Multi-national military exercises have been recognised to have both military utility and political effects, however these mechanisms have been mainly studied from of major states. The purpose of the study is to determine what motivations Small states have to participate in multi-national military exercises and how they are used as a political tool, in order to further develop a analytical framework for analysing Small states behaviour in military exercise. The study was conducted via a single case study on Sweden through a deductive thematic analysis with themes developed on the basis of existing theory on a military exercise and Small state theory. Press releases and annual reports were scrutinised and relevant codes were identified. Results show that all themes outlined were represented in the material. What can be gathered from the investigation is how Small states highly value factors such as increasing military capacity and interoperability. The major find of the investigation was how Small states use multi-national military exercises is order to enhance deterrence, strengthen relationships, and to increase prestige and relevance, all in the pursuit of security. The investigation showed that Small states are indeed different from that of Great states in how they use multi-national military exercises. Recommendation were then made on further studies, such as quantitative or comparative efforts.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The petroleum industry concern itself with natural resource extracting activities which are highly sensitive for contributing to environmental degradation by oil spills or gas flaring. A large proportion of the world’s oil and gas reserves is located in developing countries where the presence of multinational oil corporations (MNOCs) is high as host countries often lack the infrastructure needed or are financially unable to conduct extracting operations on their own. The Niger Delta in southern Nigeria has one of the largest oil reserves in Africa and is one of the world’s leading oil exporters. MNOCs like Shell, Chevron, Total, ExxonMobil and Statoil are some of the firms present in the Niger Delta region. The oil-rich area in the developing country poses high levels of political risk for the MNOCs. Local grievances, paired with environmental degradation and human rights violations by the oil companies, have led to a tense relationship between the local stakeholders and the MNOCs, with so-called petro-violence at the center of the oil conflict. Frequently, oil installations are sabotaged and crude oil is stolen, causing major financial losses for the firms, and armed attacks on oil facilities and kidnapping of MNOCs’ staff constitute the majority of political risks facing MNOCs operating in the Niger Delta. This study investigates how MNOCs can successfully manage such political risks, providing a business advantage in a challenging business environment. By addressing the companys’ own behaviour, the research analyses if social engagement through corporate social responsibility (CSR) can mitigate political risk in the Niger Delta. The study looks at two different MNOCs operating in the Niger delta, Shell and Statoil, and scrutinises their methods of implementation of their CSR initiatives. The difference in approaches to CSR is elucidated where Shell claims it has repositioned its approach from a top-down angle during the first years of conducting CSR projects, to a more stakeholder-oriented approach. Yet, their approach is still found to carry elements of the previous top-down approach, and has not resulted in satisfactory performance in relation to stated goals. Statoil undertakes a stakeholder-oriented bottom-up approach, executed with a high level of commitment. The stated CSR goals have to a great extent been met. By assessing the two companies’ CSR strategies in relation to the frequency of political risks experienced by each MNOC, the study finds that CSR has the potential to mitigate political risk depending on the approach to implementation, and could serve as a political risk management strategy. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die brandstofbedryf is betrokke by die ontginning van natuurlike hulpbronne, ’n aktiwiteit wat hoogs sensitief is vir sy bydrae tot omgewingsbesoedeling as gevolg van storting van olie en opvlamming van gas. ’n Baie groot deel van die wêreld se olie en gas reserwes word aangetref in ontwikkelende lande. Die teenwoordigheid van Multinasionale Olie Korporasies (MNOKs) in hierdie lande is groot omdat daar gewoonlik ’n gebrek aan toepaslike infrastruktuur is en die lande ook nie finansieel in staat mag wees om die ontginning op hulle eie te doen nie. Die Niger Delta in die Suide van Nigerië beskik oor een van die grootste olie reserwes in Afrika en is een van die voorste olie uitvoerders in die wêreld. Shell, Chevron, Total, ExxonMobil en Statoil is van die bekende MNOK wat ontginning doen in die Niger Delta gebied. Die olieryke gebiede in ’n ontwikkelende land kan groot politieke risiko vir die MNOKs inhou. Plaaslike griewe gekoppel aan omgewings besoedeling en menseregte skendings deur die oliemaatskappye het gelei tot ’n gespanne verhouding tussen hulle en die plaaslike belange groepe, en sogenaamde “petrogeweld” staan sentraal hierin. Heel gereeld word olie-installasies gesaboteer en ru-olie word gesteel, wat natuurlik groot finansiële verliese die firmas inhou. Daarby word gewapende aanvalle op die olie-installasies uitgevoer en van die MNOKs se personeel ontvoer. Al hierdie dinge vorm die groot politieke risiko’s wat die MNOKs in die Niger Delta in die gesig staar. Hierdie studie ondersoek hoe die MNOKs met welslae hierdie politieke risiko’s kan teenwerk om vir hulle ’n suksesvolle besigheid te vestig in ’n baie mededingende bedryfsomgewing. Deur te kyk na die maatskappy se eie gedrag, sal die navorsing analiseer of gemeenskapsbetrokkenheid deur korporatiewe sosiale verantwoordelikheid (KSV) die politieke risiko in die Niger Delta kan temper. Die studie kyk na twee verskillende MNOK wat in die gebied bedryf word, Shell en Statoil, en kyk noukeurig na die manier waarop hulle KSV inisiatiewe toegepas word. Die verskil in benadering tot die probleem word toegelig deur die feit dat Shell beweer dat hulle ’n bo-na-onder benadering in die beginjare van KSV projekte verander het na ’n beleid waar meer na die betrokkenheid van belangegroepe gekyk word. Tog word gevind dat daar nog oorblyfsels is van die bo-na-onder benadering en dat doelwitte wat gestel is nie bevredigend bereik is nie. Statoil daarenteen. Implementeer ’n onder-na-bo benadering met betrokkenheid van belangegroepe en ’n hoë vlak van toewyding deur die maatskappy. Die gestelde KSV doelwitte is grootliks behaal. Deur te kyk na die twee maatskappye se ervaring van politieke risiko in verhouding met hulle KSV strategieë bevind hierdie studie dat KSV wel die potensiaal het om, as dit suksesvol toegepas word, politieke risiko te temper en dus kan die as ’n strategie om sodanige risiko te bestuur.

