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Trata-se, neste trabalho, de perscrutar pela noção de glória em O Príncipe de Nicolau Maquiavel. Para tanto, propõe-se articular a basilar noção maquiaveliana de virtù a ação humana para o enfrentamento da fortuna e constituição da política com a noção de glória a avaliação da ação política. A hipótese de investigação da presente dissertação é de que a relação entre a virtù e a glória revela um momento privilegiado de justificação de um desejo de liberdade como paradigma da exposição de O Príncipe. / In this work, I intend to analyze the concept of glory present in The Prince, by Niccolò Machiavelli. In order to do so, I propose to articulate his fundamental notion of virtù the human action to confront fortune and constitute politics with the notion of glory the evaluation of political action. My hypothesis is that the relationship between virtù and glory reveals a see-through moment for the understanding of a desire for liberty as the paradigm within The Prince.

O presente trabalho versa sobre a recepção do pensamento político de Maquiavel pela chamada Escola de Cambridge, notadamente seus membros mais proeminentes: Quentin Skinner e John Pocock. Proponho examinar desde (i) a rica contribuição de Pocock e Skinner para uma metodologia da história intelectual (que é o que precisamente conforma a Escola), passando por (ii) suas interpretações de Maquiavel como um autor fundamentalmente republicano, e chegando até mesmo a (iii) uma filosofia política normativa despontada daqueles dois primeiros movimentos e com eles entremeada. A tese principal do trabalho é que uma noção de contingência (a anterioridade do particular sobre o universal, do criado sobre o espontâneo, do artificial sobre o natural, enfim, do contingente sobre o necessário) perpassaria e pautaria esses três estágios de seus comentários. Para elucidá-lo, procuro esquadrinhar como isso funciona estruturalmente entre os três diferentes momentos e também no diálogo estabelecido entre os dois intérpretes, a fim de evidenciar seus afastamentos e convergências. Por fim, investigo os limites e forças de ambas as posições teóricas quando do contato com críticas externas à dita Escola; sempre contando com a própria noção de contingência como critério de avaliação. Avaliações essas que me levam a concluir, especificamente no que tange aos segundo e terceiro movimentos das interpretações aqui tematizadas e essa é a tese secundária do trabalho , por uma espécie de vantagem teórica da interpretação de Skinner com relação à de Pocock. / This study discusses the reception of Machiavelli\'s political thought by the Cambridge School, more specifically its most prominent members, Quentin Skinner and John Pocock. I explore the question from three different instances or moments: (i) Pocock and Skinner\'s rich contribution to a methodology of intellectual history (precisely what conforms the \"School\"), (ii) their interpretations of Machiavelli as essentially a republican author, and (iii) the latter establishment of a normative political philosophy that is a result and a fundamental component of the above mentioned. My main thesis is that the notion of contingency (the priority of the particular over the universal, of the created over the spontaneous, of the artificial over the natural, of the contingent over the necessary) permeated and guided these three steps of their analysis. To shed light on the matter, I examine how this applies structurally in the three different moments and also in the dialog established between the two interpreters, seeking to evidence the similarities and differences in their positions. Finally, I explore the limitations and strengths of both theoretical positions while in contact with external criticism, always relying on the notion of contingency as an evaluation criteria. As a result, I suggest that, when talking specifically about the second and third moments here discussed and this is my secondary thesis Skinner\'s theories are in a privileged position when compared to those of Pocock.

Cette thèse a pour but de montrer que Machiavel a forgé sa conception toute personnelle de l’arte dello stato en établissant une tension entre la règle et l’exception. C’est-à-dire, l’ensemble des normes qui permet à un prince ou un ordonnateur de république de mener les choses de l’état en recourant à des moyens ordinaires conformes à l’attitude d’un homme prudent respectueux de la morale (de l’éthique), et la suspension momentanée de cette conduite normative par l’usage de moyens extraordinaires mais nécessaires au maintien de son état ou des institutions républicaines, contraires à la prudence et à ladite morale. Cette approche de la réflexion machiavélienne sur l’arte dello stato permet de rendre compte de la grande homogénéité des textes qui composent son œuvre politique et couvrent une période presque trentenaire. La méthode employée est principalement herméneutique et s’inspire de travaux sur le langage de Machiavel. / This thesis aims to show that Machiavelli has forged his very personal conception of the arte dello stato by establishing a tension between the rule and the exception. That is to say, the set of norms that allows a prince or a founder of the republic to lead the things of the state by ordinary means of recourse consistent with the attitude of a prudent man respectful of morality (ethics), and the momentary suspension of this normative conduct by the use of extraordinary means necessary for the maintenance of its state or republican institutions, contrary to prudence and to that morality.This approach of the Machiavellian reflection on the arte dello stato makes it possible to account for the great homogeneity of the texts that compose his work and cover a period of almost three decades.The method used is mainly hermeneutic and is inspired by the work on Machiavelli’s language.

