Clays and clay mineral distribution studies are important for understanding the geological history of the Gulf of Mexico Basin, but few studies document any subsurface clay mineral distribution in the Gulf of Mexico. Shale samples from nine wells (30 samples) in the South Timbalier protraction were selected near known paleontological markers identifying the Miocene, Pliocene, and Pleistocene boundaries. Bulk mineralogy of each sample, determined by XRD, is primarily mixed-layer smectite and illite with a minor amount of kaolinite. The mixed-layer mineralogies are end-member smectite, mixed-layer smectite, mixed-layer illite, and end-member illite. These clay mineral fractions do not correlate with age. The illite mixed layer percentage correlates with depth, but the correlation decreases when depth is converted to temperature. However, the illite mixed layer fraction does not exhibit a strong correlation in this multiwell study when compared to a single well study in Ship Shoal using identical methods (Totten et al., 2002).

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:25:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Nereida Silveria.pdf: 1043135 bytes, checksum: 77740a92d7c758cec23075ec4c0f5ecb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-02-06 / Fundo Mackenzie de Pesquisa / The study investigated the effect of similarity and dissimilarity in characteristics of different depth levels, perceptual or real, over the superiors and subordinate relationship quality through LMX (Leader-Member Exchange) viewpoint. The characteristics investigated were gender and age at the superficial level and work family conflict at deep level. The study counted with the comparative data of 89 dyads. The results indicate the influence of general similarity perception in the quality of superiors and subordinate relationship. The stronger the similarity perceived, better the dyadic relationship. This effect increases when subordinate declares satisfied with the quality and frequency of the contact with his/her superior. Results demonstrate that similarity perception does not correspond to real similarity or dissimilarity, but this correspondence is enhanced when the contact is satisfactory. / O estudo buscou investigar os efeitos da similaridade e dissimilaridade em características de diferentes níveis de profundidade, reais ou percebidas, na qualidade da relação de superiores(as) e subordinados(as) sob a ótica da LMX (Leader-Member Exchange). As características investigadas foram gênero e idade, no nível superficial e conflito família-trabalho no nível profundo. O estudo contou com os dados comparativos de 89 díades. Os dados indicam a influência da percepção de similaridade geral na qualidade da relação de superiores e subordinados. Quanto maior a similaridade percebida, melhor a relação diádica. Este efeito é ampliado quando o(a) subordinado(a) se declara satisfeito(a) com a qualidade e a freqüência do contato com seu/sua superior(a). Resultados demonstram que a percepção de similaridade não corresponde à similaridade ou dissimilaridade real, mas esta correspondência se amplia quando o contato for satisfatório.

A presente tese trata do objetivo brasileiro de ocupar uma cadeira permanente no Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas. Primeiramente, aborda-se o tema da reforma do Conselho sob uma perspectiva geral, apresentando-se uma retrospectiva histórica e explanando a composição e o método decisório desse Órgão. Na seqüência, parte-se para o debate sobre a reforma, enfatizando-se o posicionamento dos principais grupos de países. A partir daí, passa-se a analisar o tema sob a ótica dos interesses brasileiros, analisando-se a intenção em ocupar uma cadeira permanente quando da criação das Nações Unidas, assim como o posicionamento brasileiro sobre as atividades do Conselho e as perspectivas de reforma no período entre 1945 e 1992, ano este em que a Assembléia Geral passou a tratar oficialmente dessa questão. Uma vez que o tema passou a ser estudado pela Organização Internacional, a presente pesquisa analisa a candidatura brasileira a membro permanente nos governos Itamar Franco, Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, a fim de se comparar como o tema da reforma foi abordado por cada um deles. Ao final, conclui-se que as políticas adotadas por esses governos foram diferentes. No governo Itamar, não obstante o curto período, percebe-se grande empenho quando do lançamento da candidatura brasileira. Por outro lado, Fernando Henrique, ao assumir a Presidência da República, deu continuidade às pretensões brasileiras, porém de forma mais tímida. O Presidente Lula, por sua vez, retomou a importância do tema, empenhando-se cada vez mais para alcançar esse objetivo. No entanto, também se pôde perceber que fatores externos influenciaram as políticas adotadas. / This paper concerns about the Brazilian purpose to become a permanent member of the Security Council of the United Nations. First of all, it presents the issue about the reform of the Security Council, presenting an historical review and explaining its composition, functions and powers. Next, it deals with the discussion about the reform, emphasizing the opinion of the main group of States. From then on, it turns to analyze the subject matter on the Brazilian interest’s point of view, observing the intention to occupy a permanent seat by the time of the UN creation, as well as the Brazilian opinion about the Council activities and the possibility of a reform between 1945 e 1992, the year the General Assembly officially became concerned. Once the issue turned to be examined by this International Organization, this research analyses the Brazilian candidacy for a permanent seat during the governments of Itamar Franco, Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, in order to compare how the reform issue was deal by each one. At the end, it concludes that the policies they put in force were different one another. During Itamar’s period, despite its shortness, it shows great commitment to become a permanent member. On the other hand, when Fernando Henrique acceded the Presidency, he kept the same goals, but not that hard. The President Lula, in his turn, rescued the importance and focused that aim. Nevertheless external matters affected those policies.

