Thesis--University of Washington. / Vita. Another copy has number: Thesis 27086. Bibliography: leaves [222]-242.

This thesis is the first comprehensive reference grammar of Kilen, a lesser known and little studied language of the Tungusic Family. At present, Kilen is a moribund language with less than 10 bilingual speakers in the eastern part of Heilongjiang Province of P.R.China. Since the language does not have a writing system, the examples are provided in IPA transcription with morpheme tagging. This thesis is divided into eight chapters. Chapter 1 states the background information of Kilen language in terms of Ethnology, Migration and Language Contact. Beginning from Chapter 2, the language is described in the aspects of Phonology, Morphology and Syntax. This thesis is mainly concerned with morphosyntactic aspects of Kilen. Chapters 6-8 provide a portrait of Kilen syntactic organization. The sources for this description include the work of You Zhixian (1989), which documents oral literature originally recorded by You himself, a fluent Kilen native speaker; example sentences drawn from previous linguistic descriptions, mainly those of An (1985) and You & Fu (1987); author’s field records and personal consultation data recorded and transcribed by the author and Wu Mingxiang, one of the last fluent native speakers. The aim is to provide a portrait of a Chinese Tungusic language on the brink of extinction. This thesis does not adopt any particular syntactic theoretical framework. The terminology in this thesis is tended to be theory-free and descriptive. / published_or_final_version / Linguistics / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

Thesis (Ph. D.)--UCLA, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 298-322).

This thesis explores the issues of language and power in the Qing Empire’s (1644-1911) northeastern borderlands within the larger context of political reforms in late Qing China between 1890 and 1911. To the present, much research on the history of language in late Qing China continues to fall within the framework of national language. Drawing on Manchu and Chinese sources, this thesis argues that the Qing emperors devised a multilingual regime to recreate the imperial polyglot reality and to rule a purposefully diverse but unifying empire. From the seventeenth century, the Qing emperors maintained the special Manchu-Mongol relations by adopting Manchu and Mongolian as the two official languages, restricting the influence of Chinese, and promoting Tibetan in a religious context in the Jirim League. From the 1890s, the Jirim League witnessed a language contest between Manchu, Mongol, Chinese, Japanese and Russian powers which strove to legitimize and maintain their control over the Jirim Mongols. Under the influence of European and Japanese language ideologies, the Qing Empire fostered the learning of Chinese in order to recreate the Jirim Mongols as modern nationals in an integrated China under a constitutional monarchy. Meanwhile, the Qing Empire preserved Manchu and Mongolian, which demonstrated the Manchu characteristic of the constitutional monarchy in a wave of Chinese nationalism. However, the revised language regime undermined the Jirim Mongols’ power and challenged their special position in the traditional Manchu-Mongol relations, which caused disunity and disorder in the borderlands. This thesis challenges the notion of language reform as a linear progress towards Chinese national monolingualism. It demonstrates the political and ritual role of Manchu and Mongolian beyond their communicative and documentary functions, and unfolds the power of language pluralism in Chinese nationalist discourse from a non-Chinese and peripheral perspective. By investigating how ethnic, national, and imperialist powers interacted with one another, this thesis allows us to understand the integration of Manchuria into modern China, East Asia, and the world from a different perspective.

This thesis explores the changing approach of the Chosŏn state to subjects with foreign lineages in the period between the Imjin War (1592-98) and the early nineteenth century. Chosŏn Korea underwent considerable upheaval during the Imjin War and the wars of the Ming-Qing transition. Many Jurchen subjects of the Chosŏn court were forced from their homes in the Tumen Valley into the banner armies of the rising Qing state, with only a remnant persisting in Chosŏn. Additionally, large numbers of Ming Chinese entered Chosŏn either with the Ming army or as refugees from war in Liaodong. Initially, the Chosŏn state responded to its Jurchen and Ming Chinese subjects primarily through pragmatic concern about the loyalty of these subjects to the Chosŏn and the burden they imposed on the agricultural economy. As a result, the Chosŏn court welcomed and even defended the Jurchen as established Chosŏn subjects but was cautious of the more alien Ming deserters and refugees. Ming migrant status did not improve during the remainder of the seventeenth century. Ming Chinese lineages were considered, along with Jurchen and Japanese, within the same invidious submitting foreigner tax category. During the same period fraudulent Ming migrants became a focus for sedition among non-elites. The eighteenth century rise of Ming Loyalist ritualism transformed the response of the Chosŏn court to such foreign lineages as Ming migrant lineages were encouraged to participate in court-sponsored Ming loyalist rituals. Along with this ritual participation Ming migrant status was transformed from that of submitting foreigners to that of imperial subjects, while Jurchen and Japanese lineages disappeared. At the same time, hagiographic biographies were written of the original Ming Chinese refugees which praised them for coming to Chosŏn because of Neo-Confucian loyalty to the Ming. The Chosŏn state responded to foreign lineages according to changing circumstances. Neo-Confucian ritualism only played a role in response to Ming lineages in the eighteenth century when earlier concerns about disloyalty and social disruption had largely passed.

