Thesis advisor: Heather Cox Richardson / Throughout the nineteenth century, southern Democrats had one continual objective: to preserve racial hierarchy in their home region. Direct efforts in the 1870s, though, failed to eliminate the threat that Republicans might renew Reconstruction. So, in the 1880s, white southerners in Congress developed an array of softer, less direct approaches. Their goal was to foster reconciliation with white northerners, undercutting support for Reconstruction and securing white supremacy for the South. With one issue more than any other, they succeeded: expansion of the U.S. Navy. Recognizing that global developments and the decrepit state of the U.S. Navy were increasing concern about national defense, Congressman Hilary Abner Herbert (D-AL) positioned himself to become a champion of naval expansion. A former enslaver with no maritime experience, the Confederate colonel leveraged an appointment as chair of the House Committee on Naval Affairs in 1885. Over the next eight years, Herbert established bipartisan and cross-sectional support for naval legislation in the House and spearheaded the most drastic peacetime military buildup Americans had ever seen. The interests of this “Father of the New Navy,” though, were chiefly sectional. For Herbert, militarization was a means to advancing reconciliation and securing white supremacy for the South. He stated this purpose clearly both in private and public. In 1890, he put it into practice. When Republicans introduced legislation to address voting rights in the South, Herbert wielded his reputation for bipartisanship and reconciliation against it, threatening violence and an end to economic unity. On the national level, Herbert’s use of naval expansion to further reconciliation escalated militarization and paved the way for an overseas U.S. empire. In the South, the Alabamian’s efforts helped open the door for a new system of legalized white supremacy that he celebrated as “a final solution of the negro question.” / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2021. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

This diploma thesis critically examines traditional positivist interpretations concerning the birth of four core norms of the current legal regime governing activities of states in Outer Space: a) non-militarization, b) peaceful use, c) non- appropriation, and d) freedom of access. Traditional interpretations often explicate the emergence of the aforementioned principles in static terms, either as a result of universal aspirations of mankind to peaceful explore the final frontier, or alternatively as a product of rational calculations of self-interested states. Analysis of the first decade of the space age through the lens of post-structural genealogical method proposed by Richard Price reveals a much more complex picture. Application of critical genealogical approach indicates that the emergence of the four norms in question was contingent on the presence of particular historical circumstances and cognitive structures of the Cold War: a) fear of nuclear weapons, b) policy of containment, c) trauma of the Second World War, and d) highly politicized outer space discourse due to the presence of the space race. The findings also indicate that without the presence of the particular historical circumstances and cognitive structures that necessitated their emergence, the four principles in question are...

Police militarization is a critical contemporary issue in the criminal justice field; however, only a minor amount of research exists on this issue. Almost no research exists on public attitudes toward police militarization, which is very important given the social context. A contextual literature review covers a brief history of American police with emphasis on key events leading to modern police militarization, such as the Munich Incident and Columbine. Also covered are research topics that help outline the need for research on public attitudes in this field, such as the amount and use of PPUs by Peter Kraska and the idea of role convergence. Google Docs was used to generate and disseminate an electronic survey to a random sample of ETSU students. Statistical findings show that, while militarization does play a significant role in public confidence in the police, positive public attitudes and fear of the police play a much more significant role.

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Abstract Title: Building Trust: The contradiction between security and democracy in post apartheid South Africa Author: Magnus Persson Supervisor: Svante Lundberg This paper aims to investigate the contradiction between security and democracy in post-apartheid South African policing, and was executed on the field together with the South African Police Service (SAPS). The theoretical point of departure is that trust between people, in relation to the institutions of society, is fundamental to democratic development. This in combination with previous research on police reform, police academy socialization, community policing and militarization has lead to the conclusion that a remilitarization process is under way and that a militaristic approach to policing is likely to be counterproductive in terms of achieving democratic development. The study has been executed on a South African police academy as well as at two different police stations with the combined methods of participatory observation and interviews.

