In 1917, the Swedish socialist party SAP, Sveriges Socialdemokratiska Arbetarparti, was split in two. A more radical, leftish fraction broke out and became SSV, Sveriges Socialdemokratiska Vänsterparti (today Vänsterpartiet). The party division is often explained with different attitudes concerning parliamentarism and militarisation – a more compromising one and a more revolutionary and defence nihilist one – that in a time of world war and revolutions led to insurmountable disagreements. Several of the party members thought that the division would not be permanent, as it became. The cementation of the separation suggests that there were more fundamental differences between the leaving fraction and the remaining SAP than just short-sighted political questions such as the WW1. This essay investigates the concept of freedom in the social democratic discourse to discover whether different views and usage of the concept of freedom might indicate greater ideological differences that cemented the division. This is a thorough study of the Social Democrat magazine Tiden during the period 1915-1920, with this purpose. To see the differences properly, a theoretical background on freedom is made, where the differences between liberal, socialist and Leninist freedom together with the ideas of freedom to and freedom from, as well as Isaiah Berlins concepts of positive and negative freedom are distinguished and examined. After the examination of the material, the conclusion is drawn that the views on and ideas of freedom vary greatly, and that it is very likely that it did have an impact on the division, especially in a long-term perspective.

Depuis quelques années, une certaine récupération des idées de Manfredo Tafuri est en cours. Pourtant cette diffusion d'idées n'est pas exempte d’incompréhensions et de malentendus. L'œuvre de Tafuri est marqué par une approche théorique forte: dans ses écrits travaillent les questions le plus aiguës d'un chapitre oublié et pourtant fondamental de la philosophie italienne récente. La recherche porte principalement le schéma de ce questionnement philosophique et sur son impact sur le débat architectural. Il s'agit de sonder une série de nœuds théoriques apparemment distincts ou plus larges que les problématiques architecturales telles qu’elles sont habituellement posées: la modernité, la technique, les langages, la liberté et les conditionnements de l'action subjective. A travers la pluralité des thèmes affrontés, ce qui s’est dégagé, est que le travail de cet historien, dans son ensemble, a été principalement traversé par le problème théorique du projet. Chez Tafuri on trouve une extraordinaire cartographie philosophique de l'architecture. Cartographie qui fonctionne par fragments, traces, emblèmes d'un débat plus large qui concerne la politique et l'histoire des intellectuels italiens entre 1960 et 1980 / Certain aspects of Manfredo Tafuri's work have been recently reexamined by the academic community. However, the redraft of his ideas has likely generated both several misunderstandings and misconceptions. His theoretical approach is one of the main keys to interpret his work: the issue of any architectural process is the complexity of the process itself. The theoretical issues of an architectural project relates to Tafuri’s argument regarding the basic constraints that we could find in the philosophical debate about modernity, techniques, languages, freedom and the constraints on subjective action. Tafuri tracks an extraordinarily rich cartography of architecture and a cultural and political pathway that connects a wide critical thinking sphere of the Italian intelligentsia between the 1960s and 1980s

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The Harry Potter novels written by J.K Rowling have been popular since the first book was released in 1997. Rowling has written seven books about Harry and the first four together with the Swedish National Agency for Education constitute the primary sources of this essay. The essay discusses how these supposed children’s’ novels can be used to construct a lesson for students in the Swedish upper secondary classroom. The lesson plan created is based on the analysis of the possible themes of the novels using Postcolonial and Marxist critical perspectives. The theories are used to show how discrimination and suppression can be seen in the Harry Potter novels. Previous research has shown that the occurrences in Harry Potter is similar to the occurrences happening in the real world and the lesson plan is created to compare these fictional happenings with the ones happening in our real society. The lesson plan constructed consequently focuses on how the Harry Potter novels can be used to discuss discrimination and suppression takes place in English speaking societies as required by the rules and guidelines provided by the Swedish National Agency for Education.