The succession is Taiwan's in 1986 (75 years) under the martial law authority system, the aboriginality democratic progressive party's in at the end of fall the beginning of winter (9/28) date, just happene to meet atthat time the Kuomintang being in power authority ountedscout densely covered with under the atmosphere which withered finally to establish. This is the organizational structure which loose has notoperated the rudder from non-party time each place enters into officiallyby the central party committee political party essence institution operation start, previously like the mushroom growth various places non-partyorganization also one after another one after another reformed the beingestablished development, and by place standing organization institution(party committee) the state has opened in our country democraticinstitutions the party politics competition. Democratic progressive party place county municipal party headquarters party duty director is situated the strategic point, actually the political party stationing in various places county city party organization institution's actual person in charge, has the strong party spirit and theshoulder political party develops the place politics domain the mission,and holds superiority of the county municipal party headquarters partyresources utilization.The present paper the theory surface which will study by heavy practice surface matching analyzes it, place county municipal party headquarters party duty director will have the system stable really tobe supposed take Democratic Progressive Party's in system lengthwisesection and the non-system surface cross section of as the elaboration axlecenter. System surface: Such as the place party committee sets up the means, the county municipal party headquarters organizes the regulations, the party duty personnel to elect the means, the county municipal party headquarters fourth, five kind of public official elects the nominationmeans or the party member year to year party dues captures depth contents and so on the means and financial control rule, has the system by viewparty duty director to stabilize rests on what. Non-system surface: Then iscontinual by the cross section, such as and pocket party member wealthyand powerful family (foot of pile) transportation and maintenance, rulingcounty city and non-ruling county city time party duty director and countymayor like for same clique either homogeneity of or difference non-sameclique its interaction situation or the role acting why? But other each kindof public service mover or is the coordination also can accept regardingthe party duty director's direction? Furthermore, with for the party dutynational party representative, the county city party members representsand holds comments committee member to link party duty director to havethe system to have what influence and the subtle relations stably. Moreover, these perform its own functions each kind of party duty mover duty department revises the rules and regulations in particular thenational party representative nearly has also not acted must revise changesparty duty director to have the system.If is by the view, above these manymay affect party duty director to produce the system party duty moverreally little to change this system the fact result, is opposite by the word,but ¡§the rational choice system theory¡¨ the viewpoint not also talliesappears party duty director to have the system stable relative most majorcharacteristic even more suddenly. Your in the recent several dozens years, no matter is the East and West world national laws and regulations or the article, also perhaps in anynational big enterprise, the small organization or the political party and the association and so on, its internal custom, the means or the main point, allseek the change and between the transformation activation voice in onepiece, but noisy changes changes does not have set of flawless full easy touse well-mannered systems to be satisfying. In this, production of take thedemocratic progressive party place party duty director as the example,strengthens the system stable invariable usability, even more may verify isthe question which the system custom transforms, but is the stable systemperformer or the influence system stable mover, all takes it by the rationalchoice to oneself's advantageous, determinism and may grasp on fairly,fair, openness, urges place party duty director to have the system stably toexist truly.

