No Renascimento, o surgimento de um senso histórico que pensava os antigos em seus termos próprios, e a ideia de que seria preciso imitar os antigos, não resultaram em apenas uma posição humanista, qual seja, aquela tendência que foi predominante e que enfatizava o poder da liberdade humana sobre os caprichos da Fortuna. Também surgiu um ponto de vista trágico, no qual se insere Maquiavel e que possuirá importantes aspectos comuns com a recuperação do trágico entre os alemães do século XIX. O ponto de vista trágico levou Maquiavel a pensar a república como arena institucional-legal que permite um equilíbrio tenso e criativo entre forças sociais opostas, capaz de canalizar as ambições para o bem comum, fazendo com que a vitalidade expansiva dos cidadãos colabore para a vitalidade expansiva da república. / In the Renaissance, the emergence both of a historical sense that made it possible to regard the Ancients according to their own standards, and of the notion that it would be necessary to emulate them resulted not only in a humanist attitude, i.e. the predominant disposition at that time, which emphasized the power of human freedom over the whims of Fortune. It also brought to light a tragic point of view, in which Machiavelli partakes, which will have important common traits with the retrieval of the tragic among the XIX century Germans. The tragic point of view lead Machiavelli to think the Republic as a legal-institutional arena which allows a taut and creative equilibrium between opposite social forces, capable of directing the aspirations for the common good, making the expansive vitality of the citizens collaborate with the expansive vitality of the Republic.

Trata-se, neste trabalho, de perscrutar pela noção de glória em O Príncipe de Nicolau Maquiavel. Para tanto, propõe-se articular a basilar noção maquiaveliana de virtù a ação humana para o enfrentamento da fortuna e constituição da política com a noção de glória a avaliação da ação política. A hipótese de investigação da presente dissertação é de que a relação entre a virtù e a glória revela um momento privilegiado de justificação de um desejo de liberdade como paradigma da exposição de O Príncipe. / In this work, I intend to analyze the concept of glory present in The Prince, by Niccolò Machiavelli. In order to do so, I propose to articulate his fundamental notion of virtù the human action to confront fortune and constitute politics with the notion of glory the evaluation of political action. My hypothesis is that the relationship between virtù and glory reveals a see-through moment for the understanding of a desire for liberty as the paradigm within The Prince.

O presente trabalho versa sobre a recepção do pensamento político de Maquiavel pela chamada Escola de Cambridge, notadamente seus membros mais proeminentes: Quentin Skinner e John Pocock. Proponho examinar desde (i) a rica contribuição de Pocock e Skinner para uma metodologia da história intelectual (que é o que precisamente conforma a Escola), passando por (ii) suas interpretações de Maquiavel como um autor fundamentalmente republicano, e chegando até mesmo a (iii) uma filosofia política normativa despontada daqueles dois primeiros movimentos e com eles entremeada. A tese principal do trabalho é que uma noção de contingência (a anterioridade do particular sobre o universal, do criado sobre o espontâneo, do artificial sobre o natural, enfim, do contingente sobre o necessário) perpassaria e pautaria esses três estágios de seus comentários. Para elucidá-lo, procuro esquadrinhar como isso funciona estruturalmente entre os três diferentes momentos e também no diálogo estabelecido entre os dois intérpretes, a fim de evidenciar seus afastamentos e convergências. Por fim, investigo os limites e forças de ambas as posições teóricas quando do contato com críticas externas à dita Escola; sempre contando com a própria noção de contingência como critério de avaliação. Avaliações essas que me levam a concluir, especificamente no que tange aos segundo e terceiro movimentos das interpretações aqui tematizadas e essa é a tese secundária do trabalho , por uma espécie de vantagem teórica da interpretação de Skinner com relação à de Pocock. / This study discusses the reception of Machiavelli\'s political thought by the Cambridge School, more specifically its most prominent members, Quentin Skinner and John Pocock. I explore the question from three different instances or moments: (i) Pocock and Skinner\'s rich contribution to a methodology of intellectual history (precisely what conforms the \"School\"), (ii) their interpretations of Machiavelli as essentially a republican author, and (iii) the latter establishment of a normative political philosophy that is a result and a fundamental component of the above mentioned. My main thesis is that the notion of contingency (the priority of the particular over the universal, of the created over the spontaneous, of the artificial over the natural, of the contingent over the necessary) permeated and guided these three steps of their analysis. To shed light on the matter, I examine how this applies structurally in the three different moments and also in the dialog established between the two interpreters, seeking to evidence the similarities and differences in their positions. Finally, I explore the limitations and strengths of both theoretical positions while in contact with external criticism, always relying on the notion of contingency as an evaluation criteria. As a result, I suggest that, when talking specifically about the second and third moments here discussed and this is my secondary thesis Skinner\'s theories are in a privileged position when compared to those of Pocock.

