The Swedish alcohol market has for many years been in the hands of the government. The question of the monopoly, its being or not being, has for a long time engaged both Swedish citizens and politicians. Since joining the European Union it has also been on the European agenda, trying to adapt Sweden to the more liberal alcohol politic in Europe. The suppliers find themselves acting on a completely different market than a market based on free competition. The suppliers are faced with one retail channel to the stores which creates dependence and uneven power balance towards the retailer. In addition to this, their marketing activities are strictly limited due to the laws and claims. Corporate Social Responsibility is required goals given from the retailer upon the suppliers. The retailer is also set with strict term and rules from the government and has to gain the Swedish citizens approval in order to maintain their position as the only distribution channel. The supplier, primarily acting on the purpose of selling products and increasing the profit, differ from the retailer who mainly aim to limit and regulate the sales of alcohol. In this difficult market a relationship between the supplier and the distributor is being built up and nourished. The relationship in the supply chain is based on four factors; trust, cooperation, commitment and conflict. These different factors are shaping and affecting the relationship between the supplier and the retailer. The diverse aims of these two organizations, together with the regulations of the market and the dependency between each other, have an effect and shape the relationship. The analyses argue that equal goals can lead to an increased commitment between the supplier and retailer. Further on the members of the supply chains appear to use problem solving to resolve a conflict to be able to maintain good cooperation and increase trust in the relationship. The conclusion is that the retailer possesses the power in the relationship towards the supplier. All the relationship factors are important in this relationship but trust is required in order to obtain cooperation and commitment. Trust is also vital when it comes to solving a conflict.

Our study shows if and how Swedish public service television has changed its content from the time when SVT had monopoly until this day when the competition is greater than ever. We got an insight in what has been presented to the audience by studying TV schedules from 1975 to 2009. The study examines four weeks during the years when the two main channels SVT1 and SVT2 have been broadcasting. One week each of these following years have been examined: 1975, 1985, 1995 and 2009. These years have been chosen to get an insight in what content the TV schedules presented before and after SVT got competition in the Swedish TV market. A total of 28 days and 56 TV schedules have been examined. This was done with a quantitative analysis and with an own model of ten categories that has helped us to sort the TV shows based on their content. Even though it was not a great difference, the result shows that the percentage of news has decreased since 1975. But it was not possible to see if the TV shows that replaced the news in the TV schedule was of an entertaining kind. The study also shows that a new kind of TV shows have taken a large spot in the schedules. Nowadays it is common that a TV show mix different kind of categories during its broadcasting time. One example is Gomorron Sverige. Furthermore we have seen that live debates take a large place in the TV schedules in 2009, especially during the day time. Besides that, the sizes of the categories have been pretty even during the 34 years. SVT has not made any significant changes since the monopoly was broken and the competition became a reality. We have also noticed that the broadcasting time has increased a lot since 1975. It is particularly obvious in the day time where there many years ago were no broadcasting at all. Our main purpose with the study was to examine if there is less news today in favour of TV shows of a more entertaining kind.