Sammanfattning Titel: Att leda löshästar - en studie om hur resurskonsulter upplever ledarskapet i kundföretagen Nivå: C-uppsats i ämnet företagsekonomi Författare: Sabina Molin och Kamilla Kristoffersson Handledare: Monika Wallmon och Lars Ekstrand Datum: 2015 – Januari Syfte: Syftet med detta arbete är att med hjälp av leader-member exchange theory undersöka utbytesrelationerna mellan resurskonsulter och deras närmaste ledare på kundföretaget samt vilka ledarbeteenden som används för att leda inhyrd arbetskraft och hur de påverkar relationerna. Metod: Denna uppsats har ett positivistiskt förhållningssätt och det används en hypotetiskdeduktiv metod som innebär att hypoteser deduceras från teori och sedan prövas mot empiri. En kvantitativ ansats används genom att samla in empiri genom webbenkäter som skickades ut till 148 respondenter. Resultat & slutsats: Undersökningen visade att stödjande ledarskap och leda som förebild hade störst påverkan på utbytesrelationerna. De ledarbeteenden som användes i störst utsträckning var berättigande och erkännande. Utveckling och visionerande användes allra minst. De flesta utbytesrelationer var höga. Förslag till fortsatt forskning: Flera förslag till fortsatt forskning presenteras men vi finner att undersöka både ledare, ordinarie och inhyrd personal för att jämföra hur ledarskapet se ut och få en bredare bild är främsta intresset. Uppsatsens bidrag: Denna uppsats har bidragit med en insyn i hur ledare leder inhyrd personal och hur detta ledarskap ser ut i form av ledarbeteenden och utbytesrelationer. Nyckelord: Ledarskap, inhyrd personal, utbytesrelation, leader-member exchange theory, ledarbeteende, transformativt och transaktionellt ledarskap.

A presente tese trata do objetivo brasileiro de ocupar uma cadeira permanente no Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas. Primeiramente, aborda-se o tema da reforma do Conselho sob uma perspectiva geral, apresentando-se uma retrospectiva histórica e explanando a composição e o método decisório desse Órgão. Na seqüência, parte-se para o debate sobre a reforma, enfatizando-se o posicionamento dos principais grupos de países. A partir daí, passa-se a analisar o tema sob a ótica dos interesses brasileiros, analisando-se a intenção em ocupar uma cadeira permanente quando da criação das Nações Unidas, assim como o posicionamento brasileiro sobre as atividades do Conselho e as perspectivas de reforma no período entre 1945 e 1992, ano este em que a Assembléia Geral passou a tratar oficialmente dessa questão. Uma vez que o tema passou a ser estudado pela Organização Internacional, a presente pesquisa analisa a candidatura brasileira a membro permanente nos governos Itamar Franco, Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, a fim de se comparar como o tema da reforma foi abordado por cada um deles. Ao final, conclui-se que as políticas adotadas por esses governos foram diferentes. No governo Itamar, não obstante o curto período, percebe-se grande empenho quando do lançamento da candidatura brasileira. Por outro lado, Fernando Henrique, ao assumir a Presidência da República, deu continuidade às pretensões brasileiras, porém de forma mais tímida. O Presidente Lula, por sua vez, retomou a importância do tema, empenhando-se cada vez mais para alcançar esse objetivo. No entanto, também se pôde perceber que fatores externos influenciaram as políticas adotadas. / This paper concerns about the Brazilian purpose to become a permanent member of the Security Council of the United Nations. First of all, it presents the issue about the reform of the Security Council, presenting an historical review and explaining its composition, functions and powers. Next, it deals with the discussion about the reform, emphasizing the opinion of the main group of States. From then on, it turns to analyze the subject matter on the Brazilian interest’s point of view, observing the intention to occupy a permanent seat by the time of the UN creation, as well as the Brazilian opinion about the Council activities and the possibility of a reform between 1945 e 1992, the year the General Assembly officially became concerned. Once the issue turned to be examined by this International Organization, this research analyses the Brazilian candidacy for a permanent seat during the governments of Itamar Franco, Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, in order to compare how the reform issue was deal by each one. At the end, it concludes that the policies they put in force were different one another. During Itamar’s period, despite its shortness, it shows great commitment to become a permanent member. On the other hand, when Fernando Henrique acceded the Presidency, he kept the same goals, but not that hard. The President Lula, in his turn, rescued the importance and focused that aim. Nevertheless external matters affected those policies.