This thesis explores the changing approach of the Chosŏn state to subjects with foreign lineages in the period between the Imjin War (1592-98) and the early nineteenth century. Chosŏn Korea underwent considerable upheaval during the Imjin War and the wars of the Ming-Qing transition. Many Jurchen subjects of the Chosŏn court were forced from their homes in the Tumen Valley into the banner armies of the rising Qing state, with only a remnant persisting in Chosŏn. Additionally, large numbers of Ming Chinese entered Chosŏn either with the Ming army or as refugees from war in Liaodong. Initially, the Chosŏn state responded to its Jurchen and Ming Chinese subjects primarily through pragmatic concern about the loyalty of these subjects to the Chosŏn and the burden they imposed on the agricultural economy. As a result, the Chosŏn court welcomed and even defended the Jurchen as established Chosŏn subjects but was cautious of the more alien Ming deserters and refugees. Ming migrant status did not improve during the remainder of the seventeenth century. Ming Chinese lineages were considered, along with Jurchen and Japanese, within the same invidious submitting foreigner tax category. During the same period fraudulent Ming migrants became a focus for sedition among non-elites. The eighteenth century rise of Ming Loyalist ritualism transformed the response of the Chosŏn court to such foreign lineages as Ming migrant lineages were encouraged to participate in court-sponsored Ming loyalist rituals. Along with this ritual participation Ming migrant status was transformed from that of submitting foreigners to that of imperial subjects, while Jurchen and Japanese lineages disappeared. At the same time, hagiographic biographies were written of the original Ming Chinese refugees which praised them for coming to Chosŏn because of Neo-Confucian loyalty to the Ming. The Chosŏn state responded to foreign lineages according to changing circumstances. Neo-Confucian ritualism only played a role in response to Ming lineages in the eighteenth century when earlier concerns about disloyalty and social disruption had largely passed.

This dissertation tells the story of what happened to Jungar refugees on the Qing empire's Kazakh frontier in the years immediately following the collapse of the Jungar confederation, 1759-1773. Narratives of violence have dominated the historiography on the fall of the Jungars. Nearly every history of the Jungars' demise highlights the Qing's violent massacres against the Jungar people, with several works even asserting these massacres were tantamount to "genocide." Based on a large corpus of previously unstudied Manchu documents, this dissertation moves beyond historical narratives that view the Jungar collapse solely through the lens of Qing violence by highlighting the important historical role that Jungar refugees played in the years following the disintegration of the Jungar state. / East Asian Languages and Civilizations

「清末滿族子弟的新式教育」為碩士論文，共有十五萬餘言，除緒論與結論外，共分為五大章，十五小節，各章提要如下： 第一章清末滿族新式教育之緣起。清朝末年受到西方勢力的侵擾，國內興起了一股興學育才的風潮，希望藉由教育革新，使國家能夠強盛起來。滿族子弟也因此有了教育革新的契機，這段新式教育的演變歷程，可分為接觸萌芽期（一八六二年至一九○一年）和建立發展期（一九○二年至一九一一年）。前者，因為滿族子弟傳統教育中即須學習語言文字的翻譯課程，因而進入新式學校，取得了學習西方語言文字的先機；後者，滿族傳統的八旗官學式微，又受各種教育思潮的影響，終於在光緒二十八年（一九○一年）進行改建新式學校，採用新的教育模式，同時受到要求立憲的壓力，教育民眾以開通智識備形重要；排滿革命的威脅，滿漢民族問的不平等待遇成為排滿藉口，究其原因卻在由來已久的八旗生計問題，因此教育沒有謀生技能的旗民，成為當務之急，也就不得不致力實行新式教育了。 第二章新式教育宗旨與教育體系。教育思潮既然影響滿族新式教育的施行，新式教育宗旨大抵也秉持著「中體西用」的精神，最後以「忠君」、「尊孔」、「尚公」、「尚武」、「尚實」五項宣示全國的教育宗旨為依歸，同時為解決八旗生計問題，培養滿族子弟「自強自立」的能力，也成為新式教育的重要政策。基於滿族特殊的軍事、社會制度--八旗制度，新式教育的教育行政單位除在中央受學部統理外，在地方以提學使同為主導，以八旗學務處、旗務處為輔，建立起行政體系。學校系統則以學部所頒學制為主，分為三級，統一原本零散的傳統教育制度。 第三章新式教育的主要形式。滿族子弟新式教育中較有系統的是普通教育，廣泛設立蒙養學堂、小學堂，中學堂各直省駐防地多設有一處，高等學堂則在中央與東北設立。實業教育則偏重滿族子弟的職業技能訓練，所以設立許多工藝蔽、工褻傳習所。語文教育以學習滿、蒙、俄等語言文字為主；又因時值預備立憲，為了讓滿族子弟對憲政體制有所了解，特為貴族、仕員開設法政學堂及時政講習所。滿族子弟新式教育中沒有完整的師範、留學教育系統，而是視需要設立師範學校培養邊區師資，鼓勵子弟出國遊學、遊歷以開通風氣。 第四章教育的實施與管理。新式教育的宗旨和教育體系與全國教育制度大同小異，普通學校教學課程內容上也大概一致，但特別加入母語--「清文」的教授；實業教育兼授普通知識和手工業技能；滿蒙語言學堂除教授與言外，也包含民族史地；法政學堂則有法學和理財知識，課程相當現代大學法律系。教育經費來源主要是由各駐防地長官「就地自籌」，偶有中央補助，名目多而雜；經費管理，除照學部定章辦理，另設有獎勵章程，鼓勵士紳、民眾捐款助學。而諸如學堂、學生的管理規則，也依學部章程辦法處埋；課程安排則重在一般課程與「清文」鐘點的調節。 第五章滿族新式教育的省思。新式教育的施行，使得滿族子弟不但學習到更多的 「中學」和「西學」，也因「中體西用」的調和性影響，滿族民族文化「國語騎射」也因而得以傳承、更新而趨於實用。但是，新式教育實行的主要困難是邊陲地區風氣未開教育、知識難以普及。由新式教育的各種形式和措施，可以看到新式教育的成效，還在能提升滿族子弟的知識水準，訓練謀生能力，降低滿漢民族的差異與衝突，新式教育無異具有維持民族生存的意義。 / The new mode of education the Manchurians received in the later yearsof the CH'ING.

