Syftet med denna uppsats är att studera hur Black Lives Matter i Sverige diskuteras av svensk nyhetsmedia år 2020. Följande frågeställning undersöks: -Hur skildras “Black Lives Matter”-rörelsen i Sverige av svensk nyhetsmedia? Tidigare internationell forskning har bland annat visat på att nyhetsmedia oftast betonar demonstranternas kriminella beteende och specifika händelser istället för deras mål. Dock finns det begränsad svensk forskning kring detta. Om det ska kunna ge förändringar mot ett svenskt samhälle utan strukturell rasism och polisbrutalitet, som rörelsen kämpar för, måste flera ta del av debatten. Detta kan endast göras om det finns fler studier som kan få en påläst och intresserad att ta del av diskussionen. Om man inte uppmärksammar det, inser befolkningen förmodligen inte att det finns problem, därför behövs vår uppsats. Undersökningens resultat grundas på en kvalitativ innehållsanalys av nyhetsartiklar från Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet samt Expressen. Den analyseras sedan utifrån teorierna diskursteori och andrafiering men det sker även en jämförelse med tidigare forskning. Fokuset är på artiklar som beskriver Black Lives Matter-demonstrationerna som skett i Sverige år 2020. Resultatet visar på det som involveras i skildringen i svensk nyhetsmedia. Bakgrunden tas med i en obetydlig grad. Endast rörelsens budskap uppmärksammas men det skiljer sig mellan artiklarna vilken som presenteras. Vissa speglar inte det riktiga motivet bakom rörelsens handlingar. Säkerhetstjänstens personal och demonstranterna lyfts också fram. Polisen och ordningsvakter porträtteras mestadels positivt medan det är tvärtom för rörelsens anhängare. Vidare skildras kritikernas syn på demonstrationerna i sig då det både uttrycks positiv respektive negativ kritik. Dessutom finns det diskussion om Sverige i frågan om rasism och polisbrutalitet där det finns olika åsikter. Antingen anses det som ett importerat problem från USA, att det inte finns, eller upplevs det som att det finns. Resultatet visar vidare på en ”andrafiering” och kan kopplas till diskursteorin. Det har även funnits likheter mellan den och tidigare forskning.

El texto completo de este trabajo no está disponible en el Repositorio Académico UPC por restricciones de la casa editorial donde ha sido publicado. / This article presents the design of an unmanned aerial vehicle manufactured in aramid, through the use of sensors and actuators for flight stabilization, capturing the images through a thermal imager and its wireless transmission for ground processing for application in the social security area used in fire accidents. The work shows that it is feasible to use the aramid material for the construction of the prototype, since it is a high temperature resistant material, also the integration of neural networks for semi-automatic flight control. The results of this research will serve to develop more advanced control devices, with simple components and controls so that people with technological limitations can use it, so that they can save lives in danger, that of their colleagues or themselves. / Revisión por pares

Thesis advisor: Daniel J. Daily / Thesis advisor: James Keenan / Thesis (STL) — Boston College, 2020. / Submitted to: Boston College. School of Theology and Ministry. / Discipline: Sacred Theology.

Syftet med denna studie är att, genom närläsning av opinionsartiklar, se hur skribenter på Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladets ledar- och kultursidor argumenterade kring Black Lives Matter-protesterna 2020. Uppsatsen ämne har valts baserat på att opinionsjournalistik, och dess påverkan på samhällsdebatten är ett, generellt sett, underutforskat område trots att opinionsartiklar är bland de mest delade digitalt. (Bolin, Strömbäck och Hinnfors 2016) I arbetet med texterna har ett frågeschema använts, grundat på argumentationsanalys, retorisk analys, medieretorisk analys samt metaforanalys för att spåra teser, typ av argumentation, metaforer och värderingar. Teoretiskt har uppsatsen utgått från diskursteori samt teorier om andrafiering och identitetspolitik. De teser som drivs om Black Lives Matter-protesterna 2020 är främst kopplade till våld, intolerans, coronapandemin och identitetspolitik. Skribenterna tenderar att tillskriva demonstranterna egenskaper, syften och mål med demonstrationerna som skapar en social maktobalans och en känsla av andrafiering. Jag har funnit att i de undersökta artiklarna ställs grupper mot varandra där de som tillskrivs handling agerar för att skada andra grupper, i det fallet både rörelsen och samhället i allmänhet. Artiklarna skapar ett "vi och de" där "de" använder våld och intolerans mot kritiker medan "vi" är skribenten, läsaren och alla fredliga vita och svarta som inte ingår i Black Lives Matter-protesterna. Många texter pekar också ut andra sociala identitetspolitiska grupper som kontrast till “vi”. Jag kunde också se att Svenska Dagbladet intar en mer kritisk och konservativ ställning till protesterna och rörelsen i både USA och Sverige och att Dagens Nyheter har en mer liberal inställning till rörelsen men kritiserar våldet under protesterna. Detta stämmer också väl med deras politiska beteckning som obunden moderat (Svenska Dagbladet) och oberoende liberal (Dagens Nyheter).