本文主張辨明作為官方意識形態與作為社會理論的兩種馬克思主義，以便尋繹出以馬 克思主義為分析方法進行法律研究的可能性。本論文各章論旨如下： 第一章：係就馬克思一生與法律有關的思想事業作一總覽； 第二章：嘗試整理馬克思主義的理論典範。筆者將之歸類為四個次級範疇，分別為1 作為馬克思主觀社會關懷起點的人學與異化論；2 基於其人本主義而用以從事客觀社 會觀察的歷史唯物主義；3 對於批判對象資本主義社會的分析；4 作為消除資本主義 異化現象手段的階級鬥爭； 第三章：係以「財產關係式生產關係的法律用語」一述句，於闡述柯亨、柯林斯、史 東三氏的理論過程當中，試圖澄清法律的本質，以驗證歷史唯物主義對於法律現象的 分析與解釋功能； 第四章：探討資本主義的法權形式如何在資本主義的社會生活實踐之中型成的問題。 筆者則將切點放置在商品交換的行為，並分析馬克思的法價值論，同時認為資本主義 法價值之內化到人們的法律意識之中，主要乃依靠意識形態國家機器的社會化功能； 第五張：本章探討以法律改革作為階級鬥爭目標的可行性。法律鬥爭之所以可能，是 因為法律本質上即具有相對獨立性，統治階級內部宗派間的利益衝突也為階級鬥爭創 造了有利的形勢。本章乃接著介紹英國勞動法制、法國第二共和憲政法制、與德國一 八四八革命法律鬥爭的經驗。最後則批判無產階級專正之理想政體巴黎公社置缺乏實 行民主的可行性； 第六章：最後本文則藉由探討馬克思主義最受爭議的法律消亡問題，比較自由主義的 社會契約論，重新肯定法律對於人權維護的重要性。

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After the Meiji Restoration of 1862, Western philosophy was imported and infused into Japanese culture and its intellectual climate. By the early 20th Century, Kyoto School philosophers and romantic authors sought to reaffirm Japanese culture, believed jeopardised by the hastened development of Western capitalist modernity. This movement became politically charged, and is not without fascist allegations. After the Second World War modernism again became a primary intellectual concern, as modernists and Asianists alike attempted to struggle with the idea of fascism in Japan. Works of Nishida Kitaro (1870-1945) and Watsuji Tetsuro (1889-1960), and the prewar contexts within which they were written, will be compared to the postwar thinkers Maruyama Masao (1914-1996) and Takeuchi Yoshimi (1910-1977). The purpose of this thesis is to examine how Japanese thinkers before and after the Second World War understood and responded to the global process of modernity, and how it relates to such political movements as liberalism and fascism.

The politics of the act is an important part of radical politics as it seeks to disrupt and challenge the status quo. I define the politics of the act as a mode of politics that involves a withdrawal from the state, mobilises around non-hierarchical organising structures and is animated by an imperative of enactment. This can be contrasted with a politics of demand, which is state-oriented, hierarchical in nature and looks to educate the movement for enactment. While Marxists have tended to privilege the politics of demand as the route to radical change, anarchists have favoured the politics of the act, thus creating a clear opposition between these two different ways of acting politically. In this thesis I will argue that this dichotomy between a politics of demand and a politics of the act is overemphasized, and using Deleuze I will show that a politics of the act is the ontological and creative basis through which the politics of demand comes into being, and the politics of demand is enacted by capturing certain flows of creativity into recognisable ‘moments’ that allows them to be made visible and understood at a societal level. Thus, these modes of politics, although they have meaningful differences, are not distinct from each other but rather flow into each other. In IR, conceptualisations of social movements practising a politics of demand have overshadowed the politics of the act, although anarchists have recognised its importance. This thesis will build on this work by drawing on Deleuzian concepts to deepen our understanding of the politics of the act both conceptually and empirically and contributing to the development of a postanarchist politics. It will examine six case studies of activities that are valorised as exemplifying the politics of the act: withdrawal from the state by Food Not Bombs and Social Centres; horizontal organising structures of Critical Mass and Indy Media Centres; and an imperative of enactment through guerrilla gardening and the Clown Army. This thesis challenges those conceptualisations of politics that privilege either the politics of demand or the politics of the act, and demonstrates that both are needed in any conceptualisation of radical politics. It concludes by offering a way of conceptualising both modes of politics through a ‘politics of the molecular’.

