This thesis investigates the resistance of actors of civil society against perceived militarism, by means of a qualitative case study. As the title suggests, the establishment of a “Cyber Valley” in Tübingen, has not only been met with approval by local citizens. This thesis examines a protest movement against the Cyber Valley – a cooperative research project for technological advancements in Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning. The research reveals that this protest movement was not reliant on a firm organizational structure but was led by an open alliance of individuals, called the Bündnis gegen das Cyber Valley. The organizational approach resulted in various forms of civil resistance. The empirical research on these acts of resistance, adds a perspective for a more holistic approach. On their website (nocybervalley.de) the Bündnis gegen das Cyber Valley documented developments of the protests. These accounts constitute a large part of the written material this study is based on, complemented with semi-structured expert-interviews with four protesters. The interviews generated a conceptualization of militarism, as a driving motivation for the activists. Thereby, this study contributes to the contemporary definition of militarism in the context of civil resistance. The field of peace and conflict studies can benefit from this and similar studies in that they uncover conceptualizations of key conflicts, as perceived by actors of civil society.

In this thesis, I explore everyday militarisation in UN peace operations by studying how Sweden's s 'peace nation' narrative is possibly militarised by participating in the robust peacekeeping operation in Mali. The aim is to increase understanding around how militarisation occurs in modern peace operations, domains that are meant to be peaceful but are becoming increasingly war-like. The Swedish narrative is generated through interviews with Swedish peacekeepers that have previously been deployed to Mali and through readings of the Swedish Armed Forces blog Malibloggen. The material is analysed through a narrative analysis inspired by Mieke Bal (2009). I find that the Swedish narrative is partly militarised during participation in the mission, as it can be argued that Sweden arranged its sense of belonging around military values and chose military modes of conflict resolution over civilian to some extent. The soldiers were also cognitively preparing for war and military measures were partially normalised. This result illustrates that when countries that regard themselves as 'peace nations' take part in militarised UN PSOs, their narrative can become militarised to some extent as they arrange their sense of belonging around values of war and military force. This, in turn, has implications for the spread of militarisation across the globe, potentially leading to a lower threshold of war.

This dissertation is a cultural history of total war (ch’ongnyŏkchŏn) mobilization in South Korea from the 1946 outbreak of mass uprisings in the U.S.-occupied southern provinces to the withdrawal of Republic of Korea Army (ROKA) troops from the Vietnam War in 1973. It focuses more specifically on the role of cultural production in programs of anticommunist pacification in postcolonial South Korea. Following the collapse of the Japanese Empire and the division of the Korean peninsula in 1945, U.S. and South Korean elites confronted popular insurgencies in Taegu (1946), Cheju Island (1948-49), and South Chŏlla Province (1948). Acknowledging the mass character of these rebellions, anticommunist ideologues emphasized the importance of campaigns—variously referred to as culture war (munhwajŏn), thought war (sasangjŏn), or psychological warfare (simnijŏn)—targeting the home front (hubang) as a refuge for communist subversion. Cultural production would remain a central element of war mobilization in the subsequent Korean War (1950-1953) and Vietnam War (1965-1973), as well as in the militarized village development schemes of the 1950s and 1960s. In exploring the cultural dimension of unending war in divided Korea, this dissertation draws on a wide variety of documentary media, including roundtables, war correspondence, reportage, travelogues, ethnographies, memoirs, diaries, realist literature, illustrations, photographs, and oral histories, among other such sources. These genres, often sponsored or otherwise influenced by the state, functioned to investigate the historical causes of insurgency and propose suitable modes of prevention. From the mid-1940s to the mid-1970s, such investigations evolved, moving from a post-liberation fixation on repatriated “war victims” (chŏnjaemin) to studies of other displaced groups purportedly vulnerable to communist subversion: refugees, POWs, vagrants, juvenile delinquents, peasants, lepers, and, in the Vietnam War, National Liberation Front (NLF) recruits. In South Korea, documentary media was emblematic of a Cold War “exhibitionary complex” founded upon claims to a pure reality unmediated by ideology. This study argues that the peculiar conditions of divided Korea ensured that anticommunist exhibitions did not just broadcast the messages of power but served in themselves to display and facilitate punishment. I further argue that the functional nature of embedded texts—as mechanisms of identification and surveillance as well as representation—lies behind their value as historical sources. This dissertation also argues for a conception of South Korean militarism (kunsajuŭi) capable of integrating such artifacts of literary, mass, and popular culture. Building on and departing from the foundations of South Korean anticommunist ideology in the 1940s and 1950s, the Park Chung Hee regime (1961-1979) offered a vision of the North Korean enemy as invisibly embedded in the socioeconomic contradictions of the home front. The Park-era discourse of “indirect invasion” (kanjŏp ch’imnyak) projected the masses as a hotbed of potential subversion, encouraging new forms of civilian participation in the militarized development schemes of the 1960s. The participation of non-state actors—whether as philanthropists, entrepreneurs, educators, proselytizers, performers, writers, or artists—in the reproduction and justification of war at home and in South Vietnam throughout the 1960s is one critical aspect of South Korean militarism overlooked in existing studies. This total mobilization of an emergent civil society into war and militarized development, however, produced unintended consequences, obstructing reporters’ attempts to represent the Vietnam War and incentivizing the exploitation of labor export programs and support initiatives aimed at the home front. These contradictions helped fuel the re-emergence, in late 1960s and early 1970s South Korea, of documentary writing as a vehicle of anti-capitalist critique rather than state propaganda.