This dissertation examines the potential existential roots of contemporary American social movements. I extract an existential social movement theory from Albert Camus’s philosophy that can elucidate surprising similarities and tactical differences across ongoing movements. I then apply the theory to Black Lives Matter and the Alt-Right which helps demonstrate that both movements express existential anxiety related to collective, racialized death. The social movement theory also clarifies the movements’ divergent political tactics as Black Lives Matter responds to existential anxiety by collectively acting to relieve immediate Black suffering and death which I argue is a Camusian rebellion. The Alt-Right conversely responds to existential anxiety by directing their energies towards achieving a teleological goal of racial homogeneity which I argue is a Camusian revolution. I use a variety of first-person sources including memoirs, interviews, and undercover exposés to support my thesis that Black Lives Matter and the Alt-Right are both responding to feelings of racialized existential anxiety, although they traverse disparate pathways.While the dissertation is primarily focused on racially motivated social movements, I argue that American environmental activists can learn from, and emulate Black Lives Matter’s tactics. Environmental activists argue that climate change is an existential crisis, and the anxiety of the death and devastation of climate catastrophe underlies much of today’s climate activism. Black Lives Matter has successfully transformed existential anxiety over state sanctioned Black death into meaningful and immediate reforms, without sacrificing its radical critiques of racial capitalism, mass incarceration, and white supremacy. I argue that environmental activists can likewise energize their existential anxieties into reforms that slow climate change, while continuing to challenge systemic degradation of the global environment. I conclude the dissertation by examining the 2020 Black Lives Matter activism in response to the deaths of Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor, and George Floyd. Ongoing and recent Black Lives Matter protests are rooted in the same collectively anxious response to Black death and have achieved even greater sociopolitical and cultural changes than the protests of years prior, providing further evidence for my thesis. / Political Science

The youth-led March For Our Lives is founded on the idea of young people forced into advocacy by unthinkable tragedy. The movement exists in a digital age where the lines between the physical and digital have become increasingly blurred. By using the work of scholars such as Manuel Castells and Henry Jenkins as a foundation to analyze this movement, we can gain a deeper understanding of why MFOL has succeeded and failed in the ways that it has. These noted digital activism academics will be used to explore how collective anger is expressed and created through the use of personal stories about gun violence to create unity across the United States in the hopes of fueling legislative action. These concepts will then collide with classic film theory, utilizing scholars such as Bertolt Brecht, Walter Benjamin, and Bela Balazs to examine how this physical protest is immortalized in a digital format, using film conventions to translate the emotional impact online. This analysis points to the unique structure of a movement fueled by emotion and run by a digitally native generation. It will also point out ways in which the original research on digital social movements can be updated to reflect changing models of social activism.

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During the last decade the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement has brought increased attention to the issues pertaining to police brutality and the systemic discrimination of black Americans. At the same time as the movement has experienced growing support, its opposers have also consolidated. Among them president Donald Trump has proved to be one of the staunchest critics of Black Lives Matter. This has further strengthened the movement's oppositional role in relation to the US government. Therefore this bachelor's thesis examines what role the Trump-administration plays in the portrayal of Black Lives Matter. Using the Essex School of discourse analysis the statements of Trump and his administration towards the movement are examined, and through them discourses opposed to BLM are identified. Through the theoretical lenses of postcolonialism and post-marxism the Trump-administration’s statements can be shown to portray BLM as a violent and extremist socialist movement. The statements have the effect of rendering BLM as distinct from regular americans and as opposed to american values in various ways. This has the additional effect of creating division among the supporters of BLM themselves as they are torn between allegiance to the movement and the nation. The Trump-administration’s statements towards BLM are concluded to stem from the discourses of “American Exceptionalism”, “Neoliberalism” and “Law and Order”. This indicates that previously mentioned discourses are in opposition to BLM.

In 2016, Colin Kaepernick, the former starting quarterback for the San Francisco 49ers, unknowingly bartered his athletic aspirations by exercising his First Amendment Right to freedom of expression. Frustrated with what he and many others perceived as pervasive extrajudicial tactics of law enforcement and a seemingly incessant lack of accountability from the American legal system, Kaepernick silently protested by sitting during the playing of the National Anthem. Although, Kaepernick's actions begun as a singular, almost imperceptible act, he has ultimately redefined the significance of taking a knee, and etched his name in a long list of other malcontents in the struggle for racial equality in America. The purpose of this study is to explore in detail one of the most polarizing components of the Black Lives Matter Movement (BLM) and Black Social Protests in the United States. Analysis of social media content will argue the value of the Kaepernick "Anti Flag/Anthem" Protest, from a communication-cultural perspective. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2020. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection