Jury Président : Gilles Bibeau Directeur : Patrice Brodeur Membre du jury : Harith Al-Dabbagh Examinateur externe : Dominique Avon / À l’égard du lien entre le religieux et le politique, le XIXe siècle a été marqué par le rétablissement de grandes questions et par la mise en oeuvre de sujets innovateurs dans la pensée égyptienne par les grandes figures de al-Nahḍah (Renaissance), alors que le XXe siècle a été empreint d’une forte polarisation entre les courants du réformisme musulman, de l´islamisme holiste activiste et du libéralisme humaniste musulman. Maintenant, qu’en est-il des prises de position adoptées par les intellectuels égyptiens contemporains (2011-2015) à ce sujet ? Quelles sont leurs principales expressions de la conception de l’État au prisme de ce lien ? En quoi ces orientations courantes reflètent-elles des continuités, des évolutions ou des ruptures dans la conception de l’État par rapport à la pensée égyptienne moderne (1805-2010) ? Pour pouvoir donner des pistes de réponses à ces questions, les principaux travaux et interventions de 22 intellectuels seront étudiés et analysés, et ce, autour de la conception de l’espace public, de la source de légitimité et de la légifération, toujours au prisme du lien entre le religieux et le politique. Il s’agit principalement d’intellectuels qui, malgré leurs apports et leur influence sur la scène intellectuelle égyptienne actuelle, sont quasi absents de la littérature, surtout française et anglaise. Et c’est par le biais d´une approche interdisciplinaire, appliquée et critique que leurs discours seront examinés. / With respect to the relationship between the religious and the political, the 19th century was marked by the resituating within Egyptian thought of innovative questions and subjects by the great figures of the Al-Nahdah (Renaissance), while the 20th century was characterized by a pronounced polarization between Muslim reformism, activist holistic Islamism and Muslim humanistic liberalism. What of the positions of contemporary Egyptian intellectuals (2011-2015) in this regard? What are their primary expressions of conceiving the state through the prism of the relationship under discussion? How do these current approaches reflect continuities, evolutions or ruptures in conceiving the state with regard to modern Egyptian thought (1805-2010)? To propose avenues for answering these questions, the principal works and other contributions of 22 intellectuals will be studied and analyzed taking into consideration the conception of public space, of the State’s source of legitimacy and legislation, again viewed through the prism of the relationship between the religious and the political. Most of these intellectuals are virtually absent from the literature – especially the French and English – despite their contributions and their influence on the contemporary Egyptian intellectual scene. Their discourses will be examined using an interdisciplinary, applied and critical approach.

The purpose of this study was to present an analysis of Naguib Mahfouz’s writings in relationship to modern Islam, changes in Egyptian Islam, the impact of colonialism, and modern Muslim Identity. The divergent effects and results of transformations in Egypt are analyzed through history, literature, and religion using theoretical religious, psychological, historical, and social world views. Selected writings of Naguib Mahfouz are used as the central body of literature. Naguib Mahfouz’s writings provide a plethora of divergent views on Egypt, Islam, and the emerging new Muslim Identity. Mahfouz’s