The shapes of political pressure and the lobby appear as important tools for the private interestmanagement in the contemporary democracies This article displays a plot of actions of lobby at the Peruvian parliament and the role of building networks at the political arena in which the collision with other interests is avoid Thus, the lobby appears to be effective on issues that are out of the agenda of the public-media debate, issues of high specialization, or those that are not of interest of the party blocs (but represent a huge volume of legislative initiatives) / Las formas de presión política y el lobby aparecen como herramientas importantes para la gestión de intereses privados en las democracias contemporáneas Este artículo muestra una parcela de las acciones del lobby en el parlamento peruano y la función de construcción de redes en una arena política en la que se evita la colisión con otros intereses Así, el lobby aparece con eficacia en los temas que están fuera de la agenda del debate público-mediático, temas de alta especialización, o aquellos que no revisten interés de las bancadas (pero que representan un enorme volumen de iniciativas legislativas) / As formas da pressão política e o lobby aparecem como ferramentas importantes para a gestão dos interesses privados nas democracias contemporâneas Este artigo mostra uma parcela de ações do lobby no parlamento peruano e a função da construção das redes num cenário político, na que evita a colisão com outros interesses Assim, o lobby aparece com eficácia nos temas que estão fora da agenda do debate público midiático, tópicos de maior especialização, ou aqueles que não têm interesse das bancadas (mas representam um volumem muito grande de iniciativas legislativas)

The purpose of the thesis is to study the role of the subnational civil servant and their discretions in a Multilevel Governance context, based on how it differs from the traditional role of the civil servant in Sweden. This is done by studying officials at Swedish Regional Representation Offices in Brussels through the method of semi-structured interviews. The theoretical framework is based on research about traditional activities and role of the public administration, but also in the differences of duties between politicians and officials. Furthermore, the thesis is constructed on Europeanization research and a Multilevel Governance approach, where regional actions in a multi-level system can be clarified and explored by the dimensions of Europeanization: the download-, crossload- and upload dimension. The methodological assessment tool consists of a content analysis, where the collected interview data is compared and discussed using a constructed ideal type of the Weberian role of a civil servant. The respondent's descriptions and views of their role in Brussels is the main focus of the analysis.   To summarise, the regional officials in Brussels consider their scope of discretion as broad. Furthermore, the results illustrate that is not possible to distinguish the role of the sub-national civil service in Brussels, based on the designed ideal type. It’s because of the complexity of the Multilevel Governance system. The results show a significant variation between the respondent's experiences and descriptions of their duties at the office in Brussels. The official’s which are working with a tougher line of lobbying in Brussels, experience their role as both political and apolitical, where the civil servant role enters the political sphere. By working with lobby activities that imply the duty of a politician, they describe their role between the administration and the political sphere. When the officials are working with lobby initiatives in Brussels, they are acting as the political voice of the home organization, but always with a clear lobby mandate from their politicians. / Uppsatsens syfte är att analysera den subnationella tjänstemannarollen och dess handlingsutrymme i ett flernivåsystem, utifrån hur den skiljer sig från den traditionella tjänstemannarollen. Detta görs genom att studera tjänstemän på regionala representationskontor i Bryssel, utifrån semi-strukturerade intervjuer.   Uppsatsen tar ett teoretiskt avstamp i den traditionella förvaltningsverksamheten och i skillnaden mellan politikers och tjänstemäns uppdrag- samt rollfördelningen i den offentliga förvaltningen. Vidare utgår studien från europeiseringsforskning och har en multilevel governance ansats, där ett regionalt handlande i ett flernivåsystem förklaras i europeiseringsprocessernas download-, crossload- och upload-dimensioner. Det metodologiska analysverktyget består av en innehållsanalys av det empiriska intervjumaterialet. Intervjumaterialet jämförs och diskuteras utifrån en konstruerad idealtyp av den weberianska tjänstemannarollen, där fokus är intervjupersonernas uppfattningar och beskrivningar av sin roll i Bryssel. Sammanfattningsvis går det inte att urskilja den subnationella tjänstemannarollen i Bryssel utifrån den idealtyp som konstrueras. Tjänstemännens arbete i ett flernivåsystem är alltför komplext och det finns en betydande variation i hur tjänstemännen beskriver och upplever sin tjänstemannaroll. Generellt sätt uppfattar tjänstemännen i Bryssel sitt handlingsutrymme som brett. Tjänstemän som arbetar med en hårdare linje av påverkansarbete upplever att tjänstemannarollen går in i den politiska sfären och blir både politisk samt opolitisk. Den subnationella tjänstemannarollen upplevs befinna sig mellan administrationen och politiken, då påverkansuppdraget i Bryssel liknar en politikers, men där tjänstemännen är ett politiskt språkrör med ett tydligt påverkansmandat.

