Extending Brennan and Buchanan’s model of leviathan, in which rulers represent the residual claimants of constitutionally unconstrained tax revenue, this paper presents a model in which the government provides the level of public goods that maximizes its revenue surplus as a function of the cost of emigration. To the extent that emigration is impeded, government converges toward pure monopoly provision, generating monopoly rents that facilitate the rent-seeking society. In contrast with Niskanen’s model, in which governments tend to overproduce public goods, this model suggests that governments tend toward underproduction. This result undermines the notion that government must provide public goods to overcome the underproduction of private provision; in reality, government provision may be less efficient than private provision.

The Monopoly Study of Authority was an institutional grant project designed to test the variables of authority and protection in a laboratory experiment conducted in the Small Groups Laboratory. Subjects (Ss) were recruited and paid a minimum wage to play Monopoly, while the Experimenter (E) manipulated the relevant variables, observed and video-taped the games. The hypothesis states that the greater the investment, the more likely will the individual make efforts to protect it. The dimensions of investment were ego involvement (desire to win, competitiveness), and resource commitment (Ss were offered rewards of double-time pay for winning the Monopoly game). Efforts to protect the investment were expected to take the form of personal authority, whereby Ss would overrule or otherwise ignore written rules/or rule changes instigated by E; or, delegated authority, whereby the Ss would accept E and/or the written rules as the legitimate authority over the game. Various and sundry administrative, technical and design problems resulted in the decision to prepare a research chronicle to provide a fuller accounting of investigative activity and to document the role of the circumstantial, the irrational, and nonrational, as well as the systematic logic and specific methodology of the research process. While the development of the research chronicle is well grounded in the work of William F. Whyte' s famous Appendix, the most useful rationale for this project was provided by Phillip E. Hammond's collection of chronicles, Sociologists at Work. This presentation is organized around the sequence of events in time and the sequence of ideas in the mind of E. The chronologic form is compatible with the underlying methodological approach of the project based on Barney G. Glaser and Anselm L. Strauss' work, The Discovery of Ground Theory, wherein theory is understood to emerge from data and the notion of theory as process is presented, the research process was loosely structured, each day's design emerging from the previous experimental session. This methodology allowed that questions peripheral to the initial hypothesis could be examined, and, in fact, a follow-up questionnaire study is presented in Appendix D. The discussion of the chronicle form and the methodology of grounded theory comprises Section One of this thesis. To conduct the actual experiments chronicled in Section Two, five, four person Monopoly sessions were scheduled. Ss were recruited on the basis of sex and affectual relationship. The Trial Session consisted of two males and two females instructed to play "ordinary Monopoly." The session was video-taped, and from the resultant tapes a demonstration tape was prepared documenting S sensitivity to the laboratory situation. In Session I the Ss were required to play Monopoly 'strictly according to the written rules,' attempting to create an external authority condition. In Session II E instituted "Barry's Rule," an arbitrary variant of the basic income rule in Monopoly. This design change was intended to enhance a condition of arbitrary, external authority in the form of E's created rule. In addition, the Ss were advised that the winner would be paid double-time. Session III repeated the double-time pay for winners condition, and Session IV was cancelled. All the sessions were videotaped, and all the tapes were reviewed. However, no adequate coding system was developed, and no quantitative data was produced. Impressionistic analysis, fortunately, afforded several useful interpretations which are cited in Section Three. Firstly, the double-time incentive did not create an investment condition, most likely because the reward (paid by check, several weeks later) was too abstract and too small ($12.00). "Barry's Rule" condition did elicit a strong negative response from the Ss, but also netted compliance. Section Four presents an "ideal" research design, thus rounding out the thesis from a chronicle of a research process, to an examination of the results, to the articulation of an approved design

Since the end of the Cold War, private military and security companies have gained a prominent place on the international battlefield. In an attempt to reduce monetary and political costs, states have not only outsourced some of the defense functions previously performed by uniformed personnel; they have also partly privatised the provision of security. Traditional accounts of the rise of private military and security companies have explained this evolution in terms of changing demand and supply of military force after the Cold War, in a neoliberal ideological environment. This rationalist account, however, overlooks the role of norms, which, as the constructivist research tradition has demonstrated, constrain state behaviour even in the domain of national security. From this constructivist point of view, the rise of private military and security companies is surprising given the existence of an anti-mercenary norm and a norm on the state monopoly on violence, both of which have precluded the private exercise of violence. How, then, should the rise of private military and security companies be understood in light of this hostile normative environment? Against a realist-constructivist background, this text draws upon models of norm change and epistemic communities to show that private military and security companies have used their pragmatic legitimacy and epistemic power to decisively shape the discursive construction of a new regulatory framework that legitimises the exercise of non-state violence.