This case study acknowledges that militarization on digital media is inadequately studied. A research contribution is therefore created through a narrative textual analysis method informed by strategic narrative theory and research on multimodal meaning-making. The method is then applied qualitatively to a previously neglected empirical material, the Swedish Armed Forces' digital documentary series called “The Veteran’s Portrait”. Using narrative textual analysis, the study interprets that militarizing strategic narratives appear in the documentary series. Thus, the study contributes with needed insight into how militarization as a process occurs on digital media, while at the same time suggesting pathways for future research to further develop this body of research.

This study is a treatment of the conflicts between politics and militarism in Japan from the promulgation of the Constitution in 1889 to December 7, 1941, in four major divisions: (1) organization of the government; (2) the Elder Statesmen in power, 1889-1918; (3) the party politicians in power, 1918-1932; and (4) the militarists in power, 1932-1941.

Orientador: Claudinei Magno Magre Mendes / Banca: Áureo Busetto / Banca: Carmem Lúcia Gomes de Salis / Resumo: A participação do Estado, frente à expansão da agricultura comercial, foi intensa no período pós-64. O Governo buscou o desenvolvimento econômico brasileiro tendo como base a expansão agrícola. A modernização das atividades do campo era considerada elemento fundamental à ampliação dos demais setores da sociedade. O setor primário seria responsável pelo equilíbrio econômico nacional, ao mesmo tempo em que produziria divisas capazes de financiar os demais setores. O Crédito Rural foi o instrumento adotado para incentivar esse desenvolvimento. Junto aos subsídios ajustados às atividades econômicas atreladas ao campo, ele foi responsável pela utilização intensiva de fertilizantes, pela mecanização das atividades agrícolas, pelo aumento da produtividade e pela abertura do mercado externo. Suas atividades relacionadas aos subsídios se mantiveram até o final da década de 1970, quando o Governo decidiu mudar a forma de incentivar a produção agrícola, abandonando a política de crédito agrícola subsidiado em favor da... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The participation of the State, based on the expansion of the commercial agriculture, was intense in the year of post 64. The government searched for the economic development based on the agriculture development. The modernized activities were a crucial element to the increase of other branches of the society. The primary branch would be responsible for the national economic balance at the same time that it would produce borders capable of financiering the others. The Farm Credit was the policy adopted to motivate this development. Together with the subsidy adjusted to the economic activities pegged to the field. It was responsible for the utilization intensified of the fertilizer. By the mechanization of the agriculture activities, by the increase of the productivity and by the opening of the external market. However, its activities related to the subsidy happen to the end of the 1970s. At that moment the government decided to... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