The first chapter analizes conditional assistance programs. They generate conflicting relationships between international financial institutions (IFIs) and member countries. The experience of IFIs with conditionality in the 1990s led them to allow countries more latitude in the design of their reform programs. A reformist government does not need conditionality and it is useless if it does not want to reform. A government that faces opposition may use conditionality and the help of pro-reform lobbies as a lever to counteract anti-reform groups and succeed in implementing reforms. The second chapter analizes economies saddled with taxes and regulations. I consider an economy in which many taxes, subsidies, and other distortionary restrictions are in place simultaneously. If I start from an inefficient laissez-faire equilibrium because of some domestic distortion, a small trade tax or subsidy can yield a first-order welfare improvement, even if the instrument itself creates distortions of its own. This may result in "welfare paradoxes". The purpose of the chapter is to quantify the welfare effects of changes in tax rates in a small open economy. I conduct the simulation in the context of an intertemporal utility maximization framework. I apply numerical methods to the model developed by Karayalcin. I introduce changes in the tax rates and quantify both the impact on welfare, consumption and foreign assets, and the path to the new steady-state values. The third chapter studies the role of stock markets and adjustment costs in the international transmission of supply shocks. The analysis of the transmission of a positive supply shock that originates in one of the countries shows that on impact the shock leads to an inmediate stock market boom enjoying the technological advance, while the other country suffers from depress stock market prices as demand for its equity declines. A period of adjustment begins culminating in a steady state capital and output level that is identical to the one before the shock. The the capital stock of one country undergoes a non-monotonic adjustment. The model is tested with plausible values of the variables and the numeric results confirm the predictions of the theory.

Diploma thesis "Interest Groups, lobbying and it's regulation in the Czech Republic" deals with the phenomenon of lobbying and it's role in democratic political processes. First part of this thesis is aimed at political theories of interest groups, various definitions of lobbying and methods of regulating lobbyists. The second part containes a comparison of lobbying regulations in various western states. The third part containes an analysis of the present state of lobbying regulation in the Czech Republic. In the final fourth part, certain methods of lobbying regulation are proposed to take place in the Czech Republic and scrutinized for compliance with the oppinion of Czech political elites and professional lobbyists.

Master thesis "European cultural lobby. Case of We Are More campaign" is analyzing the European lobbying in the cultural domain. As an area of European policies, culture has been established continuously since the 80's of the 20th century. The role that culture gained at the European Union (EU) level is specific by its double dimension. At the same time, culture is perceived as a source of common values and an area with high economic potential. This thesis examines whether the exclusive role of culture within the EU signifies specific features of lobbying in the cultural domain. Theoretical part of this work is using the concept of europeanization in order to explain how culture became an area of European public policy. The same part develops the theory of European lobbying to demonstrate division of the EU interest groups into public and private. Second part of this thesis presents the case study of the nowadays biggest European cultural lobby, Culture Action Europe, and We Are More campaign organized by this lobby in order to influence future European framework programmes for culture and audiovisual in 2014-2020 period. Features that decide whether an interest group is public or private, as defined by the theoretical part of this thesis, are studied on the case of Culture Action Europe. In order to...

No description available.

Though the field of dramaturgy is growing in size and scope in professional theatre, there are relatively few universities or colleges that offer undergraduate or graduate degrees in basic dramaturgical theory and practice. Brigham Young University (BYU) is an ideal setting for the development of such a program. There is a close community within and surrounding the university; the Theatre and Media Arts Department has high pedagogical expectations; and the Theatre program provides multiple opportunities for theatrical production. I saw these qualities as an invitation to develop a dramaturgy emphasis for undergraduate students that would allow them to network with the community and build intellectual skills that could be integrated into artistic performance. In order to create this emphasis, courses and protocol needed to be developed in order to establish a model dramaturgical procedure for undergraduate training. In this thesis, I address the following issues:

Le décret impérial du 15 octobre 1810 a fondé la première réglementation nationale sur lesétablissements classés. Il a jeté les bases de notre droit de l’environnement industriel et a créé lapremière nomenclature. L’analyse de plus de 140 textes de nomenclature parus depuis l’origine apermis de comprendre certaines évolutions de la société, tant la nomenclature constitue, depuisplus de deux siècles, un puissant marqueur sociétal. De plus, la nomenclature conditionnefortement l’effectivité de la loi. Si le décret a initialement visé à privilégier la liberté d’entreprise, ila progressivement évolué vers un droit plus protecteur des tiers, notamment en faveur du droit depropriété. La loi du 19 décembre 1917 sur les établissements classés a renforcé ce dispositif dansun sens globalement plus favorable aux tiers, puis à l’environnement. Mais aussi, au profit del’hygiène et de la sécurité des travailleurs qui avaient été délaissées. En contrepartie, la loi a rompuavec le principe de l’autorisation préalable en introduisant le régime de la déclaration, au bénéficedes exploitants. La loi du 19 juillet 1976 relative aux installations classées pour la protection del’environnement (ICPE) a repris ces dispositions, en les modernisant mais en innovant peu. Lanomenclature a vite connu de multiples transformations, qui se sont traduites par de nombreuxdéclassements d’établissements. Ainsi, le régime déclaratif n’a pas cessé de croître, tandis que lacréation en 2009 de l’enregistrement, intermédiaire entre la déclaration et l’autorisation, a conduità une réduction drastique de ce dernier régime. La transposition de directives européennesrécentes a encore renforcé ce processus, avec l’entrée d’une nouvelle nomenclature. Rarement unetelle régression du droit de l’environnement a été atteinte, d’autant qu’elle est amplifiée par unedissociation marquée entre les installations classées et le milieu récepteur. / The imperial decree of October 15th 1810 established the first national regulation on classifiedfacilities. It laid the ground for French law on the industrial environment by creating the firstnomenclature. An analysis of over 140 nomenclature texts published since then has providedinsight into a certain number of societal developments. Indeed, the nomenclature system has beena powerful social marker for more than two centuries. Furthermore, the effectiveness of the lawhas depended greatly on the nomenclature system. While its original objective was to fosterfreedom of enterprise, it gradually evolved towards a law protecting third parties, in particularregarding property rights. The Act of December 19th 1917 on classified facilities furtherstrengthened this purpose, generally placing the focus first on third parties and then on theenvironment. The act also favored workers’ health and safety, which had been ignored until then.On the other hand, the act abolished the principle of preliminary authorization by introducing adeclaration scheme for the benefit of operators. The Act of July 19th 1976 on classified facilities forenvironmental protection took over and modernized all of these provisions but without reallyintroducing any innovation. The nomenclature system rapidly underwent a series oftransformations that generally resulted in the decommissioning of numerous facilities. Thedeclaration scheme continued to expand. However, the creation of the registration scheme in 2009,which is somewhere between the declaration and authorization schemes, has led to a dramaticreduction in the reach of the latter. The transposition of recent European directives has spurredthis process by introducing a new nomenclature. Never before has such a regression onenvironmental law been reached, especially since it is combined with a marked separation betweenclassified facilities and the receiving environment.