writings centralize the many dilemmas that Muslims face today in light of modernity, western influences, and a transforming Islam. In this study there were some conclusions drawn about modern Islam and literature that discuss modern Islam as reflected in Mahfouz’s literary portrayals of ordinary Muslims living in Cairo and Alexandria oscillating between their native Eastern culture and Western colonial influences, as well as the existential and spiritual questions that accompany change for modern Muslims. / Religious Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Religious Studies)

Summaries in English and Afrikaans / Die verhoudings tussen Christene en Moslems word dikwels vertroebel deur wantroue, misverstand en kultuurverskille. Hierdie studie behandel gebed as 'n moontlike brug van begrip tussen Moslems en Christene. Die motivering vir die studie le egter dieper as die soeke na goeie wedersydse verhoudings. Dit vloei voort uit deelname aan die "God se sending" in die wereld. Hoofstuk 2 gee 'n noukeurige beskrywing van Moslemgebed (salat), deur te kyk na die oproep tot gebed, voorneme, wassing, gebedshoudings, asook die plek en rigting van gebed. Hoofstuk 3 bevat 'n Christelike interpretasie van Moslemgebed. Di t bestudeer die aanroep ("In die naam van God"), die Moslem-geloofsbelydenis en salat as ritueel. Hoofstuk 4 tref 'n vergelyking tussen die eerste Soerah (Al-Fatihah) en die "Onse Vader". Beide verskille en ooreenkomste word aangetoon. Hoofstuk 5 trek dan 'n paar missiologiese konklusies, met die klem op gebedshoudings en die verhouding tussen dialoog en getuienis. / Relations between Christians and Muslims have often been strained due to mistrust, misunderstanding and cultural differences. This study focuses on prayer as a possible bridge to mutual understanding between Muslims and Christians. However, the motivation for this study goes deeper than a search for good neighbourliness. It stems from participating in the ''mission of God" in society. Chapter 2 gives a detailed description of Muslim prayer (salat), looking at the call to prayer, intention, ablution, prayer postures, the place and the direction of salat. Chapter 3 contains a Christian interpretation of Muslim prayer. It examines the invocation ("In the name of God"), the Islamic Creed, and salat as ritual. Chapter 4 draws a comparison between the opening Surah (Al-Fatihah) and the Lord's Prayer. Both the common and distinguishing features are highlighted. Chapter 5 draws some missiological implications, focusing on prayer postures and the relationship between dialogue and witness. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M. Th. (Missiology)

This research examines the topic of the Christian mission to Muslims in Ethiopia. The Insider Movement paradigm is examined with respect to the meaning of conversion and identity and how these concepts may best be understood in support of Muslim outreach. The study area of Ethiopia is not a Muslim majority nation but rather is pluralistic society and political system. Thus the most specific application is other sub-­‐ Saharan, non-­‐Muslim majority nations in Africa. The cultural and historical context of Ethiopia is first explored with special reference to factors arising from or focusing upon religion. Literature is reviewed regarding evangelization, church planting, and outreach to Muslims. The concept of conversion is discussed at length from both social science and Christian theological paradigms. The topic of identity is explored including identity theory as used among sociology, psychology, anthropology, and