In 1901 the Qing regime, in power 1644-1911, took wide-ranging measures to reform the Chinese Empire. Fundamental changes were carried out within the field of education, resulting in the completion of China’s first modern educational system in 1904. Modern schools mushroomed across China and modern textbooks introducing non-traditional knowledge became common reading in the classrooms. Modern geography textbooks informed schoolchildren about the circumstances within the Empire and, to some extent, about the conditions in foreign countries. Thus these textbooks gave them an idea of their own nation in relation to the rest of the world.   The thesis examines the images of the inhabitants of the multiethnic Qing Empire, as encountered in a wide range of textbooks and other teaching materials, on the school subject of geography, used at various institutions of modern learning during the closing years of the Qing era. The focus is on the Han Chinese majority of China Proper (i.e. the eighteen provinces), although the images of the other major ethnicities of the Qing Empire are also examined, as well as the peoples of neighbouring Korea and Japan. This study highlights the extent to which the late Qing era was influenced by Japanese approaches towards reforms and modernization, especially in the field of education. During the process of introducing modern school geography in China, Chinese textbook compilers largely relied on Japanese sources on geography, thereby facing a Japanese, nationalistic and colonial discourse, which implied that Japan, as the most civilized nation in the East, was also in her right to dominate the region. Although Chinese educationalists hardly accepted Japan’s self-proclaimed position as the rightful leader of Asia, they were nevertheless influenced by Japanese descriptions of the continent and its peoples.

This paper explores how changing conceptions of religion, race, and gender at the beginning of the twentieth century promoted transnational anti-systemic movements and increased cooperation between progressive intellectuals and political activists. Using the cases of Bertrand Russell, George Bernard Shaw, W.E.B. Du Bois, Marcus Garvey, Jane Addams, and Sylvia Pankhurst, this paper chronicles and analyzes protest to the First World War and objection to the organization of the world-system.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 3582.pdf: 1065767 bytes, checksum: 7d180864a03c6c40bcf757981486d3f6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-03-16 / The main purpose of this thesis is to approach the Sistema de Vigilância da Amazônia [Amazônia Vigilance System, SIVAM] as part of the military strategy for establishing Brazil as a power/leadership in South America. Because this strategy Brazil had to pay a high price for the world superpower asset and, by this way, the Brazilian militaries kept in force their politic power, their status quo, remains of the dictatorship era in face of a civilian regime. The referred asset can be realized as in effect since the very moment of the Air Force Department establishment, which happened at the same time of the creation of the Brazilian Air Force (FAB) during the Second World War and its research institutes Air Force Technology Institute (ITA) and Air Force Technology Center (CTA) , which had the purpose to raise and prepare critical mass for the later development of aeronautics. By the end of the Second World War Brazil dismantled its small, although important, aeronautics industry, which had many years of experience in aircraft construction. All the researches and experience were thrown away because lack of investments in this industry, result of the Brazilian government option for buying the French and American war leftovers . National interests were put aside with this attitude because the alignment with the United States would provide access to power and reputation for the Brazilian military elite, reason why it was essential to turn the country into a sub-hegemonic power in South America. It happened a similar process with the SIVAM when it was bought technology for its project and not used technology that could be developed inwards by Brazil. Brazilian militaries established the SIVAM with a nationalistic speech that had in its terms the preservation of the sovereignty and defense of the national territory. However, the praxis was contradictory since it revealed authentic the critics made against the SIVAM as an inefficient and outmoded system during its development. This study intends to make considerations in order to offer a possible explication for this attitude onto the specific case of the SIVAM. / O objetivo desta tese é analisar o Sistema de Vigilância da Amazônia (SIVAM) como parte da estratégia militar para construir o Brasil potência/liderança na América do Sul ao custo de um alto preço para ter anuência da superpotência mundial e dessa forma manter seu prestígio, seu poder político, seu status quo, resquícios do período ditatorial, frente a um regime civil. Tal anuência é percebida desde o momento da estruturação do Ministério da Aeronáutica, da criação da FAB em plena Segunda Guerra Mundial, juntamente com os centros de Excelência Instituto Tecnológico da Aeronáutica (ITA), Centro Tecnológico da Aeronáutica (CTA) para criação de massa crítica e posterior desenvolvimento da aviação. No final da Segunda guerra Mundial foi desmontado no Brasil todo um pequeno, mas significativo, parque aeronáutico já existente, com anos de experiência inclusive na construção de aviões. Toda a pesquisa e experiência foram relegadas ao descaso por falta de incentivo a essa indústria, pois o governo brasileiro optou por comprar as sobras de guerra francesas e, posteriormente, norte-americanas. Interesses nacionais foram deixados de lado porque o alinhamento com os Estados Unidos permitiria pavimentar o acesso, por parte da elite militar, ao poder e ao prestígio, e para isso era fundamental estruturar o país como potência sub-hegemônica na América do Sul. Processo semelhante aconteceu na questão do SIVAM ao se comprar a tecnologia para o projeto e não desenvolvê-la internamente. Os militares brasileiros implantaram o SIVAM com um discurso nacionalista para a preservação da soberania e defesa do território nacional, porém com uma práxis contrária, pois as críticas feitas ao SIVAM no momento de sua concepção se revelaram verdadeiras, principalmente no que tange a sua ineficiência e obsolescência. O presente estudo pretende tecer considerações em busca de uma explicação para esta postura no caso específico do SIVAM.

