Ce travail de thèse sur « la création d’un droit bancaire islamique » offre une perspective globale du phénomène. Faisant appel à l’histoire, à l‘économie et au droit, il envisage l’étude de ces techniques bancaires dans le contexte socio-culturel présidant à leur émergence et notamment sous l’angle des rapports entre le monde occidental et l’Orient islamique.Tout d’abord, s’appuyant sur l’étude du droit musulman classique, ce travail analyse le substrat qui a permis le développement de la banque islamique à travers d’une part l’étude des concepts bancaires majeurs et d’autre part l’évolution du monde musulman au cours de l’histoire. Puis, l’analyse se tourne vers la légitimation des techniques bancaires islamiques modernes au regard des contrats musulmans classiques. Ceci amène cette étude vers la variété des modèles de banques islamiques dont elle propose de mettre en lumière les divergences au regard des questions religieuses, politiques et économiques, mais aussi de montrer que la perspective actuelle tend vers leur uniformisation. La dernière partie de l’étude s’attache à exposer les rapports entre ce droit bancaire islamique et le droit positif des pays dans lesquels il s’incorpore. Ainsi, en Occident, l’analyse distingue la France et les pays de Common law dont l’histoire montre l’influence sur les systèmes juridiques des pays musulmans. En Orient, le Maroc et l’Arabie Saoudite, deux pays dont les systèmes bancaires sont respectivement issus des droits civilistes et de Common law, font l’objet d’une étude spécifique. Les développements s’achèvent enfin par la confrontation des normes et des valeurs que soulève l’introduction de techniques bancaires islamiques dans le système financier international. L’ensemble des analyses proposées dans cette étude accrédite la thèse de la difficulté que rencontrent ces techniques bancaires à trouver leur cohérence entre la volonté de s’inscrire dans la tradition religieuse de l’Islam et la recherche de l’efficacité économique. / This thesis on "the creation of an Islamic banking law" provides a global perspective of this phenomenon. Looking upon history, economics and law, this essay plans to study these Islamic banking techniques in the socio-cultural context governing at their emergence particularly in terms of relations between the Occident and the Islamic Orient.First, based on the study of classical Islamic law, this work analyses the substratum that has allowed the development of Islamic banking by, on the one hand, the study of the major banking concepts and on the other hand, the evolution of the Muslim world as centuries go by. Then, the analysis turns to the legitimization of modern Islamic banking techniques by comparison with classical Islamic contracts. This leads this study to the various models of Islamic banks, in order to highlight the differences with regard to religious, political and economic issues, but also to show that today's perspective move towards their uniformity. The last part of the study seeks to explain the relationship between Islamic banking law and positive law in the countries where it is incorporated. Furthermore, in Occident, the analysis distinguishes France and the Common law countries whose history shows the influence on the legal systems of Muslim countries. In the Muslim world, Morocco and Saudi Arabia, two countries whose banking systems are respectively stemming from Civilian law and Common law, are subject to a specific study. The developments come to an end by the confrontation of norms and values raised by the introduction of Islamic banking techniques in the international financial system.All the analysis proposed in this study supports the theory of the difficulty faced by these banking techniques to find consistency between the desire to be part of the religious tradition of Islam and the pursuit of economic efficiency.

The thesis examines the aspects of neo-Ottomanism in Turkish foreign policies toward three Balkan countries - Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo -, focusing on the developments of the last decade. Turkey has become quite active in the Balkans and in these countries in the last few years, however, this activism is not without any antecendents. These areas were the core European territories of the Ottoman Empire and after the dissolution of this entity, Turkey still attached special importance to these countries, albeit during the Cold War relations were cooler. On the other hand, with the fall of the Iron Curtain, the rise of the AK Party to government position and Ahmet Davutoglu becoming Minister of Foreign Affairs in Turkey, the Balkans started to receive particular "limelight" in Turkish foreign policy. New ideas, expressions, approaches were incorporated into the forming self-confident and assertive foreign policy of Turkey. However, this new policy, referred to as neo- Ottomanism in many cases, infered criticisms too, from the West and from local politicians in the Balkans too. The thesis aims to remake and remodel this expression by highlighting other, more positive elements of it. Turkey's political, economic, cultural and military relations with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina and...

Diploma thesis "Some aspects of multiculturalism" deals with religious minority living in the Czech Republic, especially with Czech muslim women. The aim of this thesis is to explore the most frequent prejudices that relate to Islam religion. To achieve that, concept of multiculturalism, concept prejudice, theory of prejudice as a grouped norm and the most frequent prejudices of Islam are characterized. The history of Islam, It is also described - its origin in the Czech Republic, beginning of Muslim community on the Czech territory, Muslims nowadays, their integration and their number in the Czech republic. The short characteristic of Islam religion, fundamental commitments and rights every muslim and the characteristic that deals with rights, commitments and roles of muslim women are described. The second part of diploma thesis is qualitative research. This research is focused on recognition of real situation of Czech muslim women who converted to Islam. The research tries to reflect the perceptiveness of belief of women themselves. Why they converted to Islam, which are the most frequent prejudices they meet and how they react to them and which attitudes they have towards some Islamic commands and prohibitions.

Doctor of Philosophy / Department of Curriculum and Instruction / Kay Ann Taylor / This study explored Islamophobia and Muslims’ religious experiences in the Midwest. Its purpose was to propose a new theory named Critical Muslim Theory. The research methodology was autoethnography (me, the researcher) in concert with discovering in-depth experiences and narratives of nine Muslim participants (five Muslim females and four Muslim males) in dealing with Islamophobia. Religion became the centrality of Critical Muslim Theory in replacing race (as in Critical Race Theory) while centralizing other oppressions Muslims experience through intersections with religion and law, religion and gender, and religion and race. Critical Muslim Theory represents six basic tenets, namely: (a) Islamophobia is endemic and pervasive, (b) Critical Muslim Theory is critical towards how the dominant society views Islam and Muslims, (c) Islamophobia is a social construction, (d) Legal basis, (e) Intersectionality, and (f) Storytelling and counterstories reveal the oppression and pain of Muslims. An historical context was established for Muslims in the United States of America, although more research needs to be contributed to this area. Instances of interest convergence also were present, however, more research in this area is needed. One recommendation from this research suggests combating ignorance through education and establishing a pure relationship between Muslims and non-Muslims through dialogue for understanding. This study further proposes Muslim Double Consciousness as an area for future research. This topic was of interest due to proposing the theory, its further research and development, and the potential for Critical Muslim Theory to stand on its own as a methodology.

Le rétablissement de l’égalité rompue entre les époux était l’une des questions épineuses qui ont motivé les différentes réclamations des réformes du droit de la famille au Maroc.La nouvelle voie de divorce pour discorde s’inscrit dans cette logique qui est d’octroyer à la femme le droit de se libérer du lien de mariage sans qu’elle ait besoin d’établir aucun motif, tout comme le droit du mari à la répudiation.La procédure de discorde, d’origine purement religieuse, est appelée à assurer une double fonction, d’une part, répondre à la question du référentiel religieux, d’autre part, rétablir l’égalité entre les sexes lors de la rupture du lien conjugal. Mais la réglementation législative de cette institution cache un consensus entre les deux courants : conservateur traditionaliste et celui favorable à la promotion des droits de la femme, ce qui ne manque de se répercuter sur la pratique jurisprudentielle et l’appréhension doctrinale de la procédure de divorce et menace l’existence même des motifs classiques de divorce voire de la répudiation. / Restoring the equality disrupted between spouses is one of the big issues which motivated the claims to reform the family code in Morocco.The new divorce on the ground of discord is to grant women the right to free herself from the marriage bond without providing a cause, same as the right of men of repudiation.The discord procedure, which is purely religious, aims at answering the religious terms of reference and restoring the equality between men and women when the marital bond is terminated.However, the legislative regulation in this institution hides a consensus between the two parties: conservative and traditionalist vrs the one in favor of promoting women’s right. This affect the practice of the law case and the apprehension of doctrinal nature of the divorce procedure. It also presents a threat to the classic causes of divorce and even to the repudiation.

Islamofobi är ett växande problem i Europa som negativt påverkar muslimers förutsättningar och möjligheter i samhället. Samtidigt är religionsfriheten en mänsklig rättighet och en av grundvalarna för ett demokratiskt och pluralistiskt samhälle. Denna uppsats undersöker hur islamofobi påverkar religionsfrihetens implementering i Sverige. Resultatet visar att muslimers rätt att utöva sin religion hotas av islamofobiska praktiker, så som attacker mot moskéer, motstånd mot muslimska organisationer och förbud av slöjan. Studien utforskar även statens förpliktelser och ansvar för att motverka islamofobi och främja muslimers rättigheter och lika möjligheter – för att på så sätt kunna uppnå ett verkligt demokratiskt och pluralistiskt samhälle där utsatta grupper beskyddas. / Islamophobia is an increasing problem in Europe which has a negative effect on Muslims’ conditions and opportunities within the society. At the same time, freedom of religion is a human right and one of the foundations in a democratic and pluralistic society. This thesis examines how islamophobia affects the implementation of freedom of religion in Sweden. The result shows that Muslims’ right to practice their religion is substantially threatened by islamophobic practices, such as attacks against mosques, resistance towards Muslim organizations and banning of the veil. The study also explores the state’s obligations and responsibility to counteract islamophobia and promote Muslims’ rights and equal opportunities – and thus be able to achieve a truly democratic and pluralistic society where vulnerable groups are protected.

Cette thèse retrace l’histoire de l’Association des Oulémas Musulmans Algériens (AOMA), de sa fondation en contexte colonial (1931) à sa réactivation dans l’Algérie des années 1990. Par sa définition de l’identité arabe et musulmane de l’Algérie, l’AOMA a joué un rôle fondamental dans la construction de l’État algérien, malgré la disparition de sa structure formelle entre 1962 et 1991. Les activités éducatives et religieuses de l’Association, son positionnement dans la guerre d’indépendance ont conditionné l’insertion de ses membres dans l’Algérie postcoloniale. L’étude des parcours des membres dirigeants de l’AOMA donne à voir les adaptations et les stratégies d’appropriation de l’héritage de l’Association. Si certains cadres de l’AOMA participèrent au gouvernement du parti unique FLN et construisirent les bases de l’islam d’État, d’autres furent des figures de la contestation du pouvoir socialiste au nom de l’islam, qui fut reprise par les mouvements islamistes naissants des années 1980.Fondée sur des sources en langues arabe et française, qui vont des archives étatiques de la période coloniale aux mémoires d’acteurs de l’AOMA, des journaux de l’Association aux revues du Ministère des Affaires Religieuses en passant par des entretiens, et sur un important travail de terrain, cette thèse se propose de questionner les clichés courants sur l’Algérie contemporaine liés à l’héritage de l’AOMA. À travers la définition de la nation et de l’islam par les Oulémas, ce sont les enjeux culturels, l’arabisation, la définition de l’islam et de sa place dans l’Algérie postcoloniale sont étudiés dans un souci constant de les resituer par rapport à l’histoire du monde arabe et musulman. / This dissertation recounts the history of the Association of the Algerian Muslim Ulama (AAMU), from its birth in a colonial context (1931) until its reactivation in the 1990’s. By its definition of the Arab and Muslim identity of Algeria, the AAMU played a crucial role in the construction of the Algerian state, despite the disappearing of its formal structure as an organization between 1962 and 1991. The educative and religious activities of the Association, its position during the War for Independence, conditioned the integration of its members in postcolonial Algeria. The study of the AAMU executive members’ paths in the aftermath of the Independence shows the adaptations and strategies to claim for the legacy of the Association. If some of the executive members of the Association got involved in the FLN-ruled state and built the cornerstone of State Islam, some others became prominent figures of the opposition to the socialist state in the name of Islam, that the growing Islamist movement took over in the 1980’s. Based on various primary sources, both in Arabic and French languages, from archives of the colonial state to memoirs of AAMU members, from the Association’s newspapers to the journal of the Ministry of Religious Affairs, including oral sources, this dissertation offers to question the widespread clichés on contemporary Algeria linked to the AAMU. Through the Ulama’s definition of the nation and Islam, it is the history of postcolonial Algeria that is at stake. We study cultural issues, arabization, definition of Islam and its place in the society in a constant concern of contextualising through the frame of the wider Arab and Muslim world.

