O presente trabalho consiste em uma tentativa de acompanhar as ações do Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos do ABC em duas políticas tripartites do setor automotivo: um programa de regulação do mercado e incentivo à inovação tecnológica e adensamento da cadeia produtiva de veículos automotores (o Inovar-Auto); e outro, de contenção das demissões, o Programa de Proteção ao Emprego (o atual Programa Seguro Emprego) por entender que as negociações existentes em torno da construção, aprovação e monitoramento de ambas as políticas revelam os limites, as opções de cada momento e os dilemas enfrentados pelos sindicatos de trabalhadores ao participarem das ações governamentais de estímulo ao desenvolvimento do setor industrial. A partir da discussão bibliográfica, entrevistas, documentos, dados primários e secundários, pretende-se testar a hipótese de que a base metalúrgica se beneficia de ações realizadas com o apoio do governo, mas a direção sindical também é cobrada por problemas da administração pública que escapam do controle e da esfera de atuação sindical. / The present paper is an attempt to follow the actions of the ABC metalworkers\' union in two tripartite policies of the automotive sector: a program to regulate the market and to encourage technological innovation and increase of automotive production chain (Inovar-Auto); and the Employment Protection Program (the current Employment Insurance Program) considering that the existing negotiations around the construction, approval and monitoring of both policies reveal the limits, options of each moment and dilemmas faced by labor unions when participating in government actions to stimulate the development of the industrial sector. From the discussion of bibliography, interviews, documents, primary and secondary data, we intend to test the hypothesis that the metallurgical base benefits from actions carried out with the support of the government, but its also demanded from the union leadership solutions to problems of public administration that escapes the control and the sphere of union activity.

This study deals with the historical compromise between Labour and Capital—the so-called “Swedish model”—and the abandonment of this compromise in connection with the third industrial revolution. The focus of the study lies in the transformations in working life and labour internationalism from 1973 to 1993. The strategies of the trade union regarding the protection of workers’ rights at local, national and international levels are of particular interest. The relations between the Company Union Group at LM Ericsson, the Swedish Metalworkers’ Federation and the local union at Ericsson’s work premises in Colombia (Sintraericsson) are examined in depth. The research is conducted through archive studies and interviews according to oral history theories. The theoretical perspectives in the dissertation are mainly inspired by postcolonial and materialist world system theories. The examined relations took place in a time that from the point of view of the trade union was characterized by uncertainty and anxiety about the future. The visible effects of the technological and industrial processes of transformation in Sweden as well as in Colombia had increased, and one of the main manifestations of the changes was the decreasing demand of manual labour. The introduction of the electronic AXE-system at LM Ericsson industries constituted a significant pass toward increasingly minimized and decreasing labour-intensive telecommunication systems. In Colombia, the local management took advantage of both the political unrest and instability and the absence of functional legislation praxis of work in order to set back and, finally, repudiate Sintraericsson. Many obstacles were mounted impeding the realization of collected and vigorous international labour actions which, had these been successful, would have constituted a response to the union-hostile actions initiated by the company. The Swedish Metalworkers’ Federation and the Company Union Group at LM Ericsson in Sweden were faced with several strategical and ideological issues resulting in their support of Sintraericsson appearing as obligatory or even absent. The study further shows that LM Ericsson as a company had advantages when compared with the Labour Organizations in Sweden and Colombia. The company early established business connections in Colombia and had knowledge about, and was an active part of, the Colombian society. The company was not driven by moral principles though it on the one hand could point at Colombian laws and norms, and on the other hand at overreaching economical “laws” when it came to motivating the politics vis-à-vis the employees, the local union and the frequent dismissals of union activists at Ericsson de Colombia.

A abertura econômica vivenciada pelo Brasil com a implementação de medidas liberalizantes nas décadas de 1980 e 1990 e a intensa expansão da economia nacional, nos anos 2000, inseriram o país em um cenário global jamais vivenciado. Em termos nacionais, tanto o setor de telecomunicações como o metalúrgico experimentaram processos de reestruturação com o ingresso de empresas transnacionais e a proliferação de empresas brasileiras atuando no exterior. Para os sindicatos, intensificavam-se desafios em uma arena que extrapolava os limites nacionais. A partir desse cenário, este estudo analisou a internacionalização de organizações sindicais brasileiras e suas lideranças desde os anos 1980 até os 2000. De um lado o foco reside, inicialmente, no Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos do ABC, mas se amplia à Confederação Nacional dos Metalúrgicos e à Central Única dos Trabalhadores. Do outro, centra-se no Sindicato dos Trabalhadores em Telecomunicações de São Paulo, filiado à Força Sindical. Constatou-se que a entrada destas organizações na arena global desenvolveu-se em diferentes ritmos e características, na passagem de uma etapa em que, nos anos 1980, consumiam relações internacionais para outra, nos anos 2000, em que passaram a ter um papel mais ativo, protagônico. Enquanto que para os metalúrgicos este processo é orgânico e paulatino, para as telecomunicações intensificou-se como reação às privatizações. Para ambos, observam-se mudanças em referenciais que estavam voltados à esfera nacional, ampliam-se os percursos possíveis para as carreiras sindicais e a divisão do trabalho sindical por meio de um processo que reforça uma seleção social, a qual se constitui de forma coletiva e individual. / In Brazil, the economic opening experienced with the implementation of liberalization measures in the 1980s and 1990s and the intense expansion of the national economy in the 2000s, brought the country into a global setting never previously experienced. Both the Brazilian telecommunications and the metalworking sectors have gone through re-structuring, the entry of transnational corporations and the proliferation of national companies operating abroad. For the trade unions, challenges have intensified beyond national boundaries. On that basis, this study has analyzed the internationalization of Brazilian trade unions and their leaders from the 1980s until 2000s. On one hand, the focus is initially on the ABC Metalworkers\' Trade Union (SMABC), but is extended to the Brazilian National Confederation of Metalworkers (CNM) and the Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT). On the other, it focuses on the Telecommunications Workers Union of São Paulo (SINTETEL), affiliated to Força Sindical (FS). It was found that their entry into the global arena was developed at differing speeds and with different characteristics, in a transition from a stage where, in 1980s, they consumed international relations, to another, in the 2000s, in which they have a more active and protagonistic role. While for the metalworkers this process was organic and gradual, for the telecommunication sector it became intensified as a reaction to the process of privatization. In both cases, changes to the references that were once related to a national sphere were observed, as well as the widening career paths available to trade unionists. Also, trade unions division of labor widened as a result of a process that reinforced a social selection constituted both collectively and individually.

A abertura econômica vivenciada pelo Brasil com a implementação de medidas liberalizantes nas décadas de 1980 e 1990 e a intensa expansão da economia nacional, nos anos 2000, inseriram o país em um cenário global jamais vivenciado. Em termos nacionais, tanto o setor de telecomunicações como o metalúrgico experimentaram processos de reestruturação com o ingresso de empresas transnacionais e a proliferação de empresas brasileiras atuando no exterior. Para os sindicatos, intensificavam-se desafios em uma arena que extrapolava os limites nacionais. A partir desse cenário, este estudo analisou a internacionalização de organizações sindicais brasileiras e suas lideranças desde os anos 1980 até os 2000. De um lado o foco reside, inicialmente, no Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos do ABC, mas se amplia à Confederação Nacional dos Metalúrgicos e à Central Única dos Trabalhadores. Do outro, centra-se no Sindicato dos Trabalhadores em Telecomunicações de São Paulo, filiado à Força Sindical. Constatou-se que a entrada destas organizações na arena global desenvolveu-se em diferentes ritmos e características, na passagem de uma etapa em que, nos anos 1980, consumiam relações internacionais para outra, nos anos 2000, em que passaram a ter um papel mais ativo, protagônico. Enquanto que para os metalúrgicos este processo é orgânico e paulatino, para as telecomunicações intensificou-se como reação às privatizações. Para ambos, observam-se mudanças em referenciais que estavam voltados à esfera nacional, ampliam-se os percursos possíveis para as carreiras sindicais e a divisão do trabalho sindical por meio de um processo que reforça uma seleção social, a qual se constitui de forma coletiva e individual. / In Brazil, the economic opening experienced with the implementation of liberalization measures in the 1980s and 1990s and the intense expansion of the national economy in the 2000s, brought the country into a global setting never previously experienced. Both the Brazilian telecommunications and the metalworking sectors have gone through re-structuring, the entry of transnational corporations and the proliferation of national companies operating abroad. For the trade unions, challenges have intensified beyond national boundaries. On that basis, this study has analyzed the internationalization of Brazilian trade unions and their leaders from the 1980s until 2000s. On one hand, the focus is initially on the ABC Metalworkers\' Trade Union (SMABC), but is extended to the Brazilian National Confederation of Metalworkers (CNM) and the Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT). On the other, it focuses on the Telecommunications Workers Union of São Paulo (SINTETEL), affiliated to Força Sindical (FS). It was found that their entry into the global arena was developed at differing speeds and with different characteristics, in a transition from a stage where, in 1980s, they consumed international relations, to another, in the 2000s, in which they have a more active and protagonistic role. While for the metalworkers this process was organic and gradual, for the telecommunication sector it became intensified as a reaction to the process of privatization. In both cases, changes to the references that were once related to a national sphere were observed, as well as the widening career paths available to trade unionists. Also, trade unions division of labor widened as a result of a process that reinforced a social selection constituted both collectively and individually.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:39:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 4676.pdf: 2288980 bytes, checksum: 369ce6d75963d6f00a8ba8b0366bd1be (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-12-08 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / This study is the result of a qualitative research about the involvement of Pentecostal workers in the Union of Metalworkers of San Carlos and Ibaté. From the religious affiliation and its guidelines is analyzed the trajectories of acquaintance and engagement with the militancy and the extent to which Christian values on the one hand and the demands of trade union struggle, others do not conflict. Among the workers interviewed, the majority showed affinity with union militancy, understanding the role of the Union is to ensure the rights of workers, hence the active participation in activities promoted by the entity. Such experiments allow us to think about the changes in behavior among evangelicals in relation to micro-and macro-social policy and its consequences. Meanwhile, religion acquires a relevant role in establishing a network of contact between them within the church and labor, leading them to become interested by the union due to the participation of some "fellow believers" militants. The result is a movement of exchange of experiences between two seemingly opposite areas on the basis of an ideological nature, but in our case has been overcoming this dichotomy between sacred world and the secular world. / Este estudo é resultado de uma pesquisa qualitativa realizada junto aos trabalhadores pentecostais sobre o seu envolvimento com o Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São Carlos e Ibaté. A partir da filiação religiosa e suas diretrizes analisam-se suas trajetórias de conhecimento e engajamento com a militância, e em que medida os valores cristãos, por um lado e as demandas de luta sindical, de outro não entram em conflito. Entre os trabalhadores entrevistados a maioria demonstrou afinidade com a militância sindical entendendo que o papel do sindicato é o de garantir o direito dos trabalhadores, daí a participação ativa nas atividades promovidas pela entidade. Tais experiências nos permitem pensarmos nas mudanças de comportamento entre os evangélicos em relação à política micro e macro-social e seus desdobramentos. Nesse ínterim, a religião adquire papel relevante ao estabelecer uma rede de contato entre eles no espaço da igreja e por sua vez no trabalho levando os a se interessarem pelo sindicato em função da participação de alguns irmãos de fé militantes. Resulta daí um movimento de trocas de experiências entre dois espaços aparentemente opostos em função da natureza ideológica, mas que no caso em estudo vem superando essa dicotomia mundo sagrado e mundo secular.

A formação sindical tem sido considerada um elemento essencial para a formação política dos trabalhadores e associada historicamente a um movimento operário forte. Nesse sentido, esta pesquisa tem como principal objetivo estudar a concepção e prática do programa de formação sindical do Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos do ABC paulista, no período de 1999-2009. Há uma concentração nessa década em razão da implantação do novo programa formativo em 1999, por decisão do 3º Congresso dos metalúrgicos, o qual aconteceu em um período de profundas transformações no capitalismo e no mundo do trabalho, cujos impactos se fizeram sentir no sindicalismo desde o início dos anos 1990, indicando uma necessidade de qualificação dos dirigentes e militantes. A pesquisa envolveu trabalho de campo em São Bernardo do Campo, estado de São Paulo, com ênfase no material empírico do Departamento de Formação, onde foram analisados relatórios, planos, dados quantitativos, material didático, associados a entrevistas com formadores profissionais e voluntários com experiência no programa. Foram estudados os seus dois principais eixos temáticos, traduzidos nos cursos Sindicato na Fábrica e Sindicato e Sociedade, bem como o tema voltado à formação dos dirigentes educadores, Formação de formadores. Esse material de pesquisa teve como eixo de análise o conceito de construção da experiência de classe em E.P.Thompson, e ao de socialização em Claude Dubar e Dubet & Martuccelli, associado aos autores do debate sobre essas transformações, como também aqueles que discutem novas possibilidades de identidades sindicais e novas estratégias. Os resultados desta pesquisa apontam não só para a construção de uma experiência consistente e qualitativa de discussão dessas transformações no mundo do trabalho, como para a qualificação de seus dirigentes para a ação sindical, indicando uma resistência dos trabalhadores por meio de novas estratégias em um cenário desfavorável. Entretanto, apesar dos avanços, desafios são postos a esse coletivo. / Union education has been considered an essential element for political formation of workers and historically associated to strong workers´ movement. In this direction, this research mainly aims to study the conception and practice of the union education programme at Metalworkers Union of ABC paulista in the period 1999-2009. The reason why there is a concentration in this decade is the implementation of the new formative programme in 1999, by decision of the third metalworkers´ congress, which happened in a period of deep transformation in the capitalism and in the work world. Its impacts have been felt in the unionism since the beginning of the 1990s, indicating the militants and leaders´ qualification need. Research involved fieldwork in São Bernardo do Campo, state of São Paulo, with emphasis on the empirical resource of Educational Department, where they were analysed reports, plans, quantitative data, teaching material, associated to interviews with professional and volunteer teachers with experience on the programme. They were studied the two main programme topics, expressed by the courses Union in the plant and Union and Society, as well as the subject faced to the education of teacher leader, Education for teachers. This research material had as analysis focal point the concept of the building of class experience at E.P. Thompson and that one of socialization at Claude Dubar e Dubet & Martuccelli, associated to the authors of the debate about this transformation, as well as those ones who discuss new unionist identities possibilities and new strategies. These research results indicate not only to the building of a consistent and qualitative experience of these work world transformation discussion but also to the leaders´ qualification for union action, indicating a kind of resistance of the workers by new strategies in an unfavourable landscape. However, despite the advances, there are still challenges to this collective.

A formação sindical tem sido considerada um elemento essencial para a formação política dos trabalhadores e associada historicamente a um movimento operário forte. Nesse sentido, esta pesquisa tem como principal objetivo estudar a concepção e prática do programa de formação sindical do Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos do ABC paulista, no período de 1999-2009. Há uma concentração nessa década em razão da implantação do novo programa formativo em 1999, por decisão do 3º Congresso dos metalúrgicos, o qual aconteceu em um período de profundas transformações no capitalismo e no mundo do trabalho, cujos impactos se fizeram sentir no sindicalismo desde o início dos anos 1990, indicando uma necessidade de qualificação dos dirigentes e militantes. A pesquisa envolveu trabalho de campo em São Bernardo do Campo, estado de São Paulo, com ênfase no material empírico do Departamento de Formação, onde foram analisados relatórios, planos, dados quantitativos, material didático, associados a entrevistas com formadores profissionais e voluntários com experiência no programa. Foram estudados os seus dois principais eixos temáticos, traduzidos nos cursos Sindicato na Fábrica e Sindicato e Sociedade, bem como o tema voltado à formação dos dirigentes educadores, Formação de formadores. Esse material de pesquisa teve como eixo de análise o conceito de construção da experiência de classe em E.P.Thompson, e ao de socialização em Claude Dubar e Dubet & Martuccelli, associado aos autores do debate sobre essas transformações, como também aqueles que discutem novas possibilidades de identidades sindicais e novas estratégias. Os resultados desta pesquisa apontam não só para a construção de uma experiência consistente e qualitativa de discussão dessas transformações no mundo do trabalho, como para a qualificação de seus dirigentes para a ação sindical, indicando uma resistência dos trabalhadores por meio de novas estratégias em um cenário desfavorável. Entretanto, apesar dos avanços, desafios são postos a esse coletivo. / Union education has been considered an essential element for political formation of workers and historically associated to strong workers´ movement. In this direction, this research mainly aims to study the conception and practice of the union education programme at Metalworkers Union of ABC paulista in the period 1999-2009. The reason why there is a concentration in this decade is the implementation of the new formative programme in 1999, by decision of the third metalworkers´ congress, which happened in a period of deep transformation in the capitalism and in the work world. Its impacts have been felt in the unionism since the beginning of the 1990s, indicating the militants and leaders´ qualification need. Research involved fieldwork in São Bernardo do Campo, state of São Paulo, with emphasis on the empirical resource of Educational Department, where they were analysed reports, plans, quantitative data, teaching material, associated to interviews with professional and volunteer teachers with experience on the programme. They were studied the two main programme topics, expressed by the courses Union in the plant and Union and Society, as well as the subject faced to the education of teacher leader, Education for teachers. This research material had as analysis focal point the concept of the building of class experience at E.P. Thompson and that one of socialization at Claude Dubar e Dubet & Martuccelli, associated to the authors of the debate about this transformation, as well as those ones who discuss new unionist identities possibilities and new strategies. These research results indicate not only to the building of a consistent and qualitative experience of these work world transformation discussion but also to the leaders´ qualification for union action, indicating a kind of resistance of the workers by new strategies in an unfavourable landscape. However, despite the advances, there are still challenges to this collective.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2015-12-17T10:54:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 luisademellocorreardpereira.pdf: 2138457 bytes, checksum: 0ccc020cbdd130274bb116184ff6b826 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2015-12-17T11:14:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 luisademellocorreardpereira.pdf: 2138457 bytes, checksum: 0ccc020cbdd130274bb116184ff6b826 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-12-17T11:14:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 luisademellocorreardpereira.pdf: 2138457 bytes, checksum: 0ccc020cbdd130274bb116184ff6b826 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-27 / A presente dissertação tem por objetivo estudar o movimento operário à luz do movimento sindical e do recurso à Justiça do Trabalho entre 1950 e 1960, através do estudo de caso dos metalúrgicos de Juiz de Fora. A legislação trabalhista e sindical da década de 1930 foi lançada em uma tentativa, por parte do Estado, de conter a luta organizada dos trabalhadores. Pretendemos demonstrar que isto não aconteceu na prática. A principal tese defendida é que os meios reivindicatórios diretos, como greves e manifestações, não findaram com a fundação das instituições lançadas pelo Estado para conter o conflito industrial, como a Justiça do Trabalho. Estas instituições eram incorporadas ao movimento operário e utilizadas, junto com os meios diretos, como uma dupla frente de luta por direitos. As fontes utilizadas são documentos do Arquivo do Sindicato dos Trabalhadores nas Indústrias Metalúrgicas (STIM) de Juiz de Fora, os processos impetrados por metalúrgicos no período na Junta de Conciliação e Julgamento de Juiz de Fora e fontes jornalísticas. O estudo do caso de Juiz de Fora – uma cidade de grande importância industrial em Minas Gerais e no Brasil – pode ajudar a elucidar o papel da classe operária no período, de seus representantes classistas, e a relação destas com o Estado e suas instituições. / This paper‟s purpose is to deliberate on the labor movement in view of the labor unions and the demands to the Labor Courts (“Justiça do Trabalho”) during the period between 1950 and 1960, by surveying the metalworkers episode in Juiz de Fora/MG. The Brazilian labor legislation in the 30s was established by the government in an attempt to undermine the labor union‟s efforts. Our thesis intends to demonstrate that the goal was never actually accomplished. Our main proposition sustains that the direct means of claims and protest, such as strikes, were not vanquished by the State‟s legal constructs, such as the Labor Court. These constructs were actually incorporated to the union‟s mechanisms and used, along with the direct means, as a dual front of rights claim. For its sources, this papers used the documents from the “Arquivo do Sindicato dos Trabalhadores nas Indústrias Metalúrgicas (STIM)” of Juiz de Fora, and lawsuits issued by the metalworkers at that time, registered in the “Junta de Conciliação e Julgamento” of Juiz de Fora. The survey of Juiz de Fora – an important industrial center for Minas Gerais and for Brazil – may assist to clarify the role of the unionized workers‟ at that period, of their representative as a class, and their relations to the State and its institutions.

A dissertation submitted to the Global Labour University in conformity with the requirements of a MA in Labour Policy and Globalisation, School of Social Sciences, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, March 2017 / The relationship between trade unions and their members has been a perennial subject of social inquiry and political debate since the establishment of formal trade unions by skilled artisans in the nineteenth century. This study examines the aspects of union democracy (participatory and representative) in trade unions within the broader concept of social movement unionism. The case study for this research is the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA) focusing in three locals in the region of Jack Charles Bezuidenhout (J.C Bez) namely: Johannesburg North, Kempton Park, and Tembisa. The main objective of the study is to examine the extent to which NUMSA conformed to principles of social movement unionism against the Michel’s (1915) theory of “the Iron Law of Oligarchy” during the period 2012-2014, when it embarked on a process to withdraw its political alliance with the African National Congress (ANC) and the South African Communist Party (SACP). In 2014, NUMSA was expelled from COSATU after it took its decision to move out from the Tripartite Alliance in 2013. Social movement unionism is characterised by three features which are participatory democracy, forging of alliances (both with civic groups and political parties) while retaining union autonomy, and the broadening of its scope of action beyond workplace politics. While examining the research’s main question, the study also looks at the extent to which union locals participated democratically during this decision-making process, which led to its expulsion from COSATU in 2014, and the focus of NUMSA as an independent union in post-2014 period. Methodological tools, which were used to collect data, include in-depth interviews and desktop research. The theoretical framework utilised in this study stems from Michels’ (1915) concept of the “iron law of oligarchy.” However, it should be noted that, this study tests the claim of the discourse (what Michels’ (1915) postulates in relation to oligarchy in organisations) and the practice on ground in NUMSA. Key findings in this study indicate that NUMSA locals participated democratically in the decision making process that led to their ground breaking political moment in December 2013 when the union broke its alliance with the African National Congress (ANC) and the South African Communist Party (SACP). The union has both characteristics of oligarchy and internal democracy (participatory and representative). In relation to aspects of political unionism and social movement unionism, the study found that NUMSA’s decision to pull out from its political alliance with the ANC and SACP, its call for the establishment for the movement for socialism, and the establishment of a worker’s party, could be indications of the union returning to principles of social movement unionism. However, there are other indicators that the union might be losing the opportunity it had of revitalising its leftist traditions at its 2016 congress in Cape Town. This is evidenced by its non-pursuance of issues relating to eco-socialism and its call to implement the MarxistLeninist style of union governance. / XL2018

A presente tese procurou retratar o período da República Velha entre 1898 e 1931. Entender o papel da dependência econômica do Brasil para com um produto: o café; e os constantes endividamentos realizados pela nação para cobrir os constantes rombos orçamentários. Deu-se atenção especial aos empréstimos tomados com instituições estrangeiras, em especial europeias, os denominados funding loans ( 1898, 1914, 1931). Tais condições econômico-financeiras foram combatidas com as políticas recessivas da corrente Metalista. Saneado o país, novos períodos Papelistas se instalavam na economia, metaforicamente como o mito de Sísifo. Nesses ciclos intermináveis, o Brasil passava por profundas transformações socioeconômicas decorrentes da adoção do regime republicano, da abolição da escravidão e da industrialização e urbanização crescentes. Foi nesse contexto que um empresário norte-americano, Percival Farquhar tornou-se um dos maiores empresários da história do Brasil. Construiu um imenso império industrial em atividades como ferrovias, portos, serrarias, frigoríficos e hotéis ( entre outras). Não sem sofrer profunda oposição de nacionalistas e agraristas. Procurou-se por último, demonstrar por meio dos relatórios do ministério da Fazenda entre 1898 e 1915 que, ao contrário do pretendido, foram as políticas Metalistas uma das grandes responsáveis pela industrialização do Brasil. Contra a própria vontade de seus ideólogos. Num Brasil em convulsão e transformação completa as classes dominantes se acomodam em velhos estofados, trocando apenas o couro embrutecido pelo tempo. / The present thesis sought to portray the period of the Old Republic between 1898 and 1931. Understand the role of Brazil\'s economic dependence on a product: coffee; And the constant indebtedness carried out by the nation to cover the constant budgetary rhythms. Special attention was given to borrowing from foreign institutions, especially European institutions, the so-called funding loans (1898, 1914, 1931). Such economic-financial conditions were countered with the recessive policies of the Metalist chain. Once the country was rediscovered, new periods of time were established in the economy, metaphorically as the myth of Sisyphus. In these interminable cycles, Brazil underwent profound socioeconomic transformations resulting from the adoption of the republican regime, the abolition of slavery and increasing industrialization and urbanization. It was in this context that an American businessman, Percival Farquhar became one of the greatest entrepreneurs in Brazilian history. He built an immense industrial empire in activities such as railroads, ports, sawmills, refrigerators and hotels (among others). Not without deep opposition from nationalists and agrarians. Finally, it was tried to demonstrate through the reports of the Ministry of Finance between 1898 and 1915 that, contrary to what was intended, Metalist policies were one of the great responsible for the industrialization of Brazil. Against the will of its ideologues. In Brazil in convulsion and complete transformation the ruling classes settle in old upholstery, exchanging only the weathered leather.