O objeto deste estudo situa-se no campo poroso das práticas ilícitas e sua repressão, no contexto da cidade de São Paulo, a partir da década de 30 do século XX. Através da categoria de análise ilegalismo e sua gestão diferenciada, investigou-se de que maneira práticas de controle social remotas e prolongadas, marcadas pelo arbítrio policial e pela desativação seletiva da lei, como as detenções correcionais, conectaram-se a economias criminais urbanas que, até meados da década de 60, se estabeleceram sobretudo em torno da prostituição, bem como estiveram implicadas em seu declínio. As detenções correcionais, enquanto modos de se imiscuir nas atividades criminais pelas forças policiais, associadas ainda a padrões exagerados de violência institucional, se revelaram cruciais à emergência da delinquência urbana, na década de 70, como fenômeno atinente à criminalidade patrimonial de massa, difusa, de rua. Já nos anos 90, a consolidação de uma nova economia criminal urbana, o comércio varejista de drogas ilícitas, ao lado do intenso recrutamento daquela criminalidade avulsa e patrimonial à prisão, contribuiu à emergência de um fenômeno atribuído neste trabalho como articulação da criminalidade, para o qual, uma vez mais, a gestão dos ilegalismos, em uma renovada versão, desempenha um papel central. Por último, a fim de retratar a dinâmica mais atual da gestão do crime ordinário na cidade, este estudo analisou dados estatísticos sobre as prisões em flagrante na cidade, na tentativa de estabelecer uma espécie de cartografia do crime urbano e sua gestão. Ainda nessa perspectiva, buscou-se recompor, a partir das trajetórias de adolescentes envolvidos na base da estratificação social do crime, do articulado e disciplinar tráfico de drogas ao avulso e violento roubo, as lógicas acionadas à manutenção e reprodução dos mercados criminais urbanos, os renovados papéis desempenhados na trama dos ilegalismos, anunciando-se, por derradeiro, mudanças na divisão do trabalho policial que tendem a acentuar a militarização como princípio organizador não apenas da gestão desses ilegalismos, mas das formas mais contemporâneas de governamentalidade. / The object of this study is located in the fluid field of the illicit acts and their repression, in the context of São Paulo City, starting at the years 30 of the Twentieth Century. Through the illegalism analysis category and its distinguished management, the investigation was focused on how remote and long lasting social control practices, marked by Police discretion and by the selective desactivation of the Law, as in corrective arrests, got linked to the urban criminal economies, which up to the middle of the sixties established themselves mostly around prostitution, as well as took part on its decline. The corrective arrests, as ways of intervenience of the Police force on criminal activities, associated with exaggerated patterns of institutional violence, showed themselves crutial to the rising of urban delinquency in the seventies, as an event related to the patrimonial mass criminality, diffuse, street type. As for the nineties, the consolidation of a new urban crime economy, the retail commerce of illicit drugs, together with the intense recruiting of that isolated and patrimonial criminality to jail, has contributed to the surge of a phenomenon qualified in this work as articulation of the criminality, for which, once more, the management of the illegalism, in a new version, performs a main role. Last, in order to focus the most recent dynamics of common crime management in the city, this study analyzed statistic data on prisons in the very act, in the city, in an attempt to establish a certain cartography of the urban crime and its management. Still under this perspective, it was aimed to retrace, taking as departing point the trajectories of teenagers enrolled at the basis of the social stratum of crime, from the well organized and disciplinary drug traffic, to the isolated and violent robbery, the logic connected to the maintenance and reproduction of the urban crime market, the renewed roles performed in the web of the illegalities, announcing, at last, changes in the division of the Police work which tend to increase militarization as the organizing principle not just of the management of these illegalisms, but also of the more contemporary ways of governmentality.

