding of the party to the present? To what extent is libertarianism present in the political philosophy of Strana svobodných občanů? How...