La presente investigación se centra en la semántica de los verbos de movimiento en inglés y en castellano. La primera parte de la tesis ofrece un análisis sistemático y detallado de los lexicones verbales de movimiento en ambas lenguas desde un punto de vista contrastivo. En este análisis, los patrones generales de lexicalización, los verbos de sendero y los verbos de manera son los objetos de interés. La segunda parte de la tesis explora el subdominio del movimiento humano empleando paradigmas experimentales, proporcionando evidencia empírica a algunas de las observaciones derivadas del análisis lingüístico llevado a cabo en la primera parte de la tesis. / The present thesis addresses the semantics of English and Spanish motion verbs. In the first part of this dissertation, a systematic and detailed account of the semantics of English and Spanish motion verb lexicons from a contrastive point of view is provided. The patterns of general conflations are explored, as well as more subtle path notions and fine-grained manner information which can be conveyed by motion verbs in these two languages. Comparison between English and Spanish leads to the identification of both crosslinguistic similarities and differences. The second part of this thesis aims to investigate an important subdomain of motion, that of human locomotion, using experimental methods. These studies offer interesting insights into how English and Spanish organise their motion verb lexicons and into the complex semantics of human locomotion verbs. In addition, the findings provide empirical support for some of the observations from the linguistic analysis undertaken in the first part of this thesis.

Os verbos que expressam eventos de transferência/movimento no PB são formados a partir de Raízes que envolvem, em sua semântica, um agente, um elemento transferido/movido e um recebedor/alvo. Geralmente, esses verbos formam construções sintáticas ditransitivas, em que o agente é expresso por meio do sujeito, o elemento transferido/movido por meio de um objeto direto e o recebedor/alvo por meio de um objeto indireto. Nesses contextos sintáticos, o objeto indireto tem suscitado, na literatura pertinente, algumas discussões sobre sua natureza, como: argumento ou adjunto, e, ainda, complemento dativo ou complemento oblíquo. Essas discussões demonstram a indefinição do estatuto sintático-semântico desse elemento para as teorias linguísticas. Entendemos que essas discussões estão ligadas à concepção de estrutura da gramática assumida pelos diferentes pesquisadores e, também, ao modo como estes entendem que as noções de estrutura argumental e de estrutura sintática interagem dentro dessa concepção. Em outras palavras, o debate surge, pois, na caracterização da relação gramatical do objeto indireto com o verbo, é fundamental que o pesquisador disponha de uma teoria da estrutura argumental que lhe permita estabelecer o mapeamento e o licenciamento dos argumentos na sintaxe. Assumimos, neste trabalho, a estrutura da gramática tal como esta é concebida pela Morfologia Distribuída (Distribuited Morphology, doravante, DM) (Halle & Marantz 1993). Segundo a DM, os morfemas são constituídos por traços sintáticosemânticos disponibilizados pela Gramática Universal. Os verbos consistem de morfemas-l (Raízes) em determinadas relações estruturais com morfemas-f, licenciadores de estruturas sintáticas de natureza verbal. Não pressupondo um mapeamento determinístico das propriedades semânticas das Raízes na sintaxe, a DM consegue explicar a possibilidade de um mesmo verbo ocorrer em mais de uma estrutura sintática, sem precisar recorrer, por exemplo, a duas entradas lexicais para esse mesmo verbo. Dessa forma, constitui-se em um modelo mais vantajoso para explicar fenômenos relacionados à estrutura argumental e à realização de argumentos do que modelos baseados na entrada lexical, o que justifica nossa opção teórica. Além disso, essa teoria nos permite participar das discussões mencionadas acima sobre o objeto indireto. Assumimos que esse elemento tem o estatuto de argumento dos verbos de transferência/movimento (VT/M) no PB, sendo um complemento dativo. Pressupostos como a inserção tardia de fonologia em Spell-Out (uma operação póssintática) e a subespecificação do item de vocabulário, assinaladas pela DM, dão conta de explicar os casos em que o objeto indireto não é realizado fonologicamente, ocorrendo na estrutura sintática como um argumento nulo anafórico ou como um argumento implícito sem referência anafórica, bem como os casos em que esse elemento não ocorre na estrutura sintática derivada pelo verbo dar. / Verbs which express transfer/motion events in Brazilian Portuguese are formed by Roots that involve, in their semantics, an agent, a transferred/motioned element and a receiver/goal. In general, these verbs form ditransitive syntactic constructions, in which the agent is expressed through the subject, the transferred/motioned element through de direct object and the receiver/goal through the indirect object. In these syntactic contexts, the indirect object has aroused, in the relevant literature, some discussions about its nature: argument or adjunct, and, yet, dative complement or oblique complement. These discussions show the indefinition of the syntactic-semantic status of this element inside linguistic theories. We understand that these discussions are connected to the conception of grammar structure assumed by the different researchers, and, also, to the way they understand argument structure and syntactic structure interact inside this conception. In other words, the debate arises for, in the characterization of the grammatical relation of the indirect object with the verb, it is crucial that the researcher has an argument structure theory that allows him to establish the arguments mapping and licensing in syntax. In this research, we assume the Distributed Morphologys (DM) (Halle & Marantz 1993) grammar structure. According to DM, morphemes consist of syntacticsemantic features supplied by the Universal Grammar. Verbs consist of l-morphemes (Roots) in specific structural relations with f-morphemes, which license verbal syntactic structures. Since DM does not presupposes a deterministic Roots semantic properties mapping in syntax, it gets to explain how is it possible that one verb occur in more than one syntactic structure, without needing to appeal to two lexical entries for this same verb, for example. Thus, DM is a more advantageous model to explain argument structure and argument realization related phenomenon than lexical entry based models, what justifies our theoretical choice. Furthermore, this theory allows us to take part in the discussions listed above about the indirect object. We assume that this element is an argument of the transfer/motion verbs in Brazilian Portuguese and that it is a dative complement. Assumptions like phonology late insertion in Spell-Out (a pos-syntactic operation) and vocabulary item specification, pointed out by DM, get to explain the cases in which the indirect object is not phonologically realized, and occur in the syntactic structure as an anaphoric null argument, or as an implicit argument, without anaphoric reference. Besides that, these theoretical resources also get to explain the cases in which this element does not occur in the syntactic structure derived by the verb give.

Os verbos que expressam eventos de transferência/movimento no PB são formados a partir de Raízes que envolvem, em sua semântica, um agente, um elemento transferido/movido e um recebedor/alvo. Geralmente, esses verbos formam construções sintáticas ditransitivas, em que o agente é expresso por meio do sujeito, o elemento transferido/movido por meio de um objeto direto e o recebedor/alvo por meio de um objeto indireto. Nesses contextos sintáticos, o objeto indireto tem suscitado, na literatura pertinente, algumas discussões sobre sua natureza, como: argumento ou adjunto, e, ainda, complemento dativo ou complemento oblíquo. Essas discussões demonstram a indefinição do estatuto sintático-semântico desse elemento para as teorias linguísticas. Entendemos que essas discussões estão ligadas à concepção de estrutura da gramática assumida pelos diferentes pesquisadores e, também, ao modo como estes entendem que as noções de estrutura argumental e de estrutura sintática interagem dentro dessa concepção. Em outras palavras, o debate surge, pois, na caracterização da relação gramatical do objeto indireto com o verbo, é fundamental que o pesquisador disponha de uma teoria da estrutura argumental que lhe permita estabelecer o mapeamento e o licenciamento dos argumentos na sintaxe. Assumimos, neste trabalho, a estrutura da gramática tal como esta é concebida pela Morfologia Distribuída (Distribuited Morphology, doravante, DM) (Halle & Marantz 1993). Segundo a DM, os morfemas são constituídos por traços sintáticosemânticos disponibilizados pela Gramática Universal. Os verbos consistem de morfemas-l (Raízes) em determinadas relações estruturais com morfemas-f, licenciadores de estruturas sintáticas de natureza verbal. Não pressupondo um mapeamento determinístico das propriedades semânticas das Raízes na sintaxe, a DM consegue explicar a possibilidade de um mesmo verbo ocorrer em mais de uma estrutura sintática, sem precisar recorrer, por exemplo, a duas entradas lexicais para esse mesmo verbo. Dessa forma, constitui-se em um modelo mais vantajoso para explicar fenômenos relacionados à estrutura argumental e à realização de argumentos do que modelos baseados na entrada lexical, o que justifica nossa opção teórica. Além disso, essa teoria nos permite participar das discussões mencionadas acima sobre o objeto indireto. Assumimos que esse elemento tem o estatuto de argumento dos verbos de transferência/movimento (VT/M) no PB, sendo um complemento dativo. Pressupostos como a inserção tardia de fonologia em Spell-Out (uma operação póssintática) e a subespecificação do item de vocabulário, assinaladas pela DM, dão conta de explicar os casos em que o objeto indireto não é realizado fonologicamente, ocorrendo na estrutura sintática como um argumento nulo anafórico ou como um argumento implícito sem referência anafórica, bem como os casos em que esse elemento não ocorre na estrutura sintática derivada pelo verbo dar. / Verbs which express transfer/motion events in Brazilian Portuguese are formed by Roots that involve, in their semantics, an agent, a transferred/motioned element and a receiver/goal. In general, these verbs form ditransitive syntactic constructions, in which the agent is expressed through the subject, the transferred/motioned element through de direct object and the receiver/goal through the indirect object. In these syntactic contexts, the indirect object has aroused, in the relevant literature, some discussions about its nature: argument or adjunct, and, yet, dative complement or oblique complement. These discussions show the indefinition of the syntactic-semantic status of this element inside linguistic theories. We understand that these discussions are connected to the conception of grammar structure assumed by the different researchers, and, also, to the way they understand argument structure and syntactic structure interact inside this conception. In other words, the debate arises for, in the characterization of the grammatical relation of the indirect object with the verb, it is crucial that the researcher has an argument structure theory that allows him to establish the arguments mapping and licensing in syntax. In this research, we assume the Distributed Morphologys (DM) (Halle & Marantz 1993) grammar structure. According to DM, morphemes consist of syntacticsemantic features supplied by the Universal Grammar. Verbs consist of l-morphemes (Roots) in specific structural relations with f-morphemes, which license verbal syntactic structures. Since DM does not presupposes a deterministic Roots semantic properties mapping in syntax, it gets to explain how is it possible that one verb occur in more than one syntactic structure, without needing to appeal to two lexical entries for this same verb, for example. Thus, DM is a more advantageous model to explain argument structure and argument realization related phenomenon than lexical entry based models, what justifies our theoretical choice. Furthermore, this theory allows us to take part in the discussions listed above about the indirect object. We assume that this element is an argument of the transfer/motion verbs in Brazilian Portuguese and that it is a dative complement. Assumptions like phonology late insertion in Spell-Out (a pos-syntactic operation) and vocabulary item specification, pointed out by DM, get to explain the cases in which the indirect object is not phonologically realized, and occur in the syntactic structure as an anaphoric null argument, or as an implicit argument, without anaphoric reference. Besides that, these theoretical resources also get to explain the cases in which this element does not occur in the syntactic structure derived by the verb give.

I denna studie undersöks hur de svenska rörelseverben komma och gå används för att bilda perspektiv när de används i tredje person i två klassiska svenska romaner. Vidare undersöks vilka faktorer som påverkar perspektivbildningen och om perspektiven är konsistenta eller inkonsistenta. Paradigmatiska och lexikala relationer mellan komma och gå har undersökts med hjälp av substitutionstest. Komma och gå är polysema verb, men det är enbart den primära grundbetydelsen av verben som används vid perspektivbildning. Som visats i andra studier är empatisk identifikation vanlig vid perspektivbildning.Inkonsistenta perspektiv är sällsynta och substitution leder till ogrammatiska eller icke idiomatiska meningar i hälften av fallen. Detta talar för att det enbart är i vissa sammanhang som rörelseverben komma och gå fungerar som deiktiska motsatspar. / This study examines how the Swedish verbs of motion komma and gå (’come’ and ’go’) are used to form perspective when they are used in the third person in two classic Swedish novels. Furthermore, it examines which factors influence the formation of perspectives and whether the perspectives are consistent or inconsistent. Paradigmatic and lexical relations between komma and gå have been investigated using substitution tests. Komma and gå are polysemous verbs, but only the primary basic meaning of the verbs is used in perspective formation. As shown in other studies, empathic identification is common in perspective formation. Inconsistent perspectives are rare, and substitution leads to ungrammatical or non-idiomatic sentences in half of the cases. This suggests that it is only in certain contexts that the motion verbs komma and gå function as deictic pairs of opposites.