Orientador: Luiz B. L. Orlandi / Tese (doutorado0 - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-22T11:44:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo_LidiaMaria_D.pdf: 8187184 bytes, checksum: 6531cd1725c98afbf57298d7008f7206 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1996 / Resumo: Não informado / Abstract: Not informed. / Doutorado / Doutor em Filosofia

Orientador: João Carlos Kfouri Quartim de Moraes / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-12T08:47:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jacaranda_RodolfodeFreitas_M.pdf: 2914724 bytes, checksum: 334c58462f48cd5e087d89dcd906adb5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: A idéia de razão de Estado foi, durante um século e meio, entre o século XVI e o XVII, um tema que exerceu grande influência no pensamento político moderno. Difícil de resumir em apenas um conceito, a razão de Estado foi utilizada para definir a capacidade de o poder soberano subtrair-se às obrigações e limites impostos pelas regras do direito ordinário para defender a ordem pública em casos de grave ameaça. A presente tese é uma pesquisa exploratória que visa a reconstruir os parâmetros das discussões que colocaram a razão de Estado no cerne do surgimento do próprio Estado. Proposta nos termos modernos que conhecemos por pensadores italianos do quinhentos, a razão de Estado tornou-se, por associações muito originais, sinônimo do pensamento de Maquiavel. Extrapolando a obra de Maquiavel, contudo, os principais teóricos da razão de Estado foram co-responsáveis por engendrar o vocabulário político da fundação do Estado na modernidade, e os elementos e técnicas que surgiram nos intensos debates decorrentes dos conflitos da época contribuíram para aprimorar as estruturas governamentais então em construção. A literatura franca e aberta da razão de Estado começou a declinar na segunda metade do século XVII, e os institutos que marcaram sua existência foram apropriados pela filosofia política normativa e pelos juristas pré-iluministas. Técnicas como a simulação e a dissimulação, o segredo, a necessidade, a crueldade e a mentira foram proscritas ou reconfiguradas segundo novos códigos de justificação do poder. Não é incomum encontrar referências ao fato de que as práticas da razão de Estado fazem parte de um passado do qual já nos livramos. Baseada na obra de pensadores contemporâneos como Michael Stolleis, Gianfranco Borrelli, Michel de Senellart, Yves Charles Zarka, Michel Foucault e Giorgio Agamben a presente tese demonstra como o desafio de pensar a sobrevivência das práticas da razão de Estado nos modelos políticos atuais corresponde ao próprio desafio, moderno por excelência, de entender a natureza do Estado e o modo como pensamos e agimos em nossa relação com o poder soberano. / Abstract: The idea of 'reason of State' was during one and a half century, between the XVI and the XVII, a theme of profound influence over modern political thought. Difficult to summarize in only one concept, the reason of State was used to define the ability of the sovereign power to break out from the obligations and limits imposed by the ordinary rules so as to defend the public order in situations of serious threat. The present work is an exploratory research that aims to rebuild the parameters of the discussions that set the reason of State in the core of the birth of the State itself. Put in the modern terms that we know from 1500s' Italian thinkers, the reason of State became, through very original associations, a synonym of Machiavelli's thought. Not restricted to Machiavelli's work, however, reason of State's main thinkers were co-responsible for creating the political vocabulary of the State's foundation in the modern age, and the elements and techniques that had appeared amidst the intense debates of the conflicts of their time contributed to improve the governmental structures then in construction. Open and direct literature about the reason of State began to decline in the second half of the 17th century, and the institutions that marked its existence were appropriated by prescriptive political philosophy and by Enlightenment jurists. Techniques like simulation and dissimulation, secret, necessity, cruelty and lie were proscribed or re-shaped according to new ways to justify power. Nowadays it is not unlikely to find references to the fact that the practices of the reason of State are part of a past already left behind. Based on the work of contemporary thinkers like Michael Stolleis, Gianfranco Borrelli, Michel de Senellart, Yves Charles Zarka, Michel Foucault and Giorgio Agamben, the present work shows how the challenge of finding evidence of the surviving practices of the reason of State in current political models corresponds to the very challenge, modern on its own, of understanding the State's nature and the way people think and act in their relationship with the sovereign power. / Mestrado / Filosofia / Doutor em Filosofia

