Around the 1950s an explosive population growth started in the Third World. Parallel with the population growth a global network grew up advocating population control and limited population growth. Sweden had a unique place in that network through a pioneering role promoting the issue in the UN organization. During the 20th century Sweden was a pioneer country in terms of initiatives for population control. Ceylon family planing pilot project was something new in a time when other donors considered family planning be too controversial