Lobbying is an integral part of political decision-making processes. It is a relevant way of communication, during which lobbying companies and lobbyists try to influence different policy areas for the benefit of their clients. This also applies to foreign lobbying, where a given country tries to influence the foreign policy of the target state to its advantage through lobbying companies. This tool is also used by Taiwan, for which it is one of the crucial tools to break out of international isolation and to ensure one's own security. Thus, Taiwan has invested millions of US dollars over the years, and this trend continued in the period 2017-2020, the administration of Donald Trump. The work analyzes Taiwan's lobbying activities in the U.S. between 2017 and 2020 using publicly available reports from the US Department of Justice. It evaluates the number of companies hired by Taiwanese government entities, the funds they have received for their services, and the contacts made by these companies with U.S. lawmakers. At the same time, it maps political contributions made in favor of sponsors and co-sponsors of selected laws. The thesis also deals with the activities of the American organization Formosan Association for Public Affairs, which contributes significantly to the promotion of Taiwanese issues...

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

With recent and contentious Supreme Court cases dealing with corporate constitutional rights, such as Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission (2010), as well as with the appointment of a new justice, the time is particularly ripe for evaluations of the Supreme Court’s jurisprudence in this area, including predictions about the future of this line of cases. The purpose of this thesis is to establish a better understanding of the historical jurisprudential approach utilized by the Supreme Court to decide corporate constitutional rights by establishing the well-known doctrine of selective incorporation as an appropriate analogy. No other works attempt to frame the case history of corporate constitutional rights within a consistent doctrine, yet many works seek to evaluate and predict Court decisions in this area. This work will therefore create a new frame of reference for corporate constitutional rights, providing a new basis for interpretation and predictions. This thesis begins by conducting a thorough overview of both lines of cases, focusing on the establishment of each doctrine over time as well as the reasoning behind the Court’s use of this particular approach. Once a clear picture of both approaches has been ascertained, this thesis moves on to an overall comparison and evaluation of both approaches. In finding the process, intent, and overall effect of both jurisprudential approaches to be the same, the use of selective incorporation as an analogy for the Supreme Court’s approach to corporate constitutional rights gives way to predictions about the future of corporate constitutional rights. Considering the relevant views expressed by the new justice, Neil Gorsuch, and the previous decisions of the Roberts Court, this analogy provides solid evidence for predicting continued expansion of corporate constitutional rights, including such areas as freedom of speech, freedom of religion, and perhaps even rights of the accused. The comparative approach used in this thesis, as well as the analogy it establishes, can also be revisited as new Court decisions are made and as the makeup of the Court changes overtime.