家譜是家族歷史的彙編，除了世系人名之外，還常包括了族姓起緣、支派源流、家族遷徙等紀錄，所述內容涵蓋到民族身分的認同和形塑過程，是民族史研究的重要材料之一。清代滿族承襲了自宋明以來近於完善的譜牒體例，開始了以文字書寫家譜的方式，記錄家史而使其流傳於世，更加入了滿族的習俗、文字，在拜譜儀式與續譜活動中，強烈顯現了其民族特色。 滿族的宗族制度，不僅是家族組織，同時也是國家基層組織的雛型，清代旗人家譜作為旗人承襲世爵的憑證，顯示了家譜對於家族成員身分的承認，並凸顯清朝國家體制將家譜作為社會控制的手段之一。 本文透過滿族的神話、歷史、八旗制度到血緣集團的紀錄來看滿族宗族制度的形成及其內容，透過對史料檔案的解釋，並蒐集中國大陸搶救古籍及其後續保存出版的資料進行分析，討論滿族史的創建、清代滿族對外部文化的選擇、適應，以及滿族民族認同等幾個面向。

在清朝前期的康雍乾三朝中，清朝皇帝曾經復興入關前的滿洲傳統文化。在本文中將這些措施整體稱之為滿洲文化復興運動（Manchu cultural revitalization movement）。大致上來說可以分為三個方面：1. 提倡國語振興騎射；2. 整理滿洲歷史與傳統；3. 維持八旗制度運作。康雍乾三朝所推行一系列的復興滿洲文化的措施，表現了清朝皇帝對於滿洲文化的重視。學界過去對於此一現象的詮釋，認為清朝皇帝的作法是擔心滿洲人被漢人所同化而失去統治的特權。然而更基本的問題是：為何政經特權的維持，需要透過文化的復興運動來達成？國語騎射、滿洲源流與八旗制度等代表滿洲文化的符號，對於清朝皇帝具有什麼樣的意義？而本文試圖從清朝入關前與入關後的滿漢關係，以及相關的滿洲身分與文化變遷過程來討論前述的問題。 首先，清朝以少數民族的征服王朝之姿，建立了廣土眾民的多民族帝國。為了爭取漢人以及滿洲人支持清朝的統治，清朝皇帝一方面透過宣示滿漢一體，尊崇儒家思想與傳統中國的官僚制度來建立其統治漢人的正當性；另一方面，出於對漢人反滿意識的防備，又必須崇滿抑漢，以維持本民族的優勢地位。因此，如何在首崇滿洲的原則下，又不至於激起漢人對清朝統治的反感，是清朝皇帝在統治上所面臨的重要課題之一。 然而，推行崇滿抑漢政策的前提在於區分滿漢。在清朝發展的歷史中，滿漢接觸的經驗形塑了滿洲與漢人的文化意義。而清朝皇帝對於滿漢的區分也受到這種文化意義的影響。而這種文化意義也隨著歷史事件的介入而有所改變。 在滿漢接觸的歷史中，滿漢之分主要是建立在身分與文化上的差異。入關前的滿洲文化對於清朝皇帝而言，是征服民族優勢的象徵。清朝皇帝透過復興滿語、騎射與八旗制度等滿洲文化符號，以及排斥漢習的做法，來重申（或重塑）滿洲性（Manchuness），藉此重新鞏固滿漢對立的二元意義結構，以及相應的滿洲統治地位。 滿洲文化復興運動的推行，必須透過在傳統中國文化與當時清朝的政治制度中所賦予皇帝的至高獨裁權力，才有可能達成。但由於官僚體制與基層旗人的不配合，而使得當時此一運動的成效不彰。在這個歷史事件中，可以看到在少數民族統治多數民族時，如何透過文化與身分的界定來團結本民族，並維護自身的統治與優勢地位。因此，此一事件同時具有身分、文化與統治上的意義。而歷史人類學與族群理論兩者之間，在這個課題上也出現了對話的空間。