Durant une période de grande instabilité en terre d’islam, Abū Naṣr al-Fārābī, philosophe d’expression arabe qui mourut au début de la seconde partie du Xe siècle, développa une théorie politique à mi-chemin entre la philosophie et la religion. Inspirée de la philosophie politique de Platon, qui conçut un modèle de cité idéale dans ses œuvres politiques majeures (La République, Le Timée, Les Lois) et de la société musulmane classique pour laquelle le premier gouvernant ou calife est un leader politique et religieux, cette théorie suppose l’élaboration d’une cité nouvelle adaptée à la culture musulmane nommée « la cité vertueuse » (al-madīna al-fāḍila). En son enceinte, la philosophie est considérée comme un art royal et sa pratique est réservée au premier chef ou gouvernant. Il en est de même pour la religion, qui la seconde et est considérée comme « vertueuse » (al-milla al-fāḍila) au moment où elle constitue un moyen à partir duquel le chef de la cité procède à l’instruction de ses concitoyens et leur permet d’accéder à l’obtention du bonheur en cette vie et dans une autre vie, située après la mort. Notre recherche vise ainsi à exposer les relations entre la religion et la philosophie au sein de la cité idéale conçue par Fārābī et dans ses modèles opposés (les cités vicieuses, corrompues et égarées et les religions qui leur sont apparentées). Visant plus spécifiquement la détermination de la nature et de la fonction du religieux dans la Cité, notre étude se décline en trois aspects. Le premier porte sur la biographie de Fārābī et son rapport à la religion. Le deuxième est consacré à l’examen d’un aspect de son œuvre conservée (corpus), à partir duquel nous avons tenté de révéler la nature et la fonction du religieux dans « la Cité », celle-ci étant entendue comme la version la plus idéalisée de son modèle de cité vertueuse qui fait l’objet de formes variées (petite, moyenne, grande assemblée humaine). Quant au dernier aspect de notre recherche, il s’intéresse à la réception de la théorie philosophico-religieuse du faylasūf dans l’œuvre de ses premiers successeurs et disciples en philosophie parmi les cercles musulman, juif et chrétien d’expression arabe (Avicenne, Maïmonide, Yaḥyā Ibn ‘Adī). / During a period of great instability in the land of Islam, Abū Naṣr al-Fārābī, an Arabic philosopher who died at the beginning of the second half of the tenth century, developed a political theory halfway between philosophy and religion. Inspired by the political philosophy of Plato, who conceived an ideal city model in his major political works (The Republic, The Timaeus, The Laws) and the classical Muslim society for which the first ruler or caliph is a political and religious leader, This theory presupposes the elaboration of a new city adapted to the Muslim culture called "the virtuous city" (al-madīna al-fāḍila). Within its walls, philosophy is considered a royal art and its practice is reserved for the first or governing ruler. It is the same for religion, which is the second and is considered "virtuous" (al-milla al-fāḍila) at the moment when it constitutes a means by which the head of the city proceeds to the instruction of his fellow citizens And gives them access to the attainment of happiness in this life and in another life, located after death. Our research aims at exposing the relations between religion and philosophy within the ideal city conceived by Fārābī and its opposing models (vicious, corrupt and misplaced cities and religions that are related to them). Focusing more specifically on the determination of the nature and function of the religious in the City, our study is divided into three aspects. The first relates to the biography of Fārābī and its relation to religion. The second is devoted to the examination of an aspect of his preserved work (corpus), from which we have attempted to reveal the nature and function of the religious in the "City", the latter being understood as the version More idealized of its model of a virtuous city that is the object of varied forms (small, medium, large human assembly). As for the last aspect of our research, he is interested in the reception of the philosophical-religious theory of the faylasūf in the work of his first successors and disciples in philosophy among the Moslem, Jewish and Christian circles of Arabic expression (Avicenna, Maimonides, Yaḥyā Ibn 'Adī).

La multiplication des groupes et des organisations terroristes dans les pays musulmans au cours des dernières décennies a considérablement affecté les populations éligibles à l’aide humanitaire. Les travailleurs et les convois humanitaires eux-mêmes sont ciblés par ces groupes et ces organisations. Cette l’extension de la violence à l’égard de la communauté humanitaire possèdes des raisons et des justifications diverses et variées mais l’on retrouve partout un « choc des perceptions » chez toutes les parties engagées dans l’action humanitaire.Après une étude du contexte général dans lequel interviennent les attaques contre les humanitaires, cette thèse s’attaque à l’étude des perceptions observables chez les populations locales concernant les organisations et les travailleurs humanitaires. Elle étudie également l’impact des législations et des mesures anti-terroristes sur l’action humanitaire et la relation des acteurs aux populations locales. / The proliferation of terrorist groups and organizations in Muslim countries during the recent decades has greatly affected people in need of humanitarian assistance and protection. Humanitarian workers and assets have been targeted by these groups and organizations. This violence against the humanitarian community is due to many different reasons, however this research demonstrates a "clash of perceptions" amongst all stakeholders involved in humanitarian action, including humanitarian workers themselves and the armed actors.After assessing the general context in which the violence against humanitarians occurs, this thesis addresses the state of perceptions amongst local people both in respect of organizations and aid workers. It also examines the impact of counter-terrorism measures on humanitarian action, including international and national instruments, and how these have impacted the relationship between aid workers and local populations.

The aim of this study is to put forth, examine and understand eight young adult Muslims view of Islam and what it means to be a Muslim in Sweden. The analysed material consists of eight interviews with young adult Muslims, in the age 16 to 19 years old, made in december of 2017. To aid the research three questions were formulated: (1) What is Islam according to young adult Muslims?, (2) What does it mean to be Muslim according to young adult Muslims? and (3) What affect does religion have on the identity of young adult Muslims? In order to answer the questions and fulfill the purpose of this study a qualitative method of semi-structured interviews have been used. Further a theory of strategic and tactic religion along with a theory about self-identification were applied to analyze the result of the interviews. The study shows that young adult Muslims in Sweden, though they are affected of strategic religion, use tactics to individualize Islam in order to align with their every day life. The study also shows that Swedish young Muslims’ identity are affected by religion and that this can be related to categories such as continuity, between cultures, hybrid and deculturation.

Le droit international privé est la branche du droit qui étudie le règlement des différends de droit privé présentant un caractère international, quelle que soit la nationalité des parties, quel que soit leur lieu de résidence ou des engagements qui les lient à un pays autre que celui de leur résidence. Les principaux problèmes se posant en droit international privé sont les conflits de juridictions, qui se subdivisent en deux questions juridiques distinctes : la compétence internationale (dans quel pays le litige peut-il être jugé ?) et la reconnaissance des décisions étrangères (exequatur). Le droit tunisien musulman et surtout le droit des personnes restent un terrain de spécificité où plus qu’en toute autre matière, les données historiques, sociologiques et culturelles du pays ont des répercussions certaines sur le système de droit international privé. Dans ce domaine, et par la place accordée à la loi étrangère, la règle de conflit peut servir de mesure pour déterminer les traits caractéristiques du système : internationalisme ou nationalisme, laïcité ou religiosité. Enfin, la Tunisie a ratifié de nombreuses conventions tant avec des pays arabes qu'avec des pays européens, ce qui rend la situation du juge tunisien parfois délicate : doit-il garder sa neutralité ou respecter la politique de l’Etat, concernant les sujets très sensibles de conflit de lois ? / Private international law is the branch that studies the settling of various international private laws without distinction of different nationalities of the parties, their country of residence or their professional engagements which bind them with another country. The two major problems that directly arise in private international law are firstly the conflict of jurisdiction which is subdivided in two different questions: international competence (in which country can the dispute be judged?), and the recognition of the foreign decisions (the countries in which the law applies). The Muslim Tunisian law and especially the individuals’ right, remains a field of specificity, where, more than in any other matter, local historical, sociological and cultural data have evidence repercussions on the Private International law system. In this field, in more particularly through the significance given to foreign law, the conflict of law rule can be used as a measure to determine the system’s typical features: internationalism or nationalism, secularism or religiosity. Furthermore, Tunisia is a Mediterranean country which connects the East to the West. Finally, Tunisia has entered many agreements with Arab countries and with European countries, which make the situation of the Tunisian judge a bit tricky, as regards keeping a neutral or even respect the policy of the State, in terms of the very sensitive issues of conflict of laws.

By focusing on women’s lived experiences of family abuse, this thesis argues that state policy shows a lack of understanding of the nature of family abuse in one of Scotland’s largest minority communities: South Asian Muslims. Through a combination of a critical exploration of mainstream conceptualisations of domestic abuse, empirical research and policy analysis, I argue that by focusing on one-dimensional explanations such as gender and culture, state policy and some research evade the more practical and structural issues that operate against women. By adopting an intersectional approach, I focus on the complex interplay between factors such as socio-economic status and structural inequalities at the micro- and macro-levels bound up with experiences of family abuse. Through in-depth interviews with South Asian Muslim women, this thesis highlights the specificity and complexity of South Asian Muslim women’s experiences of family abuse within the home, framed through the impact of kinship structures and immigration status. Furthermore, my focus on the macro- as well as the micro-level brings to light structural inequalities and harmful policies, such as immigration rules, that act as additional constraints on women in abusive relationships. This thesis then examines women’s strategies and choices within abusive relationships by exploring the relationship between agency and oppression. I identify a crucial point: access to resources, such as economic support, ultimately shapes women’s strategies, including if, when and how to exit. I do not posit an overarching theory to explain family abuse, nor do I offer one key solution to the problem. I do, however, argue for nuanced and sensitive policymaking not only for South Asian women, but for all marginalised women, By underlining the specific experiences of one group of women I emphasis that needs are likely to differ in other groups of women.

Muslim women are misrepresented through frames and stereotypes that the media uses to further an established narrative. Through a Critical Discourse Analysis, the study analyzes three liberal-nonpartisan Italian newspapers and their approach towards two themes, which are the burkini debate that occurred in late August 2016 and the analysis of three different Muslim women within the Italian society. The study concludes that Muslim women are negatively framed through the usage of a discourse that stereotypes them and constructively misrepresents their reality.

Magister Legum - LLM

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / The year 1924, which coincided with the fall of the Ottoman Caliphate and more recently, the Arab Spring which started in Tunisia in December 2010, and spread across much of north Africa and parts of the Middle East, has captured the attention of worldwide audiences, but also policy makers from the West to relook at the masses in the Muslim world as not politically acquiescent, even ignorant, but also, and more importantly as to which forms of government these regions would adopt, secular or Shari‘ah based (Islamic Law), or a combination of the two. The proposed research will examine and compare the views of the Shī‘i Iranian leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and Egyptian Sunni intellectual and Muslim Brotherhood ideologue, Sayyid Quţb regarding the form of government and its source of authority. Both scholars agreed on the sovereignty of the Sharỉ‘ah. Khomeini stressed the centrality of the establishment of an Islamic government and the concept of Wilāyat al-faqīh in his book of Ḥukūmah al-Islamiyyah (Khomeini, undate). Therefore, Khomeini’s doctrine of Wilāyat al-faqīh argues that the government should be run in accordance with the Shari‘ah. For this to happen, a high-ranking cleric (Islamic jurist) should provide political guardianship over the people in the absence of and until the reappearance of the Hidden Imām. Sayyid Quţb stressed the establishment of an Islamic society before attempting to codify the Sharī‘ah (Quţb, 1981:76). His writing on politics and government does not lay out a comprehensive plan for Islamic governance. He does however; provide a foundation and three sub-principles that help determine its powers and structure. He declared that the foundation of Islamic political rule is Ulūhiyya (servitude) and Al-ḥākimiyya (sovereignty of Sharī‘ah) of Allah. This means that the Islamic government is the rule of God (Loboda, 2004: 25) Furthermore, Quţb, argues that Islam does not provide man with sovereignty, but Allah (God) is the only sovereign. In addition, he clarifies that an Islamic form of government itself is not divine as past Christian governments considered their kings to be divinely ordained. Instead, any rule with reference to Al-ḥākimiyya and based on three subprinciples is Islamic rule (Quţb, 1993). The three sub-principles for Islamic political rule indicated by Sayyid Quţb are as follows. Firstly, the rulers should be just. Secondly, the people should be obedient to the ruler as long as he submits to the sovereignty of Allah and implements the Sharī‘ah. Thirdly, there should be consultation between the rulers and the community. However Sayyid Quţb does not indicate a clear method of consultation between the ruler and the people. Instead, he leaves it up to the local conditions of the community. In the third principle, Quţb indicated that the importance of consultation encompasses the entire concept of Islamic rule and Muslim community life (Quţb, 1993:45). This means Sayyid Quţb "indirectly states that rulers should be elected by democratic vote" (Loboda. 2004:28).

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In order to establish the way in which the Grade 10 Muslim learners perceived HIV/Aids, the research was designed to expose the direction (if any) provided by the values and cultural symbols within the dominant culture of the family and the school. The enquiry was motivated by the fact that the 15-24 year age-group (of which the Muslim adolescents were a part) is still considered a most vulnerable group in terms of HIV/Aids. Although the South African Department of Education has prescribed that HIV/Aids be taught during the Life Orientation periods at schools, this has been affected by operational problems. Learners do not always have the benefit of accurate information and confident role models who are able to guide them towards responsible behavior. Anecdotal evidence pointed to the possibility that HIV/Aids were low amongst Muslims who form a comparatively high percentage in the Western Cape Province of South Africa where the study was conducted. Since the Social Cognitive Theory and the Eight Gateways or “entry points” of school culture highlight social interventions, the theoretical framework facilitated data collection and reinforced the findings. Analysis revealed that a collaborative and trustworthy relationship within the school culture that embraced parents, learners and teachers. Responses of the teachers indicated that they made use of the guidelines from the South African Department of Education and teachings of their religion. The Muslim family and school culture emphasized abstinence instead of safe sexual behavior in their teaching of HIV/Aids because of their Islamic religious background. Although the Muslim learners were aware of the dangers of irrational behavior they conceded that there were some who ignored the guidance of their parents and teachers thus succumbing to other social pressures. However, they generally appreciated the knowledge provided by their family and school culture that supported them to adapt their attitudes and behavior especially in terms of HIV/Aids. The main recommendation of this study is that HIV/Aids education may be productive if an integrative approach is implemented where communities work collectively to promote strict moral adherence that will enable learners to avoid unsafe sexual behavior and HIV-infection. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Early Childhood Education / unrestricted