Orientador : João Carlos Kfouri Quartim de Moraes / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-02T15:37:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ames_JoseLuiz_D.pdf: 18656943 bytes, checksum: 4cf4ab5a60eb6a1150325cd7f4a5be0c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2000 / Resumo: o trabalho defende a idéia de que no centro do pensamento de Niccoló Machiavelli está a preocupação em mostrar que a ação política é determinada por uma lógica própria: "regras gerais" que decidem o êxito e o fracasso dos agentes políticos. Para alcançar um conhecimento adequado desse "mecanismo secreto" que, segundo o autor, comanda o funcionamento das "coisas", estudamos as noções de História, homem, ética e Estado presentes na sua obra / Abstract: The work is about the idea that in the center ofNiccoló Machiavelli's thougt is the concern in showing that the political action is determined by na own logic: "general mIes" that decide the success and the political agents' failure. To reach an adapted knowledge ofthis "secret mechanism", according to the author, it commands the operation of the '"things" we studied the History notions, mm, ethics and State that there are in its work / Doutorado / Doutor em Filosofia

The purpose of this dissertation is two-fold. First of all it aims at finding a unified philosophical basis for The Tempest. Commentators have widely acknowledged the diversity of the moral and political discourses present in this play: there is the idea of divine providence; there is the Stoic discourse about restraining one’s anger and desire for revenge; there is the Machiavellian teaching which lays strong emphasis on power and illusion as the only means to make men obedient; there is a deep concern with the question of whether virtue is teachable or not and how it should be taught; and there is also a preoccupation with the golden world and the ideal commonwealth. But is there a unity to be found amid this diversity? My answer to this question is that there indeed is an integrated philosophical framework in which all these discourses can find their proper places and reinforce one another in a way that contributes, together with the strictly observed unity of action, place and time, to the overall coherence of the play. This underlying basis, I will try to demonstrate, has a close affinity with Plato’s moral and political thought which centers around the question of teaching virtue; meanwhile, it could also be shown that, either historically or conceptually, the discourses identifiable in the play are all closely related to Plato’s philosophy. The examination of this basis will allow us to better appreciate the depth and nuances of The Tempest, but it will also shed some new light—hence the second task of this research—on the meaning of five other Shakespearean plays starting from Hamlet, As You Like It, Measure for Measure, to Timon of Athens and Coriolanus. In my dissertation, all these works (and Timon of Athens in especial, which, I believe, is a play where all the philosophical themes I will explore in this dissertation converge) will be treated at some length, with emphasis laid respectively on the use of power, the taming of anger, and Shakespeare’s idea about the golden world. Though a considerable part of my dissertation will be devoted to the tracing of this intellectual basis with reference to the template of ideas provided by Plato’s philosophy, I do not mean to suggest that it is through reading Plato directly that Shakespeare consciously develops a philosophy. My point is rather that all the discourses he makes use of in these plays could lead him of their own accord to the Platonic template. In this sense, what Shakespeare did is no more than just to allow the philosophical potentials of his motifs to work out themselves and meanwhile faithfully register their intricate interaction. In accordance with this assumption, my study will be half speculative rather than stringently historical in nature. I will proceed, though, strictly on an empirical line, that is, to presume nothing about the existence of philosophical patterns, and base my conclusion as much as possible on close readings of the text.

Thesis advisor: Sarah Gwyneth Ross / This study investigates the political thoughts of two thinkers, Niccolò Machiavelli (1469-1527) from Renaissance Italy and Chen Liang (1143-1194) from Song China. Both thinkers argue against the popular of moral philosophy in state politics. They tried to use the idea of consequentialism, statecraft, and public interest to create their own utilitarian philosophy. This micro-comparison study will parallel two thinkers’ views on history, politics, and military in a similar historical context. These views are essential to the modernization of two civilizations. / Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2022. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

No description available.

No description available.