This research study examines the American paramilitary units know as Special Weapons and Tactics. Throughout this thesis, the fundamental and foundational research on police paramilitary units is presented and discussed. Additionally, this paper focuses on trends of militarization in American policing. Mainly, these trends are identified by the tremendous rise and normalization of American paramilitary police units since the internal societal wars of the 1970s. In this study, research is presented on Special Weapons and Tactics team deployments in the state of Maryland. Four years of data are analyzed focusing on proactive search warrant crime deployments from 2010 through 2013. Several independent variables including, violent crime rates, property crime rates, vice type crime rates and the number of sworn law enforcement officers are examined. The most important finding of this study is the inverse relationship between proactive vice type arrests and the proactive search warrant SWAT team deployments. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.S.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2016. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2017-08-29T18:46:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 LEANDRA AUGUSTA CARVALHO MOURA CRUZ.pdf: 3263572 bytes, checksum: 1215e219c502c0eba0f043606cbccba6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-29T18:46:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LEANDRA AUGUSTA CARVALHO MOURA CRUZ.pdf: 3263572 bytes, checksum: 1215e219c502c0eba0f043606cbccba6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-06-20 / This research aims to promote reflections on the Militarization of public schools in the State of Goiás, discipline and fear. The Military Colleges of the State of Goiás arose through Law No. 8,125 of June 18, 1976, and by Decree No. 604 of November 19, 1998, authorizing the partnership of the State Department of Education and the Secretariat of Public Security of the State of Goiás. Goiás. Since then, the military has been authorized to assume the management and administration of an increasing number of public schools in the State. This study aimed at analyzing the exacerbated collection of discipline in military colleges and as a consequence fear as a control strategy. Boundaries are created that are established and that exclude many students, due to the collection of monthly fees, uniform, as well as ignoring the plurality and subjectivity of individuals. At first a brief history of Education in Brazil and the State of Goiás is made to understand the relationship of education with the political, social and economic events of the country and the State in the contemporary world. With this research I try to provide theoretical and historical tools to equip society with elements that will contribute to a good reflection on the current events in the State of Goiás Education, with the abrupt amount of public schools that are being transformed into Colleges of the Military Police that also Are public schools, but when they become military they lose the characteristics of a public institution as stated in the Brazilian Constitution, LDB and ECA. Part of the society was seduced in relation to these military schools, which present favorable results in the state and national evaluations. However, these results can not be attributed solely to military management, but to the better conditions that are offered to these schools, contrary to the reality of a "normal" public school, which are opposite realities. And that this process of militarization of public schools can be considered as a contemporary form of Outsourcing Education in the State of Goiás. The analysis constructed here is permeated by the view of authors such as Jacques Sémelin, Foucault, Gloria Anzaldúa, Paulo Freire, Barbara Freitag , José Antonio Tobias and Luis Palacín. / Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo promover reflexões sobre a militarização das escolas públicas no estado de Goiás, sobre a disciplina e o medo desses processos. Os colégios militares do estado de Goiás surgiram por meio da lei nº 8.125, de 18 de junho de 1976 e pela portaria nº 604 de 19 de novembro de 1998, que autorizaram a parceria da Secretaria Estadual de Educação e da Secretaria de Segurança Pública do Estado de Goiás. A partir de então, os militares foram autorizados a assumir a gestão e a administração de um crescente número de escolas públicas do estado. Este estudo se propôs-se a analisar a cobrança exacerbada da disciplina nos colégios militares e, como consequência, o medo gerado enquanto estratégia de controle. Criam-se fronteiras que se instauram e excluem muitos alunos, em decorrência da cobrança de mensalidade e de uniforme e por ignorar a pluralidade e subjetividade dos indivíduos. A princípio, faz-se um breve histórico da educação no Brasil e no estado de Goiás, para se compreender a relação da educação com os acontecimentos políticos, sociais e econômicos do país e do estado na contemporaneidade. Com esta pesquisa, procura-se proporcionar ferramentas teóricas e históricas para equipar a sociedade com elementos que contribuirão para uma boa reflexão sobre os acontecimentos atuais na educação do estado de Goiás, com a abrupta quantidade de escolas públicas que estão sendo transformadas em colégios da Polícia Militar, perdendo as características de instituição pública como consta na Constituição Brasileira, na LDB e no ECA. Parte da sociedade foi seduzida em relação a essas escolas militares, que apresentam resultados favoráveis nas avaliações estaduais e nacionais. Contudo, esses resultados não podem ser atribuídos somente a uma gestão militar, mas às melhores condições que são oferecidas a estas escolas, ao contrário da realidade de uma escola pública “normal”. Esse processo de militarização das escolas públicas pode ser considerado uma forma contemporânea de terceirizar a educação no estado de Goiás. A análise aqui construída é perpassada pelo olhar de autores como Jacques Sémelin, Foucault, Gloria Anzaldúa, Paulo Freire, Bárbara Freitag, José Antonio Tobias e Luis Palacín.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Pretende-se uma análise crítica do projeto das Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora (UPPs), procurando entender como ele aparece como uma resposta possível para os problemas urbanos e de segurança na cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Em primeiro lugar, volta-se à importação do ideal civilizatório pelo Brasil no início do século XIX e o surgimento da polícia e de uma questão urbana na cidade do Rio de Janeiro. O resgate histórico permite entender o surgimento das favelas e de uma cidade partida. Em seguida, trata-se do aspecto da pacificação das UPPs, retomando o sentido que essa ideia teve ao longo da história do Brasil, em especial como subjugação dos povos indígenas e como repressão às insurreições da primeira metade do século XIX. Em um segundo momento, volta-se à configuração da governamentalidade policial no Rio de Janeiro e no Brasil, do surgimento das polícias à racionalidade governamental do neoliberalismo. Demonstra-se como a polícia surge como um agente civilizador e como uma racionalidade autoritária da militarização e da criminologia do outro marca as polícias brasileiras, o que explica sua histórica atuação violenta voltada às classes subalternas. Em seguida, partindo da concepção de território pressuposta pelas UPPs, elabora-se sua crítica, observando que constituem uma política de ocupação militarizada do território que reforça uma geografia das desigualdades e promove uma nova forma de territorialização. Por fim, trata-se dos mecanismos que a governamentalidade neoliberal assume na gestão da questão urbana no Rio de Janeiro, a partir das ideias de urbanismo militar e empresarialismo urbano.O urbanismo militar é entendido como a extensão de ideias militares para os espaços e circulações cotidianos, o que leva a uma tendência internacional de militarização da segurança pública e proliferação de territórios de exceção. Nesse contexto, a política das UPPs guarda proximidades com as ocupações das favelas em Porto Príncipe pela MINUSTAH, os territórios palestinos ocupados por Israel, acontrainsurgência estadunidense no Iraque e Afeganistão e os Proyectos Urbanos Integrales em Medellín, nos quais se inspirou. Mas condizem também com o ideal do empresarialismo urbano, modelo baseado na competitividade das cidades orientada para o mercado. Trata-se, portanto, de um projeto de controle militarizado das favelas, necessário para os megaeventos e para a construção de uma imagem de cidade maravilhosa. / This work intends to a critical analysis of the Pacification Police Units (PPU), searching to understand how it constitutes apossible answer to the urban and safety problems in Rio de Janeiro. First of all, we turn to the importation of the civilization ideal in the early 19th centurys Brazil and the advent of the police and the urban issues in Rio de Janeiro. The historical review allows understanding the appearance of the favelas and of a divided city. Then, we turn to the PPUs pacification aspect, resuming this ideas meaning throughout Brazilian history, particularly as the subjugation of indigenous people and as repression to the insurrections of the first half of the 19th century. In a second place, we turn to the configuration of a police governmentality in Rio de Janeiro and in Brazil, from polices appearance to the neoliberal governmental rationality. We demonstrate how the police appear as a civilizing agent and how an authoritarian rationality of militarization and criminology of the other marks the Brazilian polices, what explains its historical violent acting against the underprivileged classes. Then, from the territory conception assumed by the PPU, we elaborate its critic, observing that they constitute a politics of militarized occupation of the territory which reinforces a geography of inequality and promotes a new form of territorialization. Finally, we talk about the mechanisms that the neoliberal governmentality assumes in the management of the urban issues in Rio de Janeiro from the ideas of a military urbanism and urban entrepreneurialism. The military urbanism is understood as the extension of military ideas to the daily spaces and circulations, which leads to an international tendency of militarization of the public safety and proliferation of exception territories. In this context, the PPU politics resembles the MINUSTAHs slums occupations in Porto Príncipe, the Palestinian territories occupied by Israel, the American counterinsurgency in Iraq and Afghanistan and the ProyectosUrbanosIntegralesinMedellin, which inspired it. But they are also befitting with the urban entrepreneurialism ideal, based on the competition between cities marked orientated. It is, therefore, a militarized control project of the favelas, needed for the mega events and the construction of a Marvelous City image.