This study is about the economic diplomacy of Namibia, as a small state, for the period 1990 – 2015. Liberalism, as a theory of International Relations (IR) studies, is the adopted analytical framework. Namibia’s economic diplomacy is anchored in the foreign policy principles enshrined in article 96 of her constitution, which advocate, inter alia, the maintenance of mutual beneficial relations. Namibia, further enacted laws and adopted policies that serve as domestic instruments of economic diplomacy. The stakeholders in Namibia’s economic diplomacy include both state and non-state actors. The study adopts a population of 8 million as the benchmark for small states, plus one of the following characteristics of small states: small size of the territory; low economy and the perception by the government leaders and nationals. Namibia’s bilateral economic diplomacy covers over one hundred countries. Her major trade partners, in terms of export trade and inward investments are Angola, Canada, China, Germany, The Netherlands, Spain, South Africa, Switzerland, The United Kingdom and the United States. Bilateral economic diplomacy is further pursued through the Export Processing Zone (EPZ) exports. The Namibian Government pursues multilateral economic diplomacy with the European Union, as part of the Africa Caribbean Pacific states and with regional and international economic and trade organisations such as the Southern Africa Customs Union, the Southern Africa Development Community, the United Nations Conference in Trade and Development and the World Trade Organisation. Namibia also adopts conference diplomacy as a form of multilateral economic diplomacy. The study makes an epistemological contribution to the study of IR, that the world is constructed under the hierarchical order that constrains power-based relations and minimises conflicts in international trade. A minimal trend of pursuing interests is, however, observed. The study further makes an ontological contribution to the study of IR, that the behaviour of state and non-state actors are inclined to cooperation on the continuum of conflict and cooperation. The study concludes that, contrary to the assumptions in small states literature, that small states have limitations of capacity and play an insignificant role in multilateralism, Namibia has skilled negotiators who have led negotiations in regional and international organisations. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics)

A tese aborda os novos regionalismos no âmbito da política externa de Angola, com ênfase em duas perspectivas estratégicas da inserção internacional do país. A primeira abordagem refere-se à política externa de Angola para o desenrolar das possibilidades integrativas regionais da África Subsaariana, nominalmente a Comunidade Econômica dos Estados da África Central (CEEAC) e a Comunidade de Desenvolvimento da África Austral (SADC, sigla em inglês para Southern African Development Community); a segunda acompanha o processo da política externa de Angola para o Brasil. As duas abordagens estão patentes no processo de desenvolvimento do conceito da concertação diplomática regional, suas práticas, ajudaram a entender aspectos da construção da Zona de Paz e Cooperação do Atlântico Sul (ZOPACAS) – alguns seus desenvolvimentos, metodologia que se reflete no contexto da diplomacia angolana na construção de um novo cenário, a Comissão do Golfo da Guiné (CGG). Nas duas estruturas regionais, as variáveis paz e segurança são fatores preponderantes. Na ZOPACAS, a ideia de segurança diz respeito à criação de uma Zona de Paz no Atlântico Sul; na CGG, a noção de segurança refere-se à garantia de interesses econômicos e políticos dos Estados-membros. Ela serve, inclusive, de auxílio à nova configuração da Comunidade Econômica dos Estados da África Central (CEEAC), evidenciando a produção petrolífera como um dos principais eixos da relação. No desenvolvimento da nossa pesquisa e do trabalho esforçamo-nos a mostrar relações diretas e indiretas entre a política interna e a política externa do país. Do ponto de vista teórico, nosso esforço foi no sentido de explicar os fatos políticos internacionais, a partir dos objetivos de Angola desde a independência aos novos marcos de regionalismos e aos cálculos estratégicos do governo para alcançar o interesse nacional. A análise do discurso diplomático angolano serviu para avaliar a inserção internacional do país, identificando a integração regional e a cooperação Sul-Sul como seus principais objetivos. / The thesis discusses the new regionalism in the context of Angola´s policy, focusing on two strategic perspectives of the country´s international insertion. The first approach refers to the foreign policy of Angola to the development of integrative possibilities of regional sub-Saharan Africa, namely the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) and the African Development Community (SADC, the acronym for Southern African Development Community), the second follows the process of foreign policy of Angola to Brazil. The two approaches are evident in the process of developing the concep t of regional diplomatic agreement, their practices, helped us understand aspects of the construction of a Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic (ZPCSA) - some of its developments, a methodology that is reflected in the context of diplomacy Angola in the construction of a new scenario, the Gulf of Guinea Commission (CGG). In two regional structures, variables peace and security are important factors. In ZPCSA, the idea of security concerns the creation of a Zone of Peace in the South Atlantic in CGG, the concept of security refers to the guarantee of economic and political interests of the Member States. It serves, including aid to the new configuration of the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), showing the oil production as a major axis of the relationship. In developing our research and work we strive to show direct and indirect relations between domestic politics and foreign policy. From a theoretical perspective, our effort was made to explain the international political events, from the goals of Angola since independence to the new frameworks for regionalism and strategic calculations of the government to achieve the national interest. The Angolan diplomatic discourse analysis was used to assess the country's international insertion, identifying regional integration and South-South cooperation as its main goals.