Consideradas uma das principais medidas das reformas regulatórias financeiras pós-crise 2008, as novas políticas para os bancos \"too big to fail\", também conhecidos como bancos globais sistematicamente importantes (G-SIBs), representam uma grande oportunidade para um melhor entendimento da complexa relação entre Estados Nacionais e os grandes conglomerados financeiros. Dialogando com a ideia -ubíqua na literatura de economia política internacional de finanças - que com frequência identifica na regulamentação financeira transnacional a presença de regulatory capture, este trabalho objetiva verificar, a partir de um estudo empírico, em que medida essas novas regras produzidas em âmbito internacional foram forjadas em prol dos interesses e preferências dos atores privados afetados por tal regulamentação. As opiniões dos representantes do setor bancário privado no processo de consulta para as regras estabelecidas pelo Comitê de Basiléia de Supervisão Bancária (Basel Committe on Banking Supervision) em 2011, sob a epígrafe \"Global Systemically Important Banks: Assessment Methodology and the Loss Absorbency Requirement\" constituíram o material de base para o estudo. O argumento central apresentado neste trabalho é o de que o setor bancário transnacional não foi bem-sucedido em fazer valer seus interesses e preferências na elaboração desta regulamentação, confirmando a tese defendida por Kevin Young (2009;2012; 2013c), de que a influência do setor privado financeiro é assistemática, circunscrita e condicionada. Entre os mecanismos que limitaram a capacidade de influência dos grandes bancos nessa fase regulatória, dois aspectos foram especialmente significativos: a adoção do paradigma macroprudencialista pelos reguladores e o contexto político, principalmente dos países desenvolvidos. / Considered as one of the key measures of the financial regulation overhaul following the 2008 crisis, the new policy towards \"too big to fail\" banks, also known as global systemically important banks (G-SIBs), represents a great opportunity for a better understanding of the complex relationship between national states and major financial conglomerates. Discussing the generally ubiquitous idea in the international political economy literature which often identifies the presence of regulatory capture in transnational financial regulation, this paper aims to verify, based on an empirical study, whether these new international rules have been elaborated according to the interests and preferences of the private actors affected by such regulation. The opinions and views of the private banking sector in the consultation process of the rules established in 2011 by the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision, named \"Global Systemic Important Banks: Assessment Methodology and the Loss Absorbency Requirement\", constituted the base material for this work. The central argument presented in this paper is that the transnational banking sector was not successful in asserting its interests and preferences in the elaboration of this regulation, confirming the thesis sustained by authors such as Kevin Young (2009, 2012; 2013c) claiming that private financial sector influence is limited, conditioned and not systematic. Two aspects have been especially significant among the mechanisms that limited the influence of large banks in this regulatory phase: the macroprudential ideational shift in the international regulatory policy community and the political context, especially in developed countries.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-03-26T12:28:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Alyne Viana de Oliveira.pdf: 1727106 bytes, checksum: 3089f02be85c7d292d871f3440c180e3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-26T12:28:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alyne Viana de Oliveira.pdf: 1727106 bytes, checksum: 3089f02be85c7d292d871f3440c180e3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The present work aims to analyze the participation of interest groups in the definition of the American foreign policy when defending their interests. Based on the two-level model proposed by Robert Putnam, it considers the impact of domestic actors in the decision-making process of the US foreign trade policy. From this perspective, we analyze how the pharmaceutical industry lobby is organized and its strategies to assert their interests and influence the formulation of the country's foreign policy, by using its financial resources and channels of influence with governamental institutions responsible for the definition of trade policy to pressure the US government in its international negotiations for regulations that would benefit the sector. Thus, the case study of the TRIPS Agreement (Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights) negotiations under GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) demonstrates how the pharmaceutical lobby strategy proved to be efficient / A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar a participação de grupos de interesse na definição da política externa norte-americana ao defenderem seus interesses econômicos. Com base no modelo do jogo de dois níveis proposto por Robert Putnam, considera-se o impacto dos atores domésticos no processo de tomada de decisão na política externa comercial dos Estados Unidos. Sob tal perspectiva, analisaremos como lobby da indústria farmacêutica norte-americana se organizou e quais estratégias foram adotadas por eles para fazer valer os seus interesses e influenciar a formulação da política externa do país, utilizando seus recursos financeiros e influência política junto a instituições governamentais responsáveis pela definição da política comercial para pressionar o governo norte-americano em suas negociações internacionais por regulamentações que beneficiassem o setor. Assim, o estudo de caso das negociações do acordo TRIPS (Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights) no âmbito do GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) demonstra como a estratégia do lobby farmacêutico se revelou eficiente