在全球化發展與區域整合的大趨勢下，多國籍企業在世界上的地位是越來越重要，掌握兩岸加入WTO後的大陸外資政策變化、瞭解中國大陸市場開放趨勢、進行臺灣與美日多國籍企業進攻大陸市場策略聯盟評估、以及實證多國籍企業在大陸投資行為所衍生的機會與挑戰等，爰為本文之目的。 　　本研究從多國籍企業在中國大陸投資的歷史進程與發展、中國大陸吸引外商直接投資的政策演進、多國籍企業在中國大陸的投資行為分析與比較及其對中國大陸投資區位選擇之影響因素，通過這些分析得到一些啟示，對於影響未來多國籍企業與臺商中國大陸投資區位選擇之策略運用，及中國大陸在兩岸加入WTO後對利用外商直接投資的政策將有更大的借鑑與因應。 　　以中國大陸近年積極吸引外商直接投資，不斷改善投資環境，轉變政府職能，充分發揮廣大的勞動力資源與市場的比較優勢，並將利用外資與其國內經濟結構調整、國有企業改組和改造西部大開發結合起來，進一步積極吸引外資加大對中西部地區的投入。由於中西部地區幅員遼闊、人口眾多，中西部地區經濟發展水平直接影響和決定了中國大陸經濟發展。中西部地區不具備東部沿海地區優勢，要吸引外商直接投資，需要有一些優惠政策，並加快基礎設施建設，改善投資軟硬體環境，大力發展科技教育，廣泛宣傳中西部地區的資源優勢和勞動力低成本優勢，從而降低外商對中西部地區投資的成本以吸引外商直接投資。 　　臺灣優先，全球佈局，中國已成為世界最大製造中心，我政府應積極從區位優勢上，致力於促進研發以提昇產業競爭力，並鼓勵與歐、美、日策略聯盟，運用臺灣過去累積的優勢，即時掌握臺灣利基，創造永續發展策略與產業出路。 　　從區位優勢到全球運籌與佈局，臺灣未來走向應由傳統製造中心轉型，重新定位成為多國籍企業創新研發設計中心及企業營運總部基地。政府有關單位當前如能加速整合臺灣的優勢，臺商未來應該有很大的發展空間，因此臺商更應積極掌握與歐美日多國籍企業策略聯盟之契機，確保臺商在大陸投資發展之競爭優勢。 　　以本文研究顯示，絕大多數臺商到大陸投資之後仍保持與臺灣母公司或其他上下游廠商或企業有緊密之業務聯繫，兩岸產業分工之格局逐漸形成，兩岸產業結合程度也越來越深，顯示臺商投資的企業在大陸經營當地化的趨勢與歐美日等多國籍企業一樣越來越明顯。基於兩岸經濟地位比較利益，唯恐臺灣未來的優勢不再，臺商在大陸所構建的兩岸產業分工策略，實為臺商全球佈局非常重要的一環。臺商在與美日多國籍企業策略聯盟進攻大陸市場時，我國政府在大陸投資政策上亦應有全盤架構，以配合臺商在策略聯盟國際市場競爭之需要。 關鍵詞：中國大陸，多國籍企業，投資行為，兩岸產業分工，策略聯盟，對外直接投資，投資區位選擇，研究與發展 / Under the trend of globalization development, the position of Multi-National Enterprise’s is becoming more and more important. The purpose of this study is to conduct a Comparative Analysis of Multi-National Enterprise’s Behaviors of Investment in Mainland China. The main assumptions of this study is that the Multi-National Enterprises are pursuing the maximization of enterprise's profit. According to the influence factors of the locational choice of foreign direct investment, we explore multi-national enterprises’ behavior of investment, location distribution and future direction of development. 　　As regards to the result of this empirical research, the signs of the coefficients of the east, west and the central of the all regional characteristic independent variables are compatible to prior expectation. It shows that the research results of the east and west region have more significant statistical level than that of the central region. Also, both of the east and west region have better cluster effects than that of the central region. 　　Since Mainland China has become the largest manufacturing center of the world, the Taiwan government should take the comparative advantage of Taiwan’s geographical location and promote R&D, and global logistics for attracting the multi-national enterprises to establish their head quarters in Taiwan. From the research results of this study, it shows that Taiwanese enterprises in mainland China should put more emphasis on their strategies alliances with those multi-national enterprises and forces on the global thinking for cutting their competitive edges. Keywords: Multi-National Enterprise, MNE, Behaviors of Investment, Foreign Direct Investment, FDI, strategies alliances, Mainland China, R&D