A tese aborda os novos regionalismos no âmbito da política externa de Angola, com ênfase em duas perspectivas estratégicas da inserção internacional do país. A primeira abordagem refere-se à política externa de Angola para o desenrolar das possibilidades integrativas regionais da África Subsaariana, nominalmente a Comunidade Econômica dos Estados da África Central (CEEAC) e a Comunidade de Desenvolvimento da África Austral (SADC, sigla em inglês para Southern African Development Community); a segunda acompanha o processo da política externa de Angola para o Brasil. As duas abordagens estão patentes no processo de desenvolvimento do conceito da concertação diplomática regional, suas práticas, ajudaram a entender aspectos da construção da Zona de Paz e Cooperação do Atlântico Sul (ZOPACAS) – alguns seus desenvolvimentos, metodologia que se reflete no contexto da diplomacia angolana na construção de um novo cenário, a Comissão do Golfo da Guiné (CGG). Nas duas estruturas regionais, as variáveis paz e segurança são fatores preponderantes. Na ZOPACAS, a ideia de segurança diz respeito à criação de uma Zona de Paz no Atlântico Sul; na CGG, a noção de segurança refere-se à garantia de interesses econômicos e políticos dos Estados-membros. Ela serve, inclusive, de auxílio à nova configuração da Comunidade Econômica dos Estados da África Central (CEEAC), evidenciando a produção petrolífera como um dos principais eixos da relação. No desenvolvimento da nossa pesquisa e do trabalho esforçamo-nos a mostrar relações diretas e indiretas entre a política interna e a política externa do país. Do ponto de vista teórico, nosso esforço foi no sentido de explicar os fatos políticos internacionais, a partir dos objetivos de Angola desde a independência aos novos marcos de regionalismos e aos cálculos estratégicos do governo para alcançar o interesse nacional. A análise do discurso diplomático angolano serviu para avaliar a inserção internacional do país, identificando a integração regional e a cooperação Sul-Sul como seus principais objetivos. / The thesis discusses the new regionalism in the context of Angola´s policy, focusing on two strategic perspectives of the country´s international insertion. The first approach refers to the foreign policy of Angola to the development of integrative possibilities of regional sub-Saharan Africa, namely the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) and the African Development Community (SADC, the acronym for Southern African Development Community), the second follows the process of foreign policy of Angola to Brazil. The two approaches are evident in the process of developing the concep t of regional diplomatic agreement, their practices, helped us understand aspects of the construction of a Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic (ZPCSA) - some of its developments, a methodology that is reflected in the context of diplomacy Angola in the construction of a new scenario, the Gulf of Guinea Commission (CGG). In two regional structures, variables peace and security are important factors. In ZPCSA, the idea of security concerns the creation of a Zone of Peace in the South Atlantic in CGG, the concept of security refers to the guarantee of economic and political interests of the Member States. It serves, including aid to the new configuration of the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), showing the oil production as a major axis of the relationship. In developing our research and work we strive to show direct and indirect relations between domestic politics and foreign policy. From a theoretical perspective, our effort was made to explain the international political events, from the goals of Angola since independence to the new frameworks for regionalism and strategic calculations of the government to achieve the national interest. The Angolan diplomatic discourse analysis was used to assess the country's international insertion, identifying regional integration and South-South cooperation as its main goals.

A comunidade internacional tem se convencido sobre a seriedade da mudança climática e a necessidade de respostas urgentes para combatê-la. No entanto, a ausência de um regime universal com metas para os principais poluidores faz com que cada país adote ações individuais de maneira descoordenada. Esse descompasso levanta preocupações sobre possíveis impactos para a competitividade e a eficácia dos esforços dos países com políticas climáticas mais ambiciosas. Com o escopo de neutralizar tais ameaças, desponta a alternativa de adoção de ajustes de carbono na fronteira para equalizar os encargos ambientais entre a indústria doméstica e as importações. Nesse contexto, a presente tese defende a criação de disciplinas internacionais para orientar o uso de ajustes de carbono em sintonia com os valores do livre comércio e da preservação do clima. Recomenda-se que as negociações internacionais sejam lideradas pelas Nações Unidas, na moldura do regime climático, porém, em estreito diálogo e cooperação com a Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC). A partir da análise de possíveis cenários, o trabalho expressa preferência por disciplinas multilaterais. Reconhece-se, contudo, méritos em arranjos intermediários, como os instrumentos setoriais. Por fim, indica-se um roteiro sobre os principais aspectos da aplicação dos ajustes de carbono que mereceriam apreciação em plano internacional. / The international community has acknowledged the need for urgent responses to address climate change. However, in the absence of a global agreement setting binding targets for all major polluters, countries pursue individual actions in an uncoordinated fashion. Such a situation raises concerns on competitiveness impacts and on the environmental effectiveness of climate policies of most countries, especially those leading the way. As a solution to level the playing field vis-à-vis international competitors, countries evaluate the use of border carbon adjustments. Against this background, this analysis supports the design of international disciplines to guide the use of border carbon adjustments in line with the goals of free trade and climate protection. It argues that the United Nations should lead those negotiations in the framework of the climate regime, in close dialogue and cooperation with the World Trade Organization (WTO). Based on an analysis of multiple scenarios, this essay favours the adoption of multilateral disciplines. It recognizes, however, advantages in alternative approaches such as sectorial agreements. Finally, it proposes a roadmap on key aspects concerning the use of border carbon adjustments that merit consideration in the international arena.