Orientador: Carlos Gustavo Poggio Teixeira / Resumo: A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar a participação de grupos de interesse na definição da política externa norte-americana ao defenderem seus interesses econômicos. Com base no modelo do jogo de dois níveis proposto por Robert Putnam, considera-se o impacto dos atores domésticos no processo de tomada de decisão na política externa comercial dos Estados Unidos. Sob tal perspectiva, analisaremos como lobby da indústria farmacêutica norte-americana se organizou e quais estratégias foram adotadas por eles para fazer valer os seus interesses e influenciar a formulação da política externa do país, utilizando seus recursos financeiros e influência política junto a instituições governamentais responsáveis pela definição da política comercial para pressionar o governo norte-americano em suas negociações internacionais por regulamentações que beneficiassem o setor. Assim, o estudo de caso das negociações do acordo TRIPS (Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights) no âmbito do GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) demonstra como a estratégia do lobby farmacêutico se revelou eficiente. / Abstract: The present work aims to analyze the participation of interest groups in the definition of the American foreign policy when defending their interests. Based on the two-level model proposed by Robert Putnam, it considers the impact of domestic actors in the decision-making process of the US foreign trade policy. From this perspective, we analyze how the pharmaceutical industry lobby is organized and its strategies to assert their interests and influence the formulation of the country's foreign policy, by using its financial resources and channels of influence with governamental institutions responsible for the definition of trade policy to pressure the US government in its international negotiations for regulations that would benefit the sector. Thus, the case study of the TRIPS Agreement (Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights) negotiations under GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) demonstrates how the pharmaceutical lobby strategy proved to be efficient. / Mestre

Submitted by Alyne Viana de Oliveira (alynevoliveira@gmail.com) on 2018-03-12T14:06:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO - Alyne Viana de Oliveira.pdf: 1914408 bytes, checksum: 8cfbfe498a2b7962ceccae0b1245a5f4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Satie Tagara (satie@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-03-12T17:27:17Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 oliveira_av_me_mar.pdf: 1914408 bytes, checksum: 8cfbfe498a2b7962ceccae0b1245a5f4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-12T17:27:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 oliveira_av_me_mar.pdf: 1914408 bytes, checksum: 8cfbfe498a2b7962ceccae0b1245a5f4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar a participação de grupos de interesse na definição da política externa norte-americana ao defenderem seus interesses econômicos. Com base no modelo do jogo de dois níveis proposto por Robert Putnam, considera-se o impacto dos atores domésticos no processo de tomada de decisão na política externa comercial dos Estados Unidos. Sob tal perspectiva, analisaremos como lobby da indústria farmacêutica norte-americana se organizou e quais estratégias foram adotadas por eles para fazer valer os seus interesses e influenciar a formulação da política externa do país, utilizando seus recursos financeiros e influência política junto a instituições governamentais responsáveis pela definição da política comercial para pressionar o governo norte-americano em suas negociações internacionais por regulamentações que beneficiassem o setor. Assim, o estudo de caso das negociações do acordo TRIPS (Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights) no âmbito do GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) demonstra como a estratégia do lobby farmacêutico se revelou eficiente. / The present work aims to analyze the participation of interest groups in the definition of the American foreign policy when defending their interests. Based on the two-level model proposed by Robert Putnam, it considers the impact of domestic actors in the decision-making process of the US foreign trade policy. From this perspective, we analyze how the pharmaceutical industry lobby is organized and its strategies to assert their interests and influence the formulation of the country's foreign policy, by using its financial resources and channels of influence with governamental institutions responsible for the definition of trade policy to pressure the US government in its international negotiations for regulations that would benefit the sector. Thus, the case study of the TRIPS Agreement (Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights) negotiations under GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) demonstrates how the pharmaceutical lobby strategy proved to be efficient.