No Renascimento, o surgimento de um senso histórico que pensava os antigos em seus termos próprios, e a ideia de que seria preciso imitar os antigos, não resultaram em apenas uma posição humanista, qual seja, aquela tendência que foi predominante e que enfatizava o poder da liberdade humana sobre os caprichos da Fortuna. Também surgiu um ponto de vista trágico, no qual se insere Maquiavel e que possuirá importantes aspectos comuns com a recuperação do trágico entre os alemães do século XIX. O ponto de vista trágico levou Maquiavel a pensar a república como arena institucional-legal que permite um equilíbrio tenso e criativo entre forças sociais opostas, capaz de canalizar as ambições para o bem comum, fazendo com que a vitalidade expansiva dos cidadãos colabore para a vitalidade expansiva da república. / In the Renaissance, the emergence both of a historical sense that made it possible to regard the Ancients according to their own standards, and of the notion that it would be necessary to emulate them resulted not only in a humanist attitude, i.e. the predominant disposition at that time, which emphasized the power of human freedom over the whims of Fortune. It also brought to light a tragic point of view, in which Machiavelli partakes, which will have important common traits with the retrieval of the tragic among the XIX century Germans. The tragic point of view lead Machiavelli to think the Republic as a legal-institutional arena which allows a taut and creative equilibrium between opposite social forces, capable of directing the aspirations for the common good, making the expansive vitality of the citizens collaborate with the expansive vitality of the Republic.

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<p><em>This essay examines wether the prevailing opinion of Machiavelli as a prominent figure in political realism is correct or if the author is misinterpreted and can be said to represent something more. Thus, the puropse of this essay is to revise the description of Machiavelli given in widely used Swedish textbooks. This is done on the basis of a thesis saying that Machiavelli, judged not by his renowned book ‘The Prince’ (Fursten), but in the light of his extensive work ‘Discourses’ (Republiken), does not advocate a sovereign power but rather promote a pluralistic society. The method used in this essay is a qualitative textanalysis, which is done on the two books in purpose to examine three central themes in Machiavelli’s writing; the morality, the view on humanity and the state and citizen. Though there is an obvious similarity between Machiavelli’s ‘Discourses’ and the writing of Aristoteles no effort is done in this essay to describe what they have in common, but only to present a contrasting picture vis á vis the established and prevailing role of Machiavelli in Sweden. Throughout the essay it becomes clear that there is more to the subject than the authors of the textbooks let us know. By reading ‘Discourses’ I therefore stress the importance of civic virtue and rule of law in Machiavelli’s thinking.</em></p>

<p>This essay is about North Korea, Kim Jong Il and how the future looks for the states political system. The purpose is to explain how Kim Jong Il and the North Korean regim rules the state and with help of Machiavellis theory about the Prince, tell about the states future. The essayinvestigates how well Kim Jong Il and the North Korean regime are keeping their power overthe state and if their possibilities to continue in the same way are good or bad. The essayinvestigates North Koreas possibilities for further reign through Niccolo Machiavellis theory.</p><p>The argument is that the North Korean state and Kim Jong Il have few or noneconditions to continue with the same political system that the state in this time have.</p><p>The result shows that, through a Machiavellian perspective, Kim Jong Il and the North Korean regime have bad conditions to continue ruling the state in same way as now. The investigation, unfortunately, do not show when and how North Korea will be exposed to a government switch , but the result points to a change.</p>

My thesis will examine the life and political career of Georgian statesman Eduard Shevardnadze. I have chosen to examine Shevardnadze through a Machiavellian lens; I will examine Shevardnadze’s politics while considering Machiavelli’s central ideologies. I have attempted to provide a context by which to understand Shevardnadze’s life and how it has allowed him to become a modern day Machiavellian figure.