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T05:03:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Amusquivar_ErikaLaurinda_M.pdf: 4351366 bytes, checksum: effd17d80563de85a9c3d69455dbfe3b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Esta dissertação de mestrado, intitulada O papel da política de segurança dos Estados Unidos no Sistema Internacional no pós-Guerra Fria, busca analisar a postura dos Estados Unidos em promover políticas militaristas ao instalar bases militares ao redor do mundo a partir do final do século XX e início do século XXI. Deriva-se dessa discussão dois debates. O primeiro - debate interno - foca na consecução da política de segurança dos Estados Unidos recomendado pelo think tank neoconservador PNAC (Project for the New American Century) por meio da consolidação do sistema de alianças militares entre Estados Unidos e da Europa - a Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte - OTAN. Essa política seria um ferramental estratégico para a manutenção da hegemonia estadunidense que, após os ataques terroristas de 11 de Setembro aos Estados Unidos, se incorporaria nos documentos oficiais de política de segurança do país. O segundo debate - externo - discorre sobre a insuficiência desse projeto ao criticar o modelo de política de segurança adotado. Partindo da premissa que essas políticas estiveram na contramão do que se apostava ao final dos anos 90, essa crítica se pauta na análise da mudança na política de segurança estadunidense, que não se sustentaria no novo século. Por isso o segundo debate contempla outros fatores primordiais desconsiderados pelo projeto neoconservador. Ressalta-se que o objeto referente à concretização da política de segurança do PNAC para o sistema de alianças da OTAN envolve um debate complexo - Império, imperialismo, militarismo - que não será abordado aqui senão tangencialmente, na medida em que o tratamento do nosso objeto o exigir. Isto porque são temas teoricamente densos, que exigiriam um estudo de outra envergadura / Abstract: This Master's Degree thesis, entitled The role of the Security Policy of the United States in the International System following the Cold War, seeks to analyze the posture of the United States in promoting militaristic policies to install military bases around the world from the late twentieth and early twenty-first century. From this discussion, two debates are derived. The first - the internal debate - focuses on achieving the security policy of the United States recommended by the neoconservative think thank PNAC (Project for the New American Century) by consolidating the system of military alliances between the United States and Europe - North Atlantic Treaty Organization-NATO. This Policy would be a strategic tool for the maintenance of the U.S. Hegemony that, after the September 11th terrorist attacks to the United States, would be incorporated in the official documents of the country's security policy. The second debate - external - stems from the failure of this project to criticize the security policy adopted. Assuming that these policies were contrary to the ideals supported by the late '90s, this critique is guided in the analysis of change in the U.S. security policy, which is not sustained in the new century. Therefore, the second debate addresses other key factors not considered by the neoconservative project. It is noteworthy that the object which relates to the implementation of the security policy of the PNAC for the alliance system of NATO involves a complex debate - Empire, Imperialism, Militarism - which will not be discussed, but tangentially, to the extent that the treatment of our object requires. The reason being that it involves theoretically dense issues, which would require a study of another magnitude / Mestrado / Relações Internacionais / Mestre em Ciência Política