O presente trabalho tem por escopo procurar compreender o papel desempenhado pelo direito no capitalismo, a partir do arcabouço teórico fornecido pelo estudo do debate sobre o humanismo entre os filósofos marxistas franceses Garaudy e Althusser. De início, trouxemos, em breves linhas, uma análise do embate entre Sartre e Heidegger acerca do humanismo. Enquanto em Sartre encontramos a identificação entre humanismo e existencialismo e uma valorização da subjetividade; em Heidegger, temos a postulação de uma superação da dicotomia sujeito-objeto e uma crítica expressa ao próprio uso do vocábulo humanismo. Já na esfera do marxismo, traçamos um sucinto panorama da polêmica sobre o humanismo no Partido Comunista Francês. Então, passamos a tratar da controvérsia entre Garaudy e Althusser. Para Garaudy, o marxismo é um humanismo novo e peculiar, afastado de qualquer caráter metafísico, definido como metodologia da iniciativa histórica para realização do homem total, sendo que essa realização plena apenas terá ensejo no comunismo. Ainda na leitura garaudyana, a alienação se mostra no despojamento da dimensão propriamente humana do homem. A raiz de todas as formas de alienação encontra-se no trabalho, tal como ele se apresenta no capitalismo. O socialismo, para ele, representa não apenas uma expansão das forças produtivas e uma mudança nas relações de produção, mas, além disso, representa uma transformação profunda na consciência dos homens. Para Althusser, por sua vez, o marxismo é um anti-humanismo teórico, pois, os conceitos de base do marxismo não tem qualquer relação com noções humanistas. O filósofo propugna a existência de um corte epistemológico no percurso intelectual de Marx, por meio do qual, o pensador alemão deixou para trás os conceitos ideológicos que caracterizam o humanismo, tais como, homem, sujeito, essência humana e alienação, e fundou uma nova ciência. A visão de Garaudy e Althusser sobre a produção teórica de Marx é totalmente oposta. Garaudy aponta os Manuscritos de 1844 como o ato de fundação do marxismo, enquanto para Althusser, o texto ainda se encontra preso à ideologia humanista, pré-científica. A questão da subjetividade é um ponto de divergência profunda entre os filósofos franceses. Para Garaudy, o marxismo é o único caminho teórico e prático capaz de colocar o homem na condição de sujeito da história. Por sua vez, Althusser entende que o conceito de sujeito é ideológico. O pensamento althusseriano aponta o caráter basilar da ideologia jurídica, no capitalismo. O sujeito, por excelência, é o sujeito de direito. Para ele, a história, cujo motor é a luta de classes, apresenta-se como um processo sem sujeito. Numa perpectiva de matriz althusseriana, Garaudy, ao não se desapegar de uma leitura humanista do marxismo, negando o corte epistemológico, permanece na chave teórica da ideologia jurídica. Ao longo de nossa dissertação, apresentamos os desenvolvimentos teóricos que nos permitiram chegar a esse entendimento. Salientamos que o estudo da forma jurídica teve como lastro a formulação teórica empreendida por Pachukanis. / This work has the scope of seeking to understand the role played by the law in capitalism, from the theoretical framework provided by the study on humanism debate between the French Marxists philosophers Garaudy and Althusser. Initially, we introduced a brief analysis of the clash between Sartre and Heidegger about humanism, in an existential perspective. While in Sartre we found the identification of humanism and existentialism and an appreciation of subjectivity, in Heidegger we have a postulation of overcoming of the subject-object dichotomy and a criticism expressed as to the very use of the word humanism. In the sphere of Marxism, we draw a brief overview of the controversy over humanism in the French Communist Party. So we come to deal with the dispute between Garaudy and Althusser. For Garaudy, Marxism is a new and unique humanism with no metaphysical character, defined as \"methodology of historical initiative for realization of the total man\", and this realization will only come to the fore in communism. Furthermore, in the Garaudyan reading, alienation is demonstrated in the dispossession of the truly human dimension of man. The root of all forms of alienation is at work, as it appears in capitalism. Socialism, for him, is not only an expansion of the productive forces and a change in production relations, but also, \"a profound transformation in the consciousness of men.\" For Althusser, in turn, Marxism is a theoretical anti-humanism because basic Marxist concepts are unrelated to humanistic notions. The philosopher advocates the existence of an epistemological break in the intellectual journey of Marx, through which the German thinker left behind the ideological concepts that characterize humanism, such as man, subject, human essence and alienation, and founded a new science. The vision of Garaudy and Althusser on the theoretical works of Marx is the total opposite. Garaudy points to the Manuscripts of 1844 as \"Marxisms founding act\", while for Althusser, the text is still attached to the humanist ideology and therefore pre-scientific. The question of subjectivity is a deep point of divergence between the French philosophers. For Garaudy, Marxism is the only theoretical and practical path capable of placing man in the condition of the subject of history. In turn, Althusser believes that the concept of the subject is ideological. Althusserian thought emphasizes the fundamental nature of legal ideology in capitalism. The subject, par excellence, is the subject of law. For him, history the driving force of which is the class struggle is presented as a process without a subject. In a perspective of the Althusserian matrix, Garaudy, by not letting go of a humanist reading of Marxism, rejecting the epistemological break, remains within the theoretical ideological framework of the law. Throughout our dissertation, we present the theoretical developments that have enabled us to reach this understanding. We emphasize that the study of the legal form had as theoretical ballast the formulation undertaken by Pachukanis.