<p>With the fast progress of the Internet the Swedish gambling monopoly is no longer able to control the market. Gambling companies licensed in foreign countries can compete with Svenska Spel via the Internet offering lower prices. The authors investigated whether the competition has lead Svenska Spel to lower their prices. Focus has been put on the years 2000-2006 and on Svenska Spel’s sports betting section Oddset since competition here is high. To help analysing Svenska Spel’s pricing behaviour the dynamic limit pricing model of optimal pricing when faced with entry was used.</p><p>The effect on Svenska Spel´s advertising expenditures following the competition was also investigated. For this part A dynamic model of advertising and market shares was used.</p><p>The analysis indicates that when the number of firms on the market increased, prices decreased and Svenska Spel’s advertising expenses increased.</p>

<p>One of Sweden’s most well known monopolies is approaching its end, Apoteket AB. A re-regulation of a state owned monopoly is nothing new but it happens within an interesting trade. Since the government is in total control of the whole re-regulation process, we found it interesting to see how they managed to include the potential individuals who want to take over a pharmacy. After all, many are the times the government has emphasized the importance of small firms.</p><p>Out of the approximately 900 pharmacies owned by Apoteket AB, 150 are going to be sold to individuals. This group is called “small enterprise cluster”, and this cluster became the focus of our thesis. We wanted to get an insight into this group, since it is more complex and diverse compared to the large corporations entering the market.</p><p><strong>Purpose</strong></p><p>The purpose of this thesis is to measure the willingness to take over pharmacies among the employees of Apoteket AB, as well as to analyse how the government's support has affected the decisions of individuals.</p><p><strong>Method</strong></p><p>In order to get a good view of the re-regulation process we chose a qualitative approach, where we performed personal interviews with 6 respondents equally spread out on 3 pharmacies in a medium sized Swedish city and the surrounding area. The interviews where performed in a semi-structured manner.</p><p>Besides the primary data, secondary data was collected. It builds the foundation for the theoretical framework and the analysis of the interviews. Since the theoretical framework was created before the research was performed, the study used a deductive research approach.</p>

Les provinces canadiennes sont présentement aux prises avec des dépenses élevées en matière de médicaments. Afin de contrôler ces dépenses, plusieurs d'entre elles ont adopté différentes politiques visant à promouvoir et à accélérer la vente de médicaments génériques, lesquels sont équivalents aux médicaments novateurs mais de trente à quarante pourcents moins chers. Le gouvernement canadien, en vertu de son pouvoir de réglementation en matière de brevets, pourrait contribuer aux efforts des gouvernements provinciaux en assouplissant les règles relatives aux brevets pharmaceutiques pour ainsi promouvoir l'accélération de la mise en marché de médicaments génériques. Le gouvernement hésite toutefois à le faire en raison de sa politique en matière de brevets pharmaceutiques dont les effets se veulent équilibrés tant pour l'industrie pharmaceutique novatrice que pour l'industrie du médicament generique. Précisément, cette politique vise, d'une part, à encourager les investissements en recherche et développement par l'industrie novatrice et, d'autre part, à garantir la vente rapide de médicaments génériques au Canada pour que soient contrôlées les dépenses en matière de médicaments. Ce mémoire consiste en un examen du cadre juridique de la politique canadienne en matière de brevets pharmaceutiques. Nous y soulevons et analysons particulièrement ses glissements, quant à l'objectif d'équilibre recherché de la politique canadienne, qui résultent de son application dans le contexte juridique, politique, scientifique et économique actuel. Notre intention est de démontrer que, dans l'intérêt des Canadiens à court et à long terme, la politique canadienne en matière de brevets pharmaceutiques ne doit pas être assouplie en faveur de l'industrie du médicament générique seulement, ceci malgré la croissance des dépenses en matière de médicaments. En effet, l'intérêt des Canadiens ne peut être maximisé que si cette politique est rééquilibrée en tenant compte de l'ensemble de ses glissements juridiques observés. / All Canadian provinces are presently facing increasingly growing drug expenditures. In order to control these expenditures the provinces have adopted different policies to promote and accelerate the sale of generic drugs, these drugs being equivalent to brand-name drugs but thirty to fourthly percent less expensive. Considering its jurisdiction in the field of patents, the Canadian government could contribute to the efforts of the provincial governments in making more flexible the Canadian patent rules, thus promoting the marketing ofgeneric drugs in Canada. The government is however hesitating to do so because of its policy on pharmaceutical patents, which policy aims at balancing the interests of both the brand-name and generic drug industries. Effectively, the purpose ofthe poltey is to promote, on the one hand, the investments in research and development of new drugs in Canada and, on the other hand, to guarantee the rapid marketing of generic drugs, thus controlling drug expenditures. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the judicial framework of the Canadian policy on pharmaceutical patents. Its weaknesses, with regard to the balanced objective of the policy, resulting from its application in the present judicial, political, and economical and scientific context are the focus of this analysis. Our goal is to demonstrate that, to reach the Canadian social benefit, both in the short and long run, the Canadian policy on pharmaceutical patents should not be relaxed for the sole benefit of the generic drug industry, although the drug expenditures are growing. Rather, the social Canadian benefit would only be maximised by re-balancing the Canadian policy in the light of all its demonstrated weaknesses. / "Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de maîtrise en droit". Ce mémoire a été accepté à l'unanimité et classé parmi les 10% des mémoires de la discipline.