philosophy. The research was conducted and analyzed using concepts from the philosophical orientation of critical hermeneutics with specific use of the communication theory of Jurgen Habermas and narrative theory of Paul Ricoeur. The narrative identity theory of Ricoeur was found to be appropriate to a mission to Muslims. An understanding of conversion as being a process of transformation into Christ-­‐likeness through the power of the Holy Spirit was found to be most compatible with Muslim outreach. / Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology / D. Th. (Missiology)

伊斯蘭世界的婦女問題在當代學術研究中佔有相當重要地位，其中一個因素乃西方的研究者不滿伊斯蘭世界對待女性的方式。自十三世紀以降，伊斯蘭世界在西方人的眼中一直是一個象徵神秘的境域，也是西方國家亟欲瞭解的地區。西方人對伊斯蘭世界探討之目的多半是希望對其進行思想與宗教文化上的侵略。穆斯林婦女蒙著面紗的景像總是不斷出現在旅行者的日記、記錄之中，而西方研究者對這些地區進行的調查亦呈現如此一般的印像，並將之視為伊斯蘭壓迫女性的例證。然而，事實是否確實如此？從其他角度觀之，伊斯蘭所欲呈現的面貌與其真實性似乎與過去西方學者所理解的面向有出入。西方思想脈絡下女性主義思想之興起與發展，或許為人類數千年來的兩性關係提供反省、思考之新方式，但是人類亦為此一思想潮流付出不少代價。性別研究的概念固然根源於西方文化的價值觀，也就是「人權」（human rights）的觀點，但是「人權」的觀點卻是人類對父權社會（Patriarchy）體制思想的一種反省。「平等」（equality）與「平權」（公平的權利，equity）並不完全相等同，女性主義者（feminists）追求的是一個「平等」的社會制度，強調的是站在相同起點的兩性觀，而伊斯蘭強調的是一種「平權」的兩性觀，主張男性與女性在此世有其各司之職務，兩性地位並不會因為此一職務性質上做作高低的區分，而導致不對等的情況出現。因此，我們可以說，這兩者之間明顯存在著本質上的差異。 父權體制之源起與宗教信仰、思想、實踐息息相關，人類社會並非一開始即已是完全以男性為主導的社會生活形態，考古學的證據亦告訴我們，母系社會體制之存在是無庸置疑，阿拉伯世界在伊斯蘭建立之前，半島上即有些許部族實行的是以母系（Matriarchy）氏族結構為主的社會制度。就像其他的人類社會一般，在這些母系社會中，女性的確享有較多的權利以及較少的義務。不過，此一論述的標準乃是以其與父權制度的社會情況相比較而得出的結果。當個人在檢視伊斯蘭發展史之研究著作，以及對伊斯蘭經典的研讀中發現，雖然伊斯蘭世界深受許多不同的社會結構思想之背景所影響，但是從歷史的角度觀之，伊斯蘭世界的性別議題及其發展，確實有別於西方女性主義思想之論述，兩者亦不可相提並論，或是任意地以其中一方的觀點來概括另一方的思想文化。西方女性主義者的「平等觀」與伊斯蘭世界的「平權觀」二者之間的差異性，以及古蘭經呈現的觀點似乎與現實世界中穆斯林的認知、實踐有明顯的落差等現象，均是促使個人欲對此作更深入研究的動機。本論文雖旨在闡釋穆斯林的婦女觀，但是亦希望對上述二者之間的異質性作一初步論述。 本論文第一章主要說明研究的動機與目的、研究方法、本研究之限制以及未來可能的研究方向；第二章則從伊斯蘭社會發展的背景著手，說明伊斯蘭建立之前的阿拉伯半島地區之社會結構與生活方式、信仰型態以及兩性的社會地位、互動關係等，透過婚姻制度、財產繼承、男性與女性的活動方式等面向，闡明此一時期的社會特徵，接著探討伊斯蘭建立之後，對阿拉伯半島地區的居民所作的改變，包括伊斯蘭如何看待兩性社會地位，賦予女性相關的婚姻保障、財產繼承權利、以及廢止活埋女嬰等舊慣習俗之改革，以說明伊斯蘭對待女性的方式。第三章則以古蘭經為分析的主要對象，一方面對古蘭經中關於女性的經文詳加分析，另一方面則整理了傳統宗教學者對這些經文的解讀與詮釋，除了以此作為思想上的對比之外，更希望從這些不同學派的觀點中，瞭解古蘭經詮釋之背景以及對穆斯林生活上的影響。 第四章是以聖訓為主，首先對聖訓中關於女性之條文作一整理，並整合不同學派的分析觀點，尋求一個更為普遍合理的說明。第五章則在說明伊斯蘭現代主義思想興起的背景，在經歷中世紀的洗禮之後，伊斯蘭思想產生的重大變革，以及伊斯蘭復興所帶動的改革浪潮，不僅促使傳統的宗教學者重新思考自身的論述立場，保守主義、現代主義、伊斯蘭主義思想的興起，更是為伊斯蘭世界掀起一股更大的反省力量，保守主義者堅守伊斯蘭基本教義之信念，摒除了伊斯蘭接受現代化思想的可能性；現代主義者強調現代化之於伊斯蘭世界的重要性，甚至不惜犧牲自身的傳統文化，以配合現代化的發展進程，而伊斯蘭主義者雖然也強調伊斯蘭世界現代化的重要性，但是他們更注重伊斯蘭世界在此一現代化的過程中，應該要「伊斯蘭化」（Islamization）或是「再伊斯蘭化」（re-Islamization）。伊斯蘭主義者的理念對穆斯林而言是不難理解的，亦即，在現代化的過程中，不應當失去伊斯蘭的傳統價值與道德倫理觀，只是在實際運作的層面上，卻出現更多有待釐清的問題。在此一發展過程中，女性便成了伊斯蘭主義者訴求保存伊斯蘭傳統文化的重要角色。至此，女性議題已經不再是單純的宗教或是文化上的討論，更加入了濃厚的政治性色彩，亦使得婦女研究更為複雜。本論文亦試圖透過對比現代主義思想與古典伊斯蘭思想的內涵，指出一存在於伊斯蘭世界中難以解決的問題，亦即有關兩性地位的爭論。古蘭經與聖訓對相同議題的詮釋並非總是一致，其間已經存在許多相互矛盾之處。此外，宗教學者對經典的詮釋又有許多不同的意見與觀點，均是促成此一問題的原因，也是本論文欲處理的重點。 / The Studies of Woman in Islam is a very important part of the Islamic researches since the 15th century, whatever of the Occident or the Orient world. The major theme of the former concerned about the emancipation of women from every dimension of human life, such as workplace, rights to elections, and rights to education, etc. However, of the later, it is different from the former one; scholars of Islam primarily discussed not only the emancipation from some kind of limitation or discrimination but also the status and value both of male and female in the Islamic Ummah. Islam, emerged and established in the 7th century by the Prophet Muhammad, has already developed an institutional and systematic understanding of the humane world. During the one thousand and five hundred years, Islam has also merged many kinds of thoughts from different cultures into its own