Ce travail de thèse a pour objectif d'étudier la construction de l’Europe institutionnelle en parallèle de l'émergence des questions environnementales et interroger dans le cadre d'une évolution historique, les interactions entre les décideurs, les administrations et les citoyens autour des questions de société, pour en observer les mécanismes de mutation. Il s'agit de questionner la capacité des Institutions européennes à faire intégrer à ses Etats membres des exigences environnementales. Nous observerons le glissement opéré depuis un principe de conservation de la nature à l’assurance d’un développement durable, en passant par une protection de l’environnement puis une préservation de la biodiversité où seront analysés les leviers d'action privilégiés pour imposer aux Etats des réglementations contraignantes. Les travaux développés dans cette recherche analysent les changements de « modèle », de cadrage législatif, de comportements, de conscience, de mode de vie en Europe, et leurs conséquences dans des solutions dites réalistes pour le modèle de croissance. Pour conduire à l’explication de ce phénomène, le présent ouvrage s’articulera autour de trois logiques utilisées successivement : la mise en place d’une politique de la nature, prenant en compte les contraintes des logiques existantes à travers le modèle de développement productiviste, puis une contestation caractérisée du modèle de développement proposant une protection de l’environnement, et enfin une prise en compte consciente et orchestrée des questions d’environnement par les institutions européennes vers la structuration d’un modèle caractérisé par la mise en œuvre de la Stratégie Européenne Développement Durable. / Approaching the European construction from 1949 till 2002 within environmental questions wish to bring a new prism for complex systems understanding. The present work sustain an interactional analysis between stakeholders, administrations and citizens thoughts across society matters to observe mutation mechanisms. In a Historical study of the Twentieth Century common decision making tools, we will observe how European Institutions contribute strengthening its territory. From nature conservancy to an insurance of a sustainable development, via an environmental protection then biodiversity preservation, an approach of related concepts and their evolvement wants to show presuppositions and difficulties to explain clearly what kind of empowerment tool is become Europe. Because citizen and political fights escort the discovery of environmental matters. Because painless degradation of the European natural heritage brought conflicts between countries which had contracted peace. The natural and industrial disasters management, limitations of a productivist development "model", the increase of societal individualization, urban spread and research of support and membership will drive the European Community in building operational targets before the rise of an "Environmental Economy". Facing dissimilar perceptions and trade-off in taking into account environmental questions inside community agenda, European institutions asked to develop understanding tools able to support, to control and manage its patrimony. In its successive enlargements, European Community will encourage the preservation, the protection, the improvement of environmental quality and public health, a wise use of natural resources or even international promotion of standards designed to face-off regional and planetary biodiversity matters. The European Union is finally able to suggest to the U.N. members a practical Sustainable Development Strategy Scheme ready to implement.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lucas Vasconcelos Pinto.pdf: 1257292 bytes, checksum: 2f6cd0aef546c8363a31effa69ceec9c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-05-04 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work has as its theme the influence of The American Israel Public Affairs Committee AIPAC in the foreign policy of the United States US. Firstly it was systematized a state of the art on the subject based on two main lines of thought: one of John Mearsheimer and Stephen walt and another of Noam Chomsky Gilbert Achcar and Norman Finkelstein. While those ones highlight the power of the so called Pro-Israel lobby - from which AIPAC is the most structured and renowned organization - in US politics those second ones point out that the helm of US foreign policy toward Israel is its own national interest not the Lobby. Secondly it was aimed a historical survey about AIPAC and an analysis of its structure and its procedures. It was founded then that AIPAC - as a lobbying organization an interest group - according to the law cannot make financial contributions directly to politicians. It was founded however that this practice may occur indirectly through at least two ways: through its own members contributing individually and/or by Political Action Committees PACs - institutions created specifically to this end of raising funds to political campaigns in order to elect and defeat candidates or even to influence those who are already in the Government. And thirdly it was sought to synthesize the state of the art to the historical and structural study on AIPAC. Based on the dialogue of the two main theoretical visions worked - under a optic of complementarity rather than of exclusion - alongside with an examination of AIPAC s action in history this study led us to infer that AIPAC which was founded in 1959 in the Cold War context remains being influential in US politics even with the change in the international system at the end of the Cold War. / O presente trabalho tem como tema a influencia do American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) na politica externa dos Estados Unidos da América (EUA). Primeiro, sistematizou- se um estado da arte sobre o tema a partir de duas linhas de pensamento principais: uma de John Mearsheimer e Stephen Walt; e outra, de Noam Chomsky, Gilbert Achcar e Norman Finkelstein. Enquanto aqueles primeiros ressaltam o poder do chamado lobby pró-Israel - do qual o AIPAC e a organização mais estruturada e renomada - na politica dos EUA, estes salientam que o leme da politica externa estadunidense para com Israel e seu próprio interesse nacional, e não o lobby. Segundo, visou-se a um levantamento histórico sobre o AIPAC e a uma analise de sua estrutura e de seu modo de atuação. Constatou-se, então, que o AIPAC - como uma organização de lobby, um grupo de interesse -, de acordo com a lei, não pode enviar contribuições financeiras diretamente aos políticos. Apurou-se, no entanto, que essa prática pode ocorrer de maneira indireta, por meio de, pelo menos, duas maneiras: através de seus próprios membros contribuindo individualmente; e/ou por via dos Political Action Committees (PACs) - instituições criadas especificamente para esse fim de levantar fundos para as campanhas politicas no intuito de eleger e derrotar candidatos, ou ate mesmo influenciar os que já estão no governo. E, terceiro, buscou-se sintetizar o estado da arte ao estudo histórico e estrutural sobre o AIPAC. Com base no diálogo entre as duas principais visões teóricas trabalhadas - sob uma ótica de complementaridade ao invés de exclusão -, ao lado do exame da ação do AIPAC na história, esse estudo nos levou a inferir que o AIPAC, fundado em 1959, no contexto da Guerra Fria, continua influente na politica dos EUA, mesmo com a mudança no sistema internacional ao final da Guerra Fria