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No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Karla Ferreira Dias Cassiano - 2017.pdf: 2529283 bytes, checksum: d49d489ec1959d80373cc0f23af2c61d (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-14 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Goiás - FAPEG / Considering the space that the Environmental Education has been given in the national and international policy strategies, this investigation was developed with the objective of analyzing the national and international guidelines for the Environmental Education, highlighting the dependency relation and/or resistance from the convergence and divergence mapping between them. The document-based research sought to identify elements that could characterize the knowledge, the practices and the traditions belonging to these guidelines from the analyses of the concepts pertaining to the EE field, historically developed based on environment concepts, education and development. To achieve such a goal, the analyses was carried out based on Ludwik Fleck’s epistemological proposition about the formation of Thinking Styles in the development of historical processes, defined by social interactions that make up the collective thinking and allow the outer and inter-collective knowledge circulation. The data analyzed was found in documented registries published between 1940 and 2012 by multilateral organizations, government programs and projects. Aiming to characterize the stylistic principles identified in the guidelines, the analyses was carried out from a system of previous periodicity which resulted in the systematization of the following periods: Originary (1940 – 1971); Conceptual (1972 – 1980); Developmentalist (1981 – 1990) and; Reformist (1991 – 2012). The first phase of the research indicated the construction and the pre-idea developments that served as a foundation for the structuring concepts formulation of a Global Thinking Style characterized by the environment’s naturalist concepts and by the constant recurrence to the strategy creations for the strengthening of economic growth. The constructed orientation analyses in specific contexts revealed stylistic principles closely attached to the political and international economic relations among countries from the Inner and Outer circles. In the comparative phase between the Brazilian and international guidelines, the study initially pointed out an adaptation step for the international guidelines, based on the Global Thinking Style, stretched through the periods. Afterwards, it was possible to identify a transformation in this style through the solidification of inter-collective circulations with the Critical – Transforming Thinking Style emerging in Brazil, which produced a transition phase in the Brazilian guidelines formulation, still distinguished by the hybridization of Global and Critical – Transforming Thinking Styles. / Considerando o espaço que a Educação Ambiental tem recebido nas estratégias políticas internacionais e nacionais, esta investigação foi desenvolvida com o objetivo de analisar as diretrizes internacionais e brasileiras para a Educação Ambiental, destacando as relações de dependência e/ou resistência a partir do mapeamento de convergências e divergências entre elas. A pesquisa de cunho documental buscou identificar elementos que pudessem caracterizar os conhecimentos, as práticas e as tradições pertencentes a essas diretrizes a partir da análise dos conceitos inerentes ao campo da EA, historicamente elaborados à luz das concepções de meio ambiente, educação e desenvolvimento. Para tanto, a análise foi realizada com base na proposição epistemológica de Ludwik Fleck sobre a formação de Estilos de Pensamento no desenvolvimento dos processos históricos, definidos por interações sociais que constituem Coletivos de Pensamento e possibilitam circulações intra e intercoletivas de conhecimentos. Os dados analisados foram encontrados em registros documentais publicados entre 1940 e 2012 por organizações multilaterais, programas e projetos governamentais. Visando caracterizar os princípios estilísticos identificados nas diretrizes, a análise foi desenvolvida a partir de um sistema de periodização prévia que resultou na sistematização dos seguintes períodos: Originário (1940 - 1971); Conceitual (1972 – 1980); Desenvolvimentista (1981 - 1990) e; Reformista (1991 - 2012). A primeira fase da pesquisa indicou a construção e o desenvolvimento de pré-ideias que fundamentaram a formulação dos conceitos estruturantes de um Estilo de Pensamento Global caracterizado por concepções naturalistas de meio ambiente e pela constante recorrência à criação de estratégias para o fortalecimento do crescimento econômico. A análise das orientações construídas em contextos específicos revelou princípios estilísticos estreitamente vinculados às relações políticas e econômicas internacionais entre países do Centro e da Periferia. Na fase comparativa entre as diretrizes internacionais e brasileiras, o estudo apontou inicialmente uma etapa de adaptação das diretrizes globais, fundamentadas no Estilo de Pensamento Global, estendido entre os períodos. Posteriormente, foi possível identificar transformações nesse estilo por meio da concretização de circulações intercoletivas com o Estilo de Pensamento Crítico- Transformador emergente no Brasil, o que produziu uma fase de transição na formulação de diretrizes brasileiras, marcada ainda pela hibridização de princípios do Estilo de Pensamento Global e do Estilo de Pensamento Crítico-Transformador.

Magister Legum - LLM / This research paper pays particular attention to the EAC because of its unique composition of four LDCs46 and 1 DC47 and the fact that three of these countries are landlocked least developed countries (LLDCs).48 The EAC was notified as a RTA to the WTO under the Enabling Clause on 9 October 2000 and registered as a Custom Union49 under WT/COMTD/N/14.50 The notification of the EAC under the Enabling Clause is due to the nature of composition of members therein and to the fact that the Enabling Clause does not require regional trading arrangements to cover substantially all trade, or to achieve free trade in the bloc within ten years after notification. Additionally, it provides an avenue for giving special consideration to the LDCs through making concessions and contributions,51 allows automatic exemptions from MFN (non-discrimination) treatment in favour of DCs,52 and thus allows other WTO members to accord more favourable treatment to DCs in many cases without according the same treatment to other WTO members.53. / South Africa