A presente tese trata do objetivo brasileiro de ocupar uma cadeira permanente no Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas. Primeiramente, aborda-se o tema da reforma do Conselho sob uma perspectiva geral, apresentando-se uma retrospectiva histórica e explanando a composição e o método decisório desse Órgão. Na seqüência, parte-se para o debate sobre a reforma, enfatizando-se o posicionamento dos principais grupos de países. A partir daí, passa-se a analisar o tema sob a ótica dos interesses brasileiros, analisando-se a intenção em ocupar uma cadeira permanente quando da criação das Nações Unidas, assim como o posicionamento brasileiro sobre as atividades do Conselho e as perspectivas de reforma no período entre 1945 e 1992, ano este em que a Assembléia Geral passou a tratar oficialmente dessa questão. Uma vez que o tema passou a ser estudado pela Organização Internacional, a presente pesquisa analisa a candidatura brasileira a membro permanente nos governos Itamar Franco, Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, a fim de se comparar como o tema da reforma foi abordado por cada um deles. Ao final, conclui-se que as políticas adotadas por esses governos foram diferentes. No governo Itamar, não obstante o curto período, percebe-se grande empenho quando do lançamento da candidatura brasileira. Por outro lado, Fernando Henrique, ao assumir a Presidência da República, deu continuidade às pretensões brasileiras, porém de forma mais tímida. O Presidente Lula, por sua vez, retomou a importância do tema, empenhando-se cada vez mais para alcançar esse objetivo. No entanto, também se pôde perceber que fatores externos influenciaram as políticas adotadas. / This paper concerns about the Brazilian purpose to become a permanent member of the Security Council of the United Nations. First of all, it presents the issue about the reform of the Security Council, presenting an historical review and explaining its composition, functions and powers. Next, it deals with the discussion about the reform, emphasizing the opinion of the main group of States. From then on, it turns to analyze the subject matter on the Brazilian interest’s point of view, observing the intention to occupy a permanent seat by the time of the UN creation, as well as the Brazilian opinion about the Council activities and the possibility of a reform between 1945 e 1992, the year the General Assembly officially became concerned. Once the issue turned to be examined by this International Organization, this research analyses the Brazilian candidacy for a permanent seat during the governments of Itamar Franco, Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, in order to compare how the reform issue was deal by each one. At the end, it concludes that the policies they put in force were different one another. During Itamar’s period, despite its shortness, it shows great commitment to become a permanent member. On the other hand, when Fernando Henrique acceded the Presidency, he kept the same goals, but not that hard. The President Lula, in his turn, rescued the importance and focused that aim. Nevertheless external matters affected those policies.