Ce travail a pour objet d’étudier la confrontation entre deux systèmes juridiques distincts en matière de mariage et de ses effets. Il s’agit de la réception du droit marocain de la famille qui est d’essence religieux par l’ordre juridique français à travers son droit international privé, un ordre juridique laïque. La première partie de cet ouvrage est consacrée à la compréhension du mariage marocain et de ses effets qui est indispensable pour la réception d’institutions étrangères par l’ordre juridique français. Pour y parvenir, il faut saisir l’évolution de l’institution matrimoniale depuis la création du premier Code de la famille marocain, jusqu'à la réforme de ce dernier en 2004. Elle met en évidence l’assimilation par le législateur marocain du mariage et de ses effets dans un Code de la famille moderne tout en gardant son essence religieuse. Cette approche indispensable conduit à comprendre la portée de la réforme du mariage marocain de 2004 et la difficulté que connait son application. Comprendre ses limites permet de saisir la conception de la notion de famille dans le Maroc d’aujourd’hui. La deuxième partie est consacrée à la réception de cette notion à travers le mariage marocain et ses effets par le droit international privé français. L’étude de l’application des règles de droit international privé montre la difficulté qu’a la loi marocaine à s’appliquer sur le territoire français malgré l’existence de la convention franco-marocaine du 10 aout 1981. Le droit marocain se trouve, malgré sa compétence, soit devant une qualification difficile de ses institutions inconnues de l’ordre juridique français et dans ce cas, il est dénaturé. Soit il est face à l’intervention du mécanisme de l’exception de l’ordre public puisque ses institutions et ses règles sont considérés comme choquant les principes fondamentaux du for et par conséquent, il est écarté. En analysant la méthodologie du droit international privé français, un certain relativisme découle dans l’application de ses modalités ce qui envoie à s’interroger sur les limites du respect des valeurs fondamentales du for. Un relativisme qui se débat entre poursuivre le but du droit international privé d’harmoniser deux systèmes. / This work is to study the confrontation between two distinct legal systems relating to marriage and its effects. It is the receipt of the Moroccan family law which is of religious essence by the legal order french through its international law private, a legal secular. The first part of this book is devoted to understanding Moroccan marriage and its effects which is indispensable for the reception of foreign institutions by the french legal order. Achieve this, to understand the evolution of the marital institution since the creation of the first Code of the Moroccan family, until the reform of the latter in 2004. Ithighlights the assimilation by the Moroccan legislator of the marriage and its effects in a modern family Code while keeping its religious essence. This indispensable approach leads to understand the scope of the reform of the Moroccan wedding of 2004 and the difficulty that knows its application.Understanding its limits allows to capture the design of the concept of family in the Morocco of today.The second part is devoted to this concept through the Moroccan wedding reception and its effects byfrench private international law. The study of the application of the rules of private international law shows the difficulty that Moroccan law applicable on french territory despite the existence of the Franco-Moroccan agreement of 10 August 1981. Moroccan law is, despite its jurisdiction, either before a difficult qualification of its unknown institutions of the french legal system and in this case, it is denatured. It is against the intervention of the mechanism of the public order exception as its institutions and its rules are considered offensive the fundamental principles of the Forum and consequently, he was waived. By analyzing the methodology of french private international law, a certain relativism arises in the application of its provisions that shipments to wonder about the limits of respect for the fundamental values of the Forum. A relativism that struggles between pursuing the goal of private international law to harmonize two different systems.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T19:20:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcia Cristina Zaia.pdf: 792961 bytes, checksum: e8f573e74274c74847be54e19ddff847 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-12-04 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The purpose of the present work is to discuss the relations between religion and immigration, from an intercultural perspective, through the life history of immigrant Muslim women in the city of São Paulo, Brazil, during their acculturation process. In this work, this concept is based upon Intercultural Psychology formulations, as the necessary result of a contact between two cultures, which can lead to the adoption of integration or separation strategies. Through the study of a minority that has been scarcely investigated in Brazil, this work indicates the relevancy that religion can acquire in a migratory context, since it is one of the constituent elements of the ethnic identity / Este trabalho tem por objetivo discutir as relações entre religião e imigração, partir de uma perspectiva intercultural, através do percurso vivido de mulheres muçulmanas imigrantes na cidade de São Paulo, durante seu processo de aculturação. Este conceito é compreendido neste trabalho a partir de formulações da Psicologia Intercultural, como o resultado inevitável de um contato entre duas culturas, que pode resultar em adoção de estratégias de integração ou separação. Através do estudo de uma minoria pouco estudada no Brasil, apresenta-se a relevância que a religião pode adquirir em um contexto migratório, uma vez que é um dos elementos constituintes da identidade étnica

Répondre à la problématique d’un Islam compatible avec les droits de l’homme est au regard des atrocités commises au nom de l’islam fondamental. Le but étant de faire une comparaison entre la vision universelle et la vision islamique des droits de l’homme, le paradoxe résidant dans le fait que les droits et libertés fondamentaux étant à valeur universelle, il ne devrait alors exister qu’une seule conception des droits de l’homme. L’autre paradoxe réside dans le fait que l’Islam est aussi une religion universelle qui dans ses sources protège et encadre très strictement la vie humaine. Les droits humains sont encadrés dans la vision universelle des droits de l’homme et ont muté en droits fondamentaux puisqu’ils sont consacrés par la majorité des Constitutions des États. Les États arabo-musulmans érigent aussi les droits fondamentaux au rang constitutionnel, mais sans jamais écarter l’islam. Il est de ce fait intéressant de comprendre comment les États arabo-musulmans arrivent à extraire de l’islam et de ses sources primaires les droits et libertés fondamentaux avec toutes les difficultés et limites que cela engendre. / It is fundamental to study the compatibility of Islam and human rights in view of the horrors that are done in the name of Islam. We shall compare the universal vision and the islamic vision of human rights, keeping in mind that the paradox comes from the very universality of the fundamental rights and liberties. Thus, there should be only one unique conception of human rights. The second paradox is indeed the very universality of Islam, a religion that protects and oversees human life very strictly. Human rights are part of the universal vision of human rights but they converted into fundamental rights since they are enacted by a large majority of States in their Constitutions. The Arab-Muslim States also elevate fundamental liberties to constitutional status, without ever excluding Islam. It is hence interesting to understand how the Arab-Muslim States come to extract from Islam and its primary sources fundamental rights and liberties with all the difficulties and limits they have to face.