Magister Legum - LLM / The rapid growth in the number of regional trade agreements (RTAs) has led to concern about the weakening of the multilateral trading system. This thesis examines the spread of such agreement and the extent to which they pose a threat to the multilateral system. Regionalism and multilateralism are complimentary as shown in the case study of the East African Community. The current regional trade agreement management rules are weak and ambiguous and possible amendments for these rules are proposed. / South Africa

This diploma thesis aims to set a complex view on the current process of multilateral trade agreements under the World Trade Organization and point out the direction of DOHA negotiations. The emphasis is put on the Tenth Ministerial Conference, which took place in Nairobi in December 2015. Stances and demands of the WTO member are analysed step by step. The thesis considers threats that possibly come from plurilateral, bilateral and regional agreements and evaluate a potential risk for the multilateral trading system. For this purpose, the thesis is divided into four chapters. First chapter examine theoretical introduction to WTO and particularly to Development Doha Agenda, which is important for subsequent understanding of actual issues. Second part analyses in detail the negotiations in main negotiating parts of DDA before and after a summer break. Following chapter fluently continues with analyse of the progress after summer break and points out some current questions about preparations for MC10 and expectations. Space is also given to the MC10 and its outcomes. Finally, the last chapter gives a thought to future scenarios concerning function of the WTO.

This thesis deals with the presumption that multilateral diplomacy is a possible means to promote good governance. The first part described the origin, definition and criticism of the concept of good governance. Another part deals with transformations of diplomacy and international relations after the Cold War. Contemporary diplomacy must respond to globalization, interdependence, technological development, changing international environment and increase the number of actors in international relations. The last part is devoted to multilateral diplomacy, international organizations and especially their connection with good governance. In my thesis I came to the conclusion that multilateral diplomacy can be a useful tool for promoting the objectives of good governance and management of the state. The best space for the use of multilateral diplomacy as a means of promoting good governance is intergovernmental organization.

South Africa is seen as a major destination for refugees and asylum-seekers and is, according to the 2010 Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the world’s highest destination country for asylum-seekers, mainly from Sub-Saharan Africa. Following the 1994 democratic elections, there was a transformation in foreign policy, embracing the African Agenda, and South Africa became a major country of destination because of its relative prosperity in Africa. As a State Party to the 1951 United Nations Refugee Convention on the Status of Refugees, South Africa is under a legal obligation to protect refugees and grant them legal rights. At the same time, South African citizens, who had legitimate aspirations that the 1994 democratic government would address their development challenges, opposed the significant flow of refugees into the country by violent acts of xenophobia. The government, seen as a moral authority internationally with human rights being a key principle underpinning its foreign policy, found itself between the promotion of the African Agenda and its commitments to its own citizens. The refugee issue was addressed in the United Nations where the government made multilateral diplomacy a central platform of its foreign policy, a policy embedded in Africa and the South. South Africa is used as a case study to determine how it used multilateral diplomacy in the United Nations refugee regime through its coalition, the African Group, to address the migration issue. The study draws out the weaknesses of the international refugee regime by discussing the roles of two important diplomatic actors: the sovereign states in the United Nations General Assembly, and the international organization mandated to supervise the international refugee regime, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. South Africa’s foreign policy objective of promoting the African Agenda at times conflicts with the promotion of its national interest. Its progressive Constitution (1996) provides economic, social, and cultural rights to refugees, to the resentment of its own citizens, who view the refugees as beneficiaries of the United Nations. The study provides a critical analysis of South Africa’s multilateral diplomacy, and also provides the following recommendations where South Africa could use this mode more effectively to address the migration issue: Reform the international refugee regime; Allocate funds from the United Nations regularly assessed budget to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees; and, Develop an international normative regulatory framework for irregular migrants. / Dissertation (MDiplomatic Studies)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Political Sciences / Unrestricted