Consideradas uma das principais medidas das reformas regulatórias financeiras pós-crise 2008, as novas políticas para os bancos \"too big to fail\", também conhecidos como bancos globais sistematicamente importantes (G-SIBs), representam uma grande oportunidade para um melhor entendimento da complexa relação entre Estados Nacionais e os grandes conglomerados financeiros. Dialogando com a ideia -ubíqua na literatura de economia política internacional de finanças - que com frequência identifica na regulamentação financeira transnacional a presença de regulatory capture, este trabalho objetiva verificar, a partir de um estudo empírico, em que medida essas novas regras produzidas em âmbito internacional foram forjadas em prol dos interesses e preferências dos atores privados afetados por tal regulamentação. As opiniões dos representantes do setor bancário privado no processo de consulta para as regras estabelecidas pelo Comitê de Basiléia de Supervisão Bancária (Basel Committe on Banking Supervision) em 2011, sob a epígrafe \"Global Systemically Important Banks: Assessment Methodology and the Loss Absorbency Requirement\" constituíram o material de base para o estudo. O argumento central apresentado neste trabalho é o de que o setor bancário transnacional não foi bem-sucedido em fazer valer seus interesses e preferências na elaboração desta regulamentação, confirmando a tese defendida por Kevin Young (2009;2012; 2013c), de que a influência do setor privado financeiro é assistemática, circunscrita e condicionada. Entre os mecanismos que limitaram a capacidade de influência dos grandes bancos nessa fase regulatória, dois aspectos foram especialmente significativos: a adoção do paradigma macroprudencialista pelos reguladores e o contexto político, principalmente dos países desenvolvidos. / Considered as one of the key measures of the financial regulation overhaul following the 2008 crisis, the new policy towards \"too big to fail\" banks, also known as global systemically important banks (G-SIBs), represents a great opportunity for a better understanding of the complex relationship between national states and major financial conglomerates. Discussing the generally ubiquitous idea in the international political economy literature which often identifies the presence of regulatory capture in transnational financial regulation, this paper aims to verify, based on an empirical study, whether these new international rules have been elaborated according to the interests and preferences of the private actors affected by such regulation. The opinions and views of the private banking sector in the consultation process of the rules established in 2011 by the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision, named \"Global Systemic Important Banks: Assessment Methodology and the Loss Absorbency Requirement\", constituted the base material for this work. The central argument presented in this paper is that the transnational banking sector was not successful in asserting its interests and preferences in the elaboration of this regulation, confirming the thesis sustained by authors such as Kevin Young (2009, 2012; 2013c) claiming that private financial sector influence is limited, conditioned and not systematic. Two aspects have been especially significant among the mechanisms that limited the influence of large banks in this regulatory phase: the macroprudential ideational shift in the international regulatory policy community and the political context, especially in developed countries.

Climate change denial is a widely spread phenomenon in the United States that has for decades shaped the country's response to the numerous environmental challenges it has been facing. This thesis deals with the role of the American fossil fuels lobby in the analyzed matter, as it constituted the main force behind its rise. The main goal of the thesis is to prove that the success of the climate change denial orchestrated by the fossil fuels industry was enabled by its ties to the political establishment. Moreover, it argues that this was done by using professionally drafted strategies, which turned a once-widely-accepted fact - backed by a scientific consensus - into a matter of debate, opinion, politics, ideology, and identity. In order to do that, the thesis firstly covers the historical development of the climate debate in the United Sates. It looks at the major milestones in the country's approach in dealing with the problem of the environment as well as the emergence of the climate change denial campaign itself. Secondly, it analyzes the various connections between U.S. politics, special interests, and climate science from the 1970s until the end of the George W. Bush Administration. Next, it introduces the specific tactics and methods employed by the climate change denial campaign. Moreover,...

The primary goal of this diploma thesis is to analyze online and social media communication of the Czech gun-owner platforms. The online space is where these platforms are able to gather support for their cause and influence the mainstream opinion on firearms, use of guns and gun laws. This thesis presents a case study of online posts and articles of analyzed actors vis-à-vis European mass shooting incidents. Such events usually spark debates about stricter gun control which the Czech gun-owner platforms naturally oppose. The analysis is underpinned by the theory of framing and uses a methodological design proposed by the scholars Dennis Chong and James Druckman. Firstly, a basic set of frames is identified. Secondly, these frames are tested against a collection of posts and articles by one of the analyzed groups. It is concluded that most of the texts are explicitly framed using one of the identified communication frames. However, the usage of these frames varies based on the motives behind a given mass shooting. It also differs in the case of Czech incidents. Lastly, this work investigates whether and in what way the frames of gun-owner platforms are adopted by elites and the mainstream media and. In this case, a surprising conclusion is made: Despite the ideal framing environment - given the absence of...