Natural economic orders are made and unmade. Industries such as telecommunications, rail transportation, and electricity distribution are prime examples. In the last two decades we have witnessed the widespread unmaking of these long established public natural monopolies. This study focuses its attention on the state-owned monopoly in Swedish telecommunications which became complete in 1918 and prevailed until the beginning of the 1980s. Given the present widely-held understanding that this was a natural monopoly eventually unmade by technological change, this study asks how this natural monopoly once emerged. The study concentrates on the creation and the technological and economic stabilisation of a national state-owned monopoly in telephony in Sweden during the period 1903 - 1930. At the centre is the termination of competition in telephony in Stockholm in 1918. The study is devoted to a detailed investigation into the various controversies whose eventual settlement led to the creation of the monopoly and the introduction of automatic exchanges, a central theme in the stabilisation of the monopoly. Focusing on techno-economic controversies, this study presents a perceptive approach to the inquiry into order and change in industries, allowing for an inclusion of how notions of the natural order and the inevitable change are made and sustained within such fields of economic practice. / Diss. Stockholm : Handelshögsk., 1999

<p>Our study shows if and how Swedish public service television has changed its content from the time when SVT had monopoly until this day when the competition is greater than ever. We got an insight in what has been presented to the audience by studying TV schedules from 1975 to 2009. The study examines four weeks during the years when the two main channels SVT1 and SVT2 have been broadcasting. One week each of these following years have been examined: 1975, 1985, 1995 and 2009. These years have been chosen to get an insight in what content the TV schedules presented before and after SVT got competition in the Swedish TV market. A total of 28 days and 56 TV schedules have been examined. This was done with a quantitative analysis and with an own model of ten categories that has helped us to sort the TV shows based on their content.</p><p>Even though it was not a great difference, the result shows that the percentage of news has decreased since 1975. But it was not possible to see if the TV shows that replaced the news in the TV schedule was of an entertaining kind. The study also shows that a new kind of TV shows have taken a large spot in the schedules. Nowadays it is common that a TV show mix different kind of categories during its broadcasting time. One example is Gomorron Sverige. Furthermore we have seen that live debates take a large place in the TV schedules in 2009, especially during the day time. Besides that, the sizes of the categories have been pretty even during the 34 years. SVT has not made any significant changes since the monopoly was broken and the competition became a reality.</p><p>We have also noticed that the broadcasting time has increased a lot since 1975. It is particularly obvious in the day time where there many years ago were no broadcasting at all. Our main purpose with the study was to examine if there is less news today in favour of TV shows of a more entertaining kind.</p>

Submitted by Marcos Marinho (marcosmarinho21@gmail.com) on 2016-05-09T19:43:14Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Marcos Marinho.pdf: 3377624 bytes, checksum: 5c4538ce68ccf18bee5da667ea6e7617 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by GILSON ROCHA MIRANDA (gilson.miranda@fgv.br) on 2016-05-25T15:14:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Marcos Marinho.pdf: 3377624 bytes, checksum: 5c4538ce68ccf18bee5da667ea6e7617 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by GILSON ROCHA MIRANDA (gilson.miranda@fgv.br) on 2016-06-02T16:49:09Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Marcos Marinho.pdf: 3377624 bytes, checksum: 5c4538ce68ccf18bee5da667ea6e7617 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-13T18:42:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Marcos Marinho.pdf: 3377624 bytes, checksum: 5c4538ce68ccf18bee5da667ea6e7617 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-05-25 / The Brazilian capital market is not representative of the size of its economy. In recent years, the growth observed on its industry, services, agro, and other sgments was not accompanied by the financial market. The vertical structure and the monopoly position of BM&F Bovespa, the only stock exchange in activity in the Brazilian Market, goes against the current scenario in international markets. The advent of electronification and the actions of regulators provided international markets to operate in environments with multiple exchanges, encouraging competition and bringing benefits to the end investor, such as the reduction of explicit and implicit costs, improved services, product diversity, etc. Recent papers show the benefit of the order flow fragmentation, and can be used as references in encouraging the rupture of the monopoly that exists today in Brazil. / O mercado de capitais brasileiro não é representativo do tamanho de sua economia. Nos últimos anos, o crescimento observado nas áreas de serviços, indústria, agronegócio, e outras, não foi acompanhado pelo mercado financeiro. A estrutura verticalizada e o posicionamento monopolista da BM&F Bovespa, única bolsa de valores em atuação no mercado local, vão de encontro ao cenário encontrado em mercados internacionais. O advento da eletronificação e a atuação dos agentes reguladores proporcionaram que os mercados internacionais operassem em ambientes com múltiplas bolsas, incentivando a competitividade e trazendo benefícios para o investidor final, como redução de custos explícitos e implícitos, melhoria dos serviços prestados, diversidade de produtos, etc. Artigos recentes comprovam o benefício da fragmentação de ordens, e podem ser usados como referência no incentivo à quebra do monopólio que existe hoje no mercado brasileiro.

Esta pesquisa teve por objetivo abrir uma discussão sobre o papel do esporte contemporâneo junto ao processo de alienação humana em tempos de domínio do capitalismo monopolista e do fortalecimento da ideologia dominante. Para tal, no primeiro capítulo, analisou-se as principais transformações vividas historicamente pelo capitalismo com a intenção de identificar o impacto do capitalismo monopolista sobre o novo ordenamento da humanidade. No segundo capítulo, demonstrou-se como o esporte contemporâneo constituiu-se como uma instituição burguesa, socialmente determinada e integrada ao conjunto de normas, ideias e estratégias inerentes ao modo de produção capitalista, participando do processo de mascaramento da questão social. Destaca-se neste capítulo o uso de fontes documentais que demonstraram como o esporte contemporâneo tem ocupado lugar estratégico tanto junto à produção da ideologia dominante, quanto junto ao controle da queda da taxa de lucro. Identificou-se que sob tais condições o esporte contemporâneo compõe os processos compensatórios frente à queda tendencial da taxa de lucro e, ao mesmo tempo, integra-se ao processo de alienação humana, tendo por maior expressão a sua materialização sob a forma dos megaeventos esportivos. Neste ponto, a pesquisa concentra-se na análise dos megaeventos esportivos no Brasil e na criação das políticas do esporte, desde o primeiro governo Lula da Silva até os dias atuais. Identificou-se que os projetos de desenvolvimento do esporte no país, no período em tela, têm participado do processo de gerenciamento da crise do capital e do refluxo das lutas dos trabalhadores. O último capítulo abordou as particularidades que envolvem a ideologia pós-moderna, tendo por objetivo identificar as relações desta com fenômeno esportivo. Constatou-se que, em tempos de domínio do capitalismo monopolista e de suas políticas neoliberais, as contradições que aguçam o processo de alienação sob o qual encontra-se a classe trabalhadora de todo o mundo, coloca a humanidade em um novo patamar de alienação, ainda mais brutal e desumanizador. Nesta conjuntura, o esporte contemporâneo destaca-se por ser funcional tanto ao mercado globalizado, quanto ao projeto imperialista, impondo-se como instrumento da contenção de conflitos em nome da tolerância e da paz no mundo. A presente pesquisa pôde concluir que as condições impostas pela fase monopolista do capitalismo ocultam a natureza dialética do esporte transforma-o num instrumento eficiente ao projeto dominante de incremento da alienação humana. O esporte, sob a forma assumida na contemporaneidade, não contribui para o avanço da consciência da classe trabalhadora, pois vem colaborando para adiamento do projeto de emancipação da humanidade. Projeto este que só será produzido pela organização consciente da classe trabalhadora em busca da superação do modo de produção capitalista. / This study aimed to open a discussion about the role of contemporary sports with the process of alienation in a time domain of monopoly capitalism and the strengthening of the dominant ideology. To this end, the first chapter, we analyzed the major transformations experienced by capitalism historically intended to identify the impact of monopoly capitalism on the new order of humanity. In the second chapter, it was demonstrated how the sport from its origins to today, has been integrated into the capitalist mode of production, participating in the masking process of "social issue". This chapter highlights the use of documentary sources that demonstrated how the contemporary sports has occupied a strategic place along both the production of the dominant ideology, as with the control of the falling rate of profit. It was identified that under such conditions the contemporary sports make up the front of the compensatory processes falling tendency of the rate of profit and at the same time, integrates the process of alienation, with the highest expression and its materialization in the form of sports mega-events . At this point, the research focuses on the analysis of sports mega-events in Brazil and the creation of policies of the sport since the first Lula da Silva to the present day. It was identified that the development projects of the sport in the country during the period under consideration here, have participated in the process of managing the crisis of capital and the reflux of workers' struggles. The last chapter dealt with the particular involving the post-modern ideology with the purpose to identify the relations with this sport phenomenon. It was found that, once the domain of monopoly capitalism and its neoliberal policies, the contradictions sharpen the divestiture process under which is the working class around the world, puts humanity into a new level of alienation, even more brutal and dehumanizing. At this juncture, the contemporary sports stands out for being both functional in the globalized market, as the imperialist project and is viewed as an instrument of containment of conflicts in the name of tolerance and peace in the world.This research could conclude that the conditions imposed by the monopoly stage of capitalism conceal the dialectic nature of sport makes it an efficient tool to increase the dominant design of human alienation. The sport, in the form assumed in contemporary, does not contribute to the advancement of working-class consciousness, as has been helping to postpone the project for the emancipation of humanity. This project will only be produced by the organization aware of the working class in pursuit of overcoming the capitalist mode of production.

nÃo hà / The object of this research is the capture of basic public education in most contemporary societies by the global macro-structure of political-economic power, composed of large multinational corporate oligopolies (finance included), supported by multilateral organizations of the international capitalist institutional system (World Bank, IMF and OECD, mainly), by powerful private foundations emanating from huge corporate empires such as Gates, Broad, Walton, among others, by think-tanks and large media outlets, both graciously funded by large global business corporations, in order to instrumentalizing that social sphere with a view to boosting and accelerating the process of accumulation of global capital in the context of the serious structural crisis that has plagued the capitalist mode of production since the mid-1960s. In this perspective, we will try to apprehend not only the connections between education and the crisis, but, above all, the systemic roots of it. Even admitting the relative autonomy of the educational complex vis-Ã-vis the economic system to which it is integrated, it is understood that, in the last instance, the structural constraints imposed by that process of accumulation determine the character and function that education plays in the total social complex in which it operates. In this sense, the general objective of this research is to investigate the influence of the global political economy on public basic education, elucidating the structural causes that contribute to the deterioration of the basic public education systems. In this direction, we articulate the specific objectives that, in general, are linked to the chapters that compose the present work. Thus, the specific objective of the first chapter is to examine the constituent elements of this global macrostructure in the context of the reproduction of capital in times of crisis. The second chapter has the specific objective of empirically and theoretically contextualizing and problematizing in national spheres the manifestations of the imposition of the educational model prescribed by the aforementioned macrostructure of power, examining in particular the US and Brazilian cases, and the third has as its specific objective to examine two national educational systems that overcome the global corporate education model, namely the Finnish and the Cuban ones. From the theoretical-methodological point of view, the present study unfolds in a bibliographical and documentary research, in which, in the light of dialectical historical materialism, it seeks to grasp the determinants of the current conjuncture of the global political economy of education. The results of the research pointed to the capture of public basic education by the oligopolistic macro-structure of global economic and political power and its exploitation with a view to boosting the trillion-dollar private education world market. It was verified that the implantation of this ultra pragmatic corporate educational model failed, wherever it was adopted, to achieve the declared objectives of recovering the level of educational performance and to eliminate the difference of performances among the students. In opposition to such model, the existence of the successful educational experiences in Finland and in Cuba has patently demonstrated the plausibility of constructing, in any social formation, a minimally just and effective educational system, thus demonstrating that the issue is political, rather than necessarily and only economic. / O objeto de estudo desta pesquisa consiste na captura da educaÃÃo bÃsica pÃblica na maioria das sociedades contemporÃneas pela macroestrutura global de poder polÃtico-econÃmico, composta pelos grandes oligopÃlios empresariais (finanÃa incluÃda) transnacionais, com o suporte das organizaÃÃes multilaterais do sistema institucional capitalista internacional (Banco Mundial, FMI e OCDE, principalmente), das poderosas fundaÃÃes privadas oriundas de imensos impÃrios empresariais, tais como Gates, Broad, Walton, dentre outras, dos think-tanks e dos grandes veÃculos de mÃdia, ambos graciosamente financiados pelas grandes corporaÃÃes empresariais globais, no sentido de instrumentalizar aquela esfera social com vistas a dinamizar e acelerar o processo de acumulaÃÃo do capital global, no contexto da grave crise estrutural que desde meados da dÃcada de 1960 assola o modo de produÃÃo capitalista. Nessa perspectiva, buscar-se-à apreender nÃo somente as conexÃes entre a educaÃÃo e referida crise, mas, sobretudo, as raÃzes sistÃmicas desta. Mesmo admitindo a autonomia relativa da qual dispÃe o complexo educacional face ao sistema econÃmico ao qual se integra, entende-se que, em Ãltima instÃncia, os constrangimentos estruturais impostos por aquele processo de acumulaÃÃo determinam o carÃter e a funÃÃo que a educaÃÃo desempenha no complexo social total no qual se insere. Nesse sentido, o objetivo geral da presente pesquisa consiste em investigar os influxos da economia polÃtica global sobre a educaÃÃo bÃsica pÃblica, elucidando as causas estruturais que contribuem para a deterioraÃÃo dos sistemas pÃblicos bÃsicos de ensino. Nessa direÃÃo, articulam-se os objetivos especÃficos que, de modo geral, vinculam-se aos capÃtulos que compÃem o presente trabalho. Dessa forma, o objetivo especÃfico do primeiro capÃtulo consiste em examinar os elementos constitutivos da referida macroestrutura global no contexto da reproduÃÃo do capital em tempos de crise. O segundo capÃtulo tem o objetivo especÃfico de, em esferas nacionais, contextualizar e problematizar empÃrica e teoricamente como se manifestam os desdobramentos da imposiÃÃo do modelo educacional prescrito pela mencionada macroestrutura de poder, examinando particularmente os casos estadunidense e brasileiro, e o terceiro tem como objetivo especÃfico examinar dois sistemas educacionais nacionais que superam o modelo corporativo global de educaÃÃo, a saber, o finlandÃs e o cubano. Do ponto de vista teÃrico-metodolÃgico, o presente estudo desdobra-se em uma pesquisa bibliogrÃfica e documental, na qual se busca, à luz do materialismo histÃrico dialÃtico, apreender os determinantes da atual conjuntura da economia polÃtica global da educaÃÃo. Os resultados da pesquisa apontaram a captura da educaÃÃo bÃsica pÃblica pela macroestrutura oligopÃlica de poder econÃmico-polÃtico global, e sua exploraÃÃo com vistas ao impulso do trilionÃrio mercado mundial de educaÃÃo privada. Constatou-se que a implantaÃÃo desse modelo educacional imediatista, mercantil e adestrador fracassou, por onde foi adotado, em lograr os declarados objetivos de recuperar o nÃvel de desempenho educacional e de eliminar a diferenÃa de desempenhos entre os discentes. Em oposiÃÃo a tal modelo, a existÃncia das vitoriosas experiÃncias educacionais na FinlÃndia e em Cuba evidenciou a plausibilidade da construÃÃo, em qualquer formaÃÃo social, de um sistema educacional minimamente justo e eficaz, demonstrando, portanto, que a questÃo à polÃtica, e nÃo necessÃria e unicamente econÃmica.