Text in Afrikaans / Twee sentrale probleme word hier ondersoek, naamlik die daarstelling van 'n teoreties adekwate model om leksikale valensie te verreken en die problematiek rondom die beskrywing van Afrikaanse bewegingswerkwoorde. Die vertrekpunt is dat 'n teorie van UG lesikale valensie slegs ten dele verreken. So 'n teorie is gemoeid met die vorm van 'n konstruksie wat op LF-vlak leesbaar is. Gevolglik beskryf 'n teorie van UG valensie net in universele sintakties-kategoriale terme. In hierdie studie word die semantiese en pragmatiese komponente van 'n valensieteorie derhalwe uitgebou sodat daar 'n duideliker begrip verkry kan word van die wisselwerking tussen alle veranderlikes van valensie op 'n taalspesifieke LF-vlak. 'n Valensieteorie word op eklektiese wyse saamgestel uit verskeie ander teoriee. Die apparaat om die sintaktiese komponent van 'n valensieteorie te beskryf, word aan TGGmodelle ontleen. Die semantiese komponent van die teorie word aangevul vanuit die Konseptuele Semantiek en die pragmatiese komponent daarvan vanui t kogni ti ewe grammatikamodelle. Die interaksie tussen hierdie komponente word verreken deur teoriee van leksikalisasie, korrespondensiereels en die passing tussen konstruksies en leksikale items. Die ontleding van Afrikaanse bewegingswerkwoorde spesif iseer die omvattender anali tiese apparaat wat nodig is vir die verrekening van valensie verby die punt waarvoor 'n teorie van UG voorsiening maak. Dit blyk uit hierdie analise dat die valensie van die kategorie in 'n aantal valensieraambeskrywings vir die aparte subklasse saamgevat kan word. 'n Duidelike beeld van die universele en taalspesifiekidiosinkratiese aspekte van hierdie kategorie kan in terme van hierdie valensierame aangetoon word. 'n Verdere hipotese (die onakkusatiwiteithipotese) is dat die sintaktiese verspreiding van werkwoorde ui t hulle semantiek voorspel kan word. Hierdie hipotese word getoets aan die empiriese data van Afrikaanse bewegingswerkwoorde. Hierdie bewegingswerkwoorde word in groepe geklassifiseer na gelang van ooreenstemmende semanties-pragmatiese kenmerke. Daar word getoon dat bewegingswerkwoorde met dieself de semantiespragmatiese kenmerke dieselfde valensierame het. Valensierame is daarom op sistematiese wyse uit semanties-pragmatiese kenmerke afleibaar. Sekere fasette van valensierame word egter ook bepaal deur konvensies soos profilering, en deur bereelde interaksie met 'n basiese konstruksie se argumentstruktuur. / This thesis focuses on the development of a theoretically adequate model to account for lexical valence and to provide the detail for such a model by means of an analysis of Afrikaans verbs of motion. The thesis is a response to a theory of UG which inadequately accounts for lexical valence. A theory of UG is concerned with the universal syntactic form of a construction that is legible on LF level. It therefore describes valence in universal syntactic-categorial terms only. This thesis develops the semantic and pragmatic components of a theory of valence in order that a clearer understanding may be gained of the interaction between all the variables of valence on a language specific LF level. A theory of valence is construed eclectically from several other theories. TGG models provide the methods used to describe the syntactic component of a theory of valence. Conceptual Semantics contributes to the development of the semantic component, and models of cognitive grammar to the pragmatic component. The interaction between these components is explained by theories of lexicalisation, rules of correspondence and the fusion of constructions and lexical items. The analysis of Afrikaans verbs of motion provides the comprehensive set of analytical devices required to account for valence beyond the point of LF. From this analysis it emerges that the valence of this category can be summarized in a finite number of frames of valence for distinct classes within the category. 