world. Therefore, while we start to discuss the problems of women in Islamic world, we have to take a look at the whole history of Islam first, then, we could hold a proper and just attitude to the woman in Islam. My thesis is concerning about the images and descriptions of Muslim Women, which were represented in the Quran, the most sacred book in Islam, and the Hadith, the sayings and behaviors of the Prophet Muhammad, recorded and edited by the Companions of the Prophet and some other religious experts after the death of Muhammad. Most important of all, I attempt to figure out what is the most initial and primordial concept of woman in Islam, and, the way how it is explained, and the process of transition and transformation of these concepts. In addition, I also examine several sorts of schools of thoughts concerning the Muslim women and Islam, including the Islamic traditionists, and modernists. Meanwhile, I juxtapose these two different sides of thought of woman and Islam, and try to give a much clearer picture of this scene between what we called conflict and convergence, whatever of peacefully or militantly. Through this mutual influence between the Quran, Hadith, Islamic traditionists and Islamic modernists, we could understand better the relationships of woman and Islam, or Islam and religion, or religion and woman, etc. Finally, I also try to point out the possibly real problems of woman issues encountered nowadays within the Islamic world.

According to conventional wisdom winning hearts and minds is one of the most important goals for defeating terrorism. However, despite repeated claims about U.S. efforts to build popular support as part of the war on terror during the first seven years after 9/11, a steady stream of polls and surveys delivered troubling news. Using a counterinsurgency and social movement informed approach, I explain why the United States performed poorly in the race for Muslim hearts and minds, with a specific focus on problems inherent in the social construction of terrorism, the use of an enemy-centric model while overestimating agency, and the counterproductive effect of policy choices on framing processes. Popular support plays wide-ranging roles in counterterrorism, including: influencing recruitment, fundraising, operational support, and the flow of intelligence; providing credibility and legitimacy; and, sanctifying or marginalizing violence. Recognizing this the U.S. emphasized public diplomacy, foreign aid, positive military-civilian interactions, democracy promotion, and other efforts targeting populations in the Muslim world. To explain the problems these efforts had, this thesis argues that how Americans think and talk about terrorism, reflected especially in the rhetoric and strategic narrative of the Bush administration, evolved after 9/11 to reinforce normative and enemy-centric biases undermining both understanding of the underlying conflicts and resulting efforts. U.S. policy advocates further misjudged American agency, especially in terms of overemphasizing U.S. centrality, failing to recognize the importance of real grievances, and overestimating American ability to implement its own policies or control the policies of local governments. Finally, the failure to acknowledge the role of U.S. policies counterproductively impacted contested framing processes influencing the evolution of mobilization. The resulting rhetoric and actions reinforced existing anti- American views, contributed to the perception that the war on terror is really a war on Islam, and undermined natural counter narratives.

S’appuyant sur la sociologie des relations ethniques et de l’interactionnisme symbolique, ce mémoire vise à analyser la manière dont des femmes de culture musulmane engagées dans l’espace public québécois interagissent avec les stéréotypes par lesquels elles sont caractérisées dans la société, mais auxquels elles disent ne pas correspondre. Partant du postulat qu’il existe un discours dominant ethnicisant qui dépeint les femmes musulmanes comme des êtres « soumis » et « vulnérables », ces femmes engagées se voient assigner une identité dépréciative qu’elles ne partagent pas. Elles perçoivent donc un écart entre leur identité « réelle » qu’elles voudraient se voir reconnaître par autrui et l’identité « attribuée par autrui ». À partir d’entretiens semi-directifs, ce mémoire propose une typologie des femmes de culture musulmane engagées dans l’espace public québécois. Cette typologie permet d’analyser la manière dont celles-ci perçoivent le discours dominant et les réactions qu’il suscite chez elles. Les résultats de cette analyse suggèrent notamment que ces femmes engagées élaborent des stratégies identitaires afin de voir confirmer et renforcer l’identité qu’elles voudraient se voir reconnaître par la société majoritaire. La mise en place de ces stratégies révèle la porosité des frontières ethniques puisque certaines d’entre elles vont adopter des stratégies orientées vers la « similarisation » au majoritaire, alors que d’autres vont chercher à s’en différencier. / Based on the sociology of ethnic relations and symbolic interactionism, this master thesis aims at analyzing how women of Muslim culture involved in the Quebec public sphere interact with the stereotypes by which they are characterized in society but to which they do not associate themselves. Starting from the premise that there is a dominant ethnicizing discourse depicting Muslim women as being « submissive » and « vulnerable », these women are assigned a depreciative identity they do not share. They perceive a discrepancy between their own identity, which is the one they want to be perceived as, and their assigned identity.Starting from semi-structured interviews, this master thesis proposes a typology of women of Muslim culture involved in the public sphere. This typology is use to analyze how they perceive the dominant discourse and the reactions it evokes in them. The results suggest that these involved women develop identity strategies to confirm and reinforce the identity they wish to be recognized by the majority society. These strategies revealed the porosity of ethnic boundaries, since some of them will adopt strategies oriented to « similarisation » with majority while others will seek to differentiate themselves.

Né à Constantine en 1905 É.C., décédé à Alger en 1973 É.C., Malek Bennabi ce penseur algérien et réformateur musulman peu connu, s’est attaché durant sa vie, à étudier et analyser les problèmes liés à la civilisation du Monde arabo-musulman. Ingénieur sorti de l’Ecole Polytechnique de Paris, Malek Bennabi a jumelé deux cultures différentes : la culture islamique et la culture occidentale.C'est pour cette raison que ses analyses sont ornées d'expertise et d'expérience, d'innovation et d'émancipation. Sa réflexion est pleine d'animation, il a plus d'une vingtaine d'ouvrages, traitant des thèmes variés : la civilisation, le dialogue civilisationnel, la culture, l'idéologie, les problèmes de société, l’orientalisme, la démocratie, le système colonial ainsi que de sujets relatifs au phénomène coranique. À travers ses écrits, il s’attache à étudier et à analyser les raisons de la stagnation de la Société arabo-musulmane et les conditions d’une nouvelle renaissance. Malek Bennabi, s’attèle à tenter d’éveiller les consciences pour une renaissance de cette société. Ayant vécu l’expérience coloniale et post – coloniale dans son pays, Malek Bennabi demeurera tourmenté par les obstacles de développement. Pour lui l’accession à l’indépendance et la construction d’un État moderne n’auront pas suffi à arracher la société au sous-développement économique, social et culturel. En effectuant une relecture du patrimoine islamique, tout comme l’ont fait deux penseurs décédés récemment : Al Djâbiri et Mohamed Arkoun. Malek Bennabi cherchait à offrir une énergie sociale capable à arracher les sociétés arabo-musulmanes de leur sous-développement et décadence. C’est sous cet angle, que nous allons, dans ce mémoire, mener notre réflexion en l’articulant autour de la problématique centrale qui traverse la pensée de Malek Bennabi, à savoir celle du renouveau de la société islamique marquée par une grande diversité. Nous allons tenter de répondre à plusieurs questions, dont la principale est la suivante : est-ce que Malek Bennabi a présenté, à travers ses idées, de la nouveauté pour changer la réalité arabo-musulmane? / Malek Bennabi (1905 – 1973) was a Muslim philosopher, and reformer from Algeria. He was born in Constantine. Bennabi was particularily interested in understanding the civilization of the Arab-Muslim world. As an engineer who graduated from the Ecole Polytechnique in Paris, he combined both Franco-Western and North-African Islamic cultures. His publications received a number of awards and prizes primarily due to his unique combination of expertise, experience, innovation, and emancipation. He wrote numerous articles and books on a variety of issues such as civilizations, culture, ideology, societies, Orientalism, democracy, and the phenomenon of the Qur'an. His writings focused mainly on the causes of contemporary Arabo-Muslim social problems as well as the conditions for a new renaissance or rebirth. The colonial and post-colonial contexts of Bennabi affected his thought. He did not consider an independent and modern state as sufficient conditions for reaching economic development or socio-cultural advancement. Similar to other thinkers, like the late Al Djâbiri Mohamed Arkoun, Malek Bennabi pursued to the logic that only through empowering Arab societies can there be prevention of their underdevelopment and decadence. This thesis focuses precisely on this point: the rebirth of the diverse Islamic society. It seeks to answer the following question: “What innovative thinking did Bennabi contribute to improve the lives of Arab-Muslims?”

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / In pursuit of the objectives of the U.S. National Security Strategy and the National Military Strategy, the U.S. Armed Forces require access to military and logistics facilities overseas to be able to support and sustain its combat power projection. Access to these places translates into capabilities. An American military forward presence in time of peace as well as during a regional crisis lends credibility to U.S. diplomacy. Moreover, access to forward locations is expedient when engaging transnational threats or supporting humanitarian missions, e.g., the South and Southeast Asia tsunami relief operations. This thesis analyzes the political opposition to U.S. military presence in Thailand and the Philippines. The historical context that led to the development of this opposition is examined in detail. The rationale of those who oppose, as well as those who support, American military presence is clearly delineated. By understanding the sensitive political issues, U.S. military planners and operators can adapt base access strategies according to the existing political climate in these two countries. The politics unique to each environment will dictate the combination of "basing" approaches tailored to meet the U.S. military objectives as well as the public diplomacy required to support them. / Major (Select), United States Air Force

Islam and its believers who reside in the Czech Republic are the main theme of this master thesis. My research focuses, first of all, on the Muslim presence in the country over the last ten years. Secondly, I aim to present Islam through the Czech media which is rather unexplored field till today. The text is divided in two parts: a theoretical one and a practical one. The first mentioned deals with the following topics: religiosity in the Czech Republic, history of Islam in the country (especially in Prague and in Brno), Muslims residing in the Czech Republic, image of Islam in the literature and widely debated Muslim question in Europe. The second part of the text is more pragmatic and it is exactly in this part that I lead an analysis of several blogs and Facebook pages emerged from a preliminary research on the Internet. Besides the Internet that is my source number one, I place emphasis also on other Czech mass media such as book market, audiovisual productions or press.