Studiens syfte är att utveckla kunskap om medarbetares samt ledares upplevelser av hur relationen mellan medarbetare och ledare påverkar kreativa arbetsprocesser. Som underlag för att närma oss syftet genomförde vi semistrukturerade intervjuer med nio personer, fördelade på två kommunikationsbyråer. Vi har intervjuat både ledare och medarbetare med olika befattning för att få ett brett svarsunderlag. Vi har utgått från det teoretiska ramverket Leader-Member Exchange (LMX) och har genom det perspektivet undersökt relationen mellan ledare och följare och sökt utkristallisera viktiga beståndsdelar i denna. Vi fann begreppen Autonomi, Handlingsutrymme samt Roller och rollfördelning som centrala. Genom dessa begrepp åskådliggör vi respondenternas uppfattningar av ledarskapets påverkan på kreativitet. Studiens resultat visar på att det är viktigt för ledare att ge relevant feedback och visa tillit till sina medarbetare för att främja kreativitet. Vidare bör ledare tillåta medarbetare vara experter inom sitt område genom att tillgodose dem med ett stort handlingsutrymme, inom givna ramar. Medarbetare och ledare har en samsyn om att auktoritära ledare har en negativ effekt på kreativitet då det leder till minskat handlingsutrymme för medarbetare. Ledare kan med fördel även frigöra tid för kreatörers huvudsakliga arbetsuppgifter genom att sköta administrativa uppgifter, vilket kan leda till minskad stress. Samtliga respondenter har överensstämmande upplevelser av att stress hämmar kreativitet. En medarbetare som känner ansvar för en uppgift har större benägenhet att känna lust inför arbetsuppgiften, det har i sin tur visat sig vara viktigt för kreativitet. Lust kan bl.a. ta sig uttryck i att ledare eftersträvar ett öppet arbetsklimat där dialog premieras. Ytterligare en viktig aspekt för kreativitet är respondenternas förhållningssätt till standardiserade processer. Om medarbetare arbetar efter en given mall ges inte upphov till innovativa idéer och får således inte utlopp för sin kreativitet. / The aim of the study is to develop knowledge about employees' and leaders' experiences of how the relationship between employees and leaders affect creativity. As a basis for achieving our goal, we have conducted semi-structured interviews with nine people on two advertising agencies. We have interviewed both managers and employees with different positions to get a broad response base. Based on the Leader-Member Exchange (LMX) theoretical framework, we have investigated the relationship between leaders and followers and sought to crystallize key elements of this. We found the concepts Autonomy, Space of action, and roles and role distribution as central aspects. Through these aspects we illustrate the respondents' perceptions of leadership's influence on creativity. The study's results indicate that it is important for managers to provide relevant feedback and to show faith in their employees to promote creativity. In addition, leaders should allow employees to be experts in their field by providing them with a large amount of latitude, within given limits. Both coworkers and leaders also agree that authoritarian leaders have a negative effect on creativity as it leads to reduced latitude for employees. Furthermore, leaders can advantageously emancipate time for creators' main tasks by managing administrative tasks, which can reduce the level of stress. All respondents have consistent experiences that stress inhibits creativity. A co- worker who is responsible for a task is more likely to feel comfortable with the task, which in turn has proved to be important for creativity. This may include emphasize that leaders seek an open working environment where dialogue is premiered. Another important aspect of creativity is the respondent's approach to standardized processes. If employees work is based on a given form, space is not given for innovative ideas, and employees do not get outlet for their creativity.

The thesis focuses on influence of the AMS (Additional Member System) upon party systems of Scotland and Wales. This system is used for elections to Scottish parliament and Welsh national assembly. It was applied for the first election that was held in 1999 and it is still in use. This means AMS is used in both regions for the same time period, which allows us to compare the influence which the system has in different environment. The thesis analyzes results of all elections that were held in Scotland and Wales and defines their influence on particular parties and party systems it operates in. On the basis of these findings the general influence of AMS is formulated. Theoretical concepts by Maurice Duverger and Giovanni Sartori are used as a background for study of election systems and party systems. The position voter support and its changes are analyzed through valence theory, which uses opinion polls to explain election results. At the first sight the AMS seems to be the same one as another election system - MMP (Mixed Member Proportional). These systems are often confused or perceived as the same ones. So except the election results analysis this thesis explains also the difference between these systems and classifies them into right categories. It shows up that each of the systems belongs to...

No description available.