'n Clear understanding of the universal and language specific aspects of this category is achieved by means of these frames of valence. A further hypothesis (the unaccusativity hypothesis) posits that the syntactic distribution of verbs can be predicted from their semantics. This hypothesis is tested by means of empirical data of Afrikaans verbs of motion. These verbs are classified according to similar semantic-pragmatic features. It is shown that verbs of motion with the same semanticpragmatic features share frames of valence. These frames thus are deducible systematically from semantic-pragmatic features. Certain aspects of frames of valence, however, are determined by conventions such as profiling and the regulated interaction between verbs and constructions. / Afrikaans / D.Litt. et Phil. (Afrikaans)

Gegenstand dieser Arbeit sind diejenigen Bewegungsverben im Altgriechischen, die zum Ausdruck einer allgemeinen Fortbewegung angewendet werden. Diese Verben können innerhalb verschiedener Kontexte durch come und go glossiert werden und weisen in vielen Sprachen raumbezogene deiktische Anwendungen auf. Die Analyse erstreckt sich auf zwei Hauptcorpora verschiedener Zeitalter, die Komödie des Aristophanes (5. Jh. vor Chr.) und das Neue Testament (1. Jh. nach Chr.). Um diachrone Veränderungen besser zu illustrieren, sind darüber hinaus quantitative und ggf. qualitative Daten bzw. Beispiele aus anderen früheren und späteren Autoren dargestellt und berücksichtigt worden. Die Arbeit geht von der vorhandenen Typologie über deiktische Bewegungsverben in gesprochenen Sprachen aus und identifiziert diejenigen Kriterien und Kontexte, die auch für die Analyse einer toten Sprache zutreffen. Im Unterschied zu der vorhandenen Typologie und der in der Forschung verbreiteten Herangehensweise bzgl. dieser Verbgruppe, die sich auf die räumliche Domäne der Deixis beschränkt, wird in die vorliegende Arbeit auch die Analyse der zeitlichen Dimension der vom Verb ausgedrückten Fortbewegung integriert. Ausgehend von der hier durchgeführten Analyse ist festzustellen, dass die diachronen Veränderungen in den Anwendungskriterien der Bewegungsverben im Altgriechischen auf das Verhältnis zwischen denjenigen Sprachmitteln zurückzuführen sind, die in diesem Verbsystem um den Ausdruck bzw. Präzisierung der zeitlichen Dimension der Handlung konkurrieren, d.h. Aspekt und Aktionsart. Die Arbeit zeigt, dass die Integration der Domänen Raum und Zeit und die Annahme einer diachronen Perspektive die bisherige Typologie sinnbringend ergänzen und in der Forschung zu anderen Sprachen ebenfalls rezipiert werden sollten. / In this work are regarded those motion verbs in Ancient Greek that are used to express a general motion. Those verbs can be glossified by 'come' and 'go', and within certain contexts, deictic uses of these verbs are evident in many languages. The analysis includes two main corpora of different epochs, the comedy of Aristophanes (5th century B.C.) and the New Testament (1st century A.C.). For a better illustration of diachronic changes, quantitative and partially also qualitative data about further, earlier or later authors are described and regarded. Basing on the existing typology for deictic motion verbs in spoken languages, this study identifies those criteria and contexts that can be applied onto a dead language as well. As a difference to the existing typology and to the prevalent approach on these verbs – which is limited to the spatial dimension of deixis –, in this study also the temporal dimension of the verbally expressed motion is integrated. Based on the analysis presented here, it is to be noted that the diachronic changes in the criteria for the application of motion verbs in Ancient Greek can be traced back to the relation of the verbal categories that concur for the expression or precising of the plot's temporal dimension. i.e. the aspect and the Aktionsart. The results of this work give evidence, that the integration of the domains 'space' and 'time' gives reason for the use of these verbs in ancient Greek within a diachronic perspective, and show that this methodological approach is worth to be applied to the analysis of other languages.

Text in Afrikaans / Twee sentrale probleme word hier ondersoek, naamlik die daarstelling van 'n teoreties adekwate model om leksikale valensie te verreken en die problematiek rondom die beskrywing van Afrikaanse bewegingswerkwoorde. Die vertrekpunt is dat 'n teorie van UG lesikale valensie slegs ten dele verreken. So 'n teorie is gemoeid met die vorm van 'n konstruksie wat op LF-vlak leesbaar is. Gevolglik beskryf 'n teorie van UG valensie net in universele sintakties-kategoriale terme. In hierdie studie word die semantiese en pragmatiese komponente van 'n valensieteorie derhalwe uitgebou sodat daar 'n duideliker begrip verkry kan word van die wisselwerking tussen alle veranderlikes van valensie op 'n taalspesifieke LF-vlak. 'n Valensieteorie word op eklektiese wyse saamgestel uit verskeie ander teoriee. Die apparaat om die sintaktiese komponent van 'n valensieteorie te beskryf, word aan TGGmodelle ontleen. Die semantiese komponent van die teorie word aangevul vanuit die Konseptuele Semantiek en die pragmatiese komponent daarvan vanui t kogni ti ewe grammatikamodelle. Die interaksie tussen hierdie komponente word verreken deur teoriee van leksikalisasie, korrespondensiereels en die passing tussen konstruksies en leksikale items. Die ontleding van Afrikaanse bewegingswerkwoorde spesif iseer die omvattender anali tiese apparaat wat nodig is vir die verrekening van valensie verby die punt waarvoor 'n teorie van UG voorsiening maak. Dit blyk uit hierdie analise dat die valensie van die kategorie in 'n aantal valensieraambeskrywings vir die aparte subklasse saamgevat kan word. 'n Duidelike beeld van die universele en taalspesifiekidiosinkratiese aspekte van hierdie kategorie kan in terme van hierdie valensierame aangetoon word. 'n Verdere hipotese (die onakkusatiwiteithipotese) is dat die sintaktiese verspreiding van werkwoorde ui t hulle semantiek voorspel kan word. Hierdie hipotese word getoets aan die empiriese data van Afrikaanse bewegingswerkwoorde. Hierdie bewegingswerkwoorde word in groepe geklassifiseer na gelang van ooreenstemmende semanties-pragmatiese kenmerke. Daar word getoon dat bewegingswerkwoorde met dieself de semantiespragmatiese kenmerke dieselfde valensierame het. Valensierame is daarom op sistematiese wyse uit semanties-pragmatiese kenmerke afleibaar. Sekere fasette van valensierame word egter ook bepaal deur konvensies soos profilering, en deur bereelde interaksie met 'n basiese konstruksie se argumentstruktuur. / This thesis focuses on the development of a theoretically adequate model to account for lexical valence and to provide the detail for such a model by means of an analysis of Afrikaans verbs of motion. The thesis is a response to a theory of UG which inadequately accounts for lexical valence. A theory of UG is concerned with the universal syntactic form of a construction that is legible on LF level. It therefore describes valence in universal syntactic-categorial terms only. This thesis develops the semantic and pragmatic components of a theory of valence in order that a clearer understanding may be gained of the interaction between all the variables of valence on a language specific LF level. A theory of valence is construed eclectically from several other theories. TGG models provide the methods used to describe the syntactic component of a theory of valence. Conceptual Semantics contributes to the development of the semantic component, and models of cognitive grammar to the pragmatic component. The interaction between these components is explained by theories of lexicalisation, rules of correspondence and the fusion of constructions and lexical items. The analysis of Afrikaans verbs of motion provides the comprehensive set of analytical devices required to account for valence beyond the point of LF. From this analysis it emerges that the valence of this category can be summarized in a finite number of frames of valence for distinct classes within the category. 'n Clear understanding of the universal and language specific aspects of this category is achieved by means of these frames of valence. A further hypothesis (the unaccusativity hypothesis) posits that the syntactic distribution of verbs can be predicted from their semantics. This hypothesis is tested by means of empirical data of Afrikaans verbs of motion. These verbs are classified according to similar semantic-pragmatic features. It is shown that verbs of motion with the same semanticpragmatic features share frames of valence. These frames thus are deducible systematically from semantic-pragmatic features. Certain aspects of frames of valence, however, are determined by conventions such as profiling and the regulated interaction between verbs and constructions. / Afrikaans / D.Litt. et Phil. (Afrikaans)