Tourism is considered as an economic force in modern society, not only is it asource of revenue, but also a means of connecting cultures and traditions withpeople from all over the world. Wine tourism especially is a form of tourismthat brings visitors to vineyards to experience the authentic taste of a region.Sweden as the youngest wine country that is still being discovered and thereare untapped potentials to be fully realized. Being involved in the wineindustry in Sweden means a direct relationship between the winemakers andSystembolaget as the main body that is responsible for sales of alcohol.Therefore, the major source of income for winemakers, called direct sales(sale at the cellar), is not a viable option for the Swedish winemaker. Whatchallenges these winemakers face and what opportunities lies within theemerging industry, that is wine tourism in Sweden, is the motivation behindthis project.

This study delves into the conflict landscape in the form of a case study of the Central African Republic, with a specific focus on the involvement of the private military company Wagner Group, framed within Mary Kaldor's theory of New Wars. The theory emphasises that since the 1990s wars have been carried out in the name of identity politics, are between the state and non-state actors, that violence is directed at civilians and that the global economy is a driving condition. These characteristics are generally true for the conflict in CAR. The Wagner Group's role remains largely unexplored within academic circles, necessitating a closer examination of its impact on conflict dynamics to better understand the broader implications for regional stability and global power dynamics. Since CAR became independent in 1960, CAR has been imprinted by armed conflict and widespread violence against civilians. In 2018 the government ceded parts of its monopoly on violence to the Wagner group through an agreement where the group protects the state in exchange for access to natural resources. The Wagner group's presence also contributes to increased regional conflict dynamics and can lead to increased violence and criminal activity.

"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de maîtrise en droit". Ce mémoire a été accepté à l'unanimité et classé parmi les 10% des mémoires de la discipline. / Les provinces canadiennes sont présentement aux prises avec des dépenses élevées en matière de médicaments. Afin de contrôler ces dépenses, plusieurs d'entre elles ont adopté différentes politiques visant à promouvoir et à accélérer la vente de médicaments génériques, lesquels sont équivalents aux médicaments novateurs mais de trente à quarante pourcents moins chers. Le gouvernement canadien, en vertu de son pouvoir de réglementation en matière de brevets, pourrait contribuer aux efforts des gouvernements provinciaux en assouplissant les règles relatives aux brevets pharmaceutiques pour ainsi promouvoir l'accélération de la mise en marché de médicaments génériques. Le gouvernement hésite toutefois à le faire en raison de sa politique en matière de brevets pharmaceutiques dont les effets se veulent équilibrés tant pour l'industrie pharmaceutique novatrice que pour l'industrie du médicament generique. Précisément, cette politique vise, d'une part, à encourager les investissements en recherche et développement par l'industrie novatrice et, d'autre part, à garantir la vente rapide de médicaments génériques au Canada pour que soient contrôlées les dépenses en matière de médicaments. Ce mémoire consiste en un examen du cadre juridique de la politique canadienne en matière de brevets pharmaceutiques. Nous y soulevons et analysons particulièrement ses glissements, quant à l'objectif d'équilibre recherché de la politique canadienne, qui résultent de son application dans le contexte juridique, politique, scientifique et économique actuel. Notre intention est de démontrer que, dans l'intérêt des Canadiens à court et à long terme, la politique canadienne en matière de brevets pharmaceutiques ne doit pas être assouplie en faveur de l'industrie du médicament générique seulement, ceci malgré la croissance des dépenses en matière de médicaments. En effet, l'intérêt des Canadiens ne peut être maximisé que si cette politique est rééquilibrée en tenant compte de l'ensemble de ses glissements juridiques observés. / All Canadian provinces are presently facing increasingly growing drug expenditures. In order to control these expenditures the provinces have adopted different policies to promote and accelerate the sale of generic drugs, these drugs being equivalent to brand-name drugs but thirty to fourthly percent less expensive. Considering its jurisdiction in the field of patents, the Canadian government could contribute to the efforts of the provincial governments in making more flexible the Canadian patent rules, thus promoting the marketing ofgeneric drugs in Canada. The government is however hesitating to do so because of its policy on pharmaceutical patents, which policy aims at balancing the interests of both the brand-name and generic drug industries. Effectively, the purpose ofthe poltey is to promote, on the one hand, the investments in research and development of new drugs in Canada and, on the other hand, to guarantee the rapid marketing of generic drugs, thus controlling drug expenditures. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the judicial framework of the Canadian policy on pharmaceutical patents. Its weaknesses, with regard to the balanced objective of the policy, resulting from its application in the present judicial, political, and economical and scientific context are the focus of this analysis. Our goal is to demonstrate that, to reach the Canadian social benefit, both in the short and long run, the Canadian policy on pharmaceutical patents should not be relaxed for the sole benefit of the generic drug industry, although the drug expenditures are growing. Rather, the social Canadian benefit would only be maximised by re-balancing the Canadian policy in the light of all its demonstrated weaknesses.

The Green Light letter from President Franklin Roosevelt to Major League Baseball Commissioner Kenesaw Mountain Landis gave MLB permission to continue throughout World War II. The team owners felt relief that MLB is the only professional sport to survive during the years of World War II (1941-1945). MLB became a primary contributor toward the war effort. While war-supporting efforts were conducted, team owners positioned themselves to benefit from the bond between baseball and the American people. MLB portrayed itself through the commissioner’s office policy as a patriotic partner by providing entertainment for American factory workers and contributing equipment to servicemen overseas. MLB also remained a monopoly without Congressional inquiries or public challenge. Since MLB was exempt from anti-trust laws, team owners operated within MLB’s anti-trust exemption and strengthened position for the post war period.

Este estudo analisa a intervenção do Estado sobre e na indústria do petróleo em uma perspectiva histórica e argumenta que as recentes reformas do setor expressam um novo padrão de intervencionismo estatal o neodesenvolvimentismo. A intervenção sobre essas atividades econômicas é modalidade de intervenção indireta que se expressa no monopólio público do art. 177 da CF/88 e nas regras infraconstitucionais para o setor. Por sua vez, a intervenção na própria atividade econômica, ou direta, é instrumentalizada principalmente por meio de empresas estatais. A Lei n° 2.004/53 é marco do Estado desenvolvimentista brasileiro e instituiu monopólio legal em regime de exclusividade pela Petrobras. No modelo de Estado regulador da década de 1990, reformas jurídicas permitiram a contratação de empresas privadas para exercício do monopólio estatal que, no entanto, permanece intacto como poder de escolha. As recentes descobertas do Pré-sal revolucionaram o horizonte do setor no Brasil e resultaram na edição de novo marco legal composto pelas Leis n° 12.351/10, Lei n°12.304/10 e Lei n° 12.276/10. Sem prejuízo do contrato de concessão da Lei n° 9.478/97, esse novo marco estabeleceu contrato de partilha de produção, nova empresa estatal (PPSA) e reforçou o papel atribuído à Petrobras no setor. O novo arcabouço é representativo do Estado neodesenvolvimentista. As rendas petrolíferas podem ser maldição ou bênção, a depender da política econômica adotada. / This dissertation analyses the modalities of State intervention in the Brazilian oil industry in a historical perspective to sustain that a new pattern of State intervention takes place Neodevelopmentalism. Indirect interventionism is a byproduct of the public monopoly of Article 177 of the Federal Constitution and of applicable legal regulation. Direct Interventionism is pursued mainly through state enterprises. Law No. 2.004/53 is representative of the Brazilian Developmental State and creates an exclusive monopoly for Petrobras. In the context of the Regulatory State of the 90s legal reforms opened the sector to the private initiative, without revoking the monopoly that still remains as a comprehensive power to regulate activities related to the oil industry. Recent discoveries in the Pré-Sal layer revolutionized Brazilian oil production horizon and resulted in the enactment of a new legal framework: Law No. 12.351/10, Law No. 12.304/10 and Law No. 12.276/10. In addition to the concession agreement of Law No. 9.478/97, this new framework regulates the execution of production sharing agreements, the creation of another state enterprise (PPSA) and provides new powers to Petrobras. This new framework is representative of the Neodevelopmental State. Oil revenues can be a blessing or a curse, depending on the economic policies that are adopted.

Este trabalho busca identificar os entraves e perplexidades jurídicas no setor postal apontará as consequências da falta de clareza legislativa, doutrinária, jurisprudencial e regulatória no setor, aprofundando-se na análise de jurisprudência, especialmente do Supremo Tribunal Federal chamando atenção para a possibilidade de serem adotadas novas soluções para resolvê-los. O trabalho estrutura-se a partir de dois eixos intimamente relacionados: a) saber o que é serviço postal, qual é sua relevância na atual conjuntura das comunicações e qual é a realidade de prestação dos serviços nesse setor, objeto dos Capítulos 1 e 2, e b) desenvolver uma discussão crítica sobre serviço (público ou não) postal e monopólio postal, objeto do Capítulo 3 e núcleo central do trabalho. Ainda que o foco desta análise não seja a discussão mais ampla sobre a importância do planejamento e dos arranjos jurídico-institucionais do setor, procurar-se-á chamar atenção para esses aspectos no âmbito do setor postal. A conclusão final da pesquisa, que confirma a hipótese central do trabalho, é a de que o regime jurídico do setor postal se constrói predominantemente a partir da atuação da ECT. O regime jurídico do setor tem sido delimitado a partir das políticas públicas voltadas à ECT, dos serviços postais por ela prestados e das decisões judiciais em que a estatal é autora ou ré, o que lhe confere um regime jurídico privilegiado e protetivo. A análise de todo esse arcabouço jurídico revela que, em grande medida, objetiva-se preservar a empresa pública ECT, em detrimento da avaliação do quadro maior do setor postal brasileiro. Esse entrave do setor leva à reflexão sobre a possibilidade de serem adotadas novas soluções para resolver os problemas setoriais, que podem abarcar desde soluções interpretativas a uma revisão do quadro normativo atualmente aplicável ao setor. / This dissertation aims to identify the legal obstacles and perplexities in the postal sector will point the consequences of the lack of clarity of the legislative, doctrinal, case law and regulatory treatment of the sector, deepening the analysis of case law, especially of the Supreme Court calling attention to the possibility of adopting new solutions to solve them. The work is structured from two closely interconnected axes: a) one, to know what is the postal service, what is its relevance in the current communications, and the reality of service provision, the subject of Chapters 1 and 2; b) two, to develop a critical discussion about postal service (public or not) and post monopoly, the subject of Chapter 3 and the central core of the work. Although the focus of this analysis does not correspond to the wider discussion about the importance of planning and of legal and institutional arrangements in the sector, this dissertation will seek to draw attention to these aspects within the postal sector. The final conclusion of the study, which confirms the central hypothesis of the work, is that the legal system of the postal sector is built predominantly from the action of ECT. The legal system has been delimited from public policies to ECT, from the postal services it provides and from judicial decisions in which the public company is either plaintiff or defendant, and which gives to ECT a privileged and protective legal system. The analysis of all this legal framework reveals that, to a great extent, the objective is to preserve the public company ECT, rather than the evaluation of the bigger picture of the postal sector in Brazil. This obstacle of the sector leads to a reflection on the possibility of adopting new solutions to solve the problems, which can range from interpretative solutions to a review of the regulatory framework currently applicable to the sector.

A presente tese trata de discussões que ocorreram no âmbito do Instituto de Pesquisa Social em seu exílio nos Estados Unidos na primeira metade da década de 1940. O trabalho segue a constituição da crítica do capitalismo monopolista de Horkheimer e Adorno a partir de um debate sobre o nacional-socialismo organizado pelo Instituto na Universidade de Columbia em 1941, do qual tomaram parte Friedrich Pollock, Franz Neumann, Otto Kirchheimer, Arcadius R. L. Gurland e Herbert Marcuse. Nesse percurso, a abordagem da sociedade monopolista do capitalismo tardio por Horkheimer e Adorno se alia a uma crítica do processo civilizatório. A confluência da crítica do presente histórico com a crítica da civilização vai encontrar seu ápice na Dialética do Esclarecimento, livro em coautoria concluído em 1944. Encarando o livro como uma resposta ao debate de Columbia, a tese reconstrói este último e, na sequência, procura estabelecer mediações entre ele e a produção de Horkheimer e Adorno até a Dialética do Esclarecimento, analisando as transformações que se operaram e as novas determinações que ganharam lugar na trajetória intelectual dos dois autores nesse período. / This dissertation deals with discussions that took place at the Institute of Social Research during its exile in the United States in the first half of the 1940\'s. By approaching a debate on National Socialism organized by the Institute at Columbia University in 1941 attended by Friedrich Pollock, Franz Neumann, Otto Kirchheimer, Arcadius R. L. Gurland and Herbert Marcuse , it tracks the formation of Horkheimer and Adornos critique of monopoly capitalism. As the dissertation shows, the approach of monopolistic society adopted by Horkheimer and Adorno fuses with a critique of the process of civilization. The conflation of the critique of historical present with the critique of civilization culminates in the Dialectic of Enlightenment, a jointly authored book that was concluded in 1944. By viewing this work as an answer to the Columbia debate, the dissertation reconstructs the debate and, furthermore, seeks to establish mediations between it and Horkheimer and Adornos theoretical output up to and including the Dialectic of Enlightenment. The dissertation analyzes the transformations that occurred as well as new determinations that emerged in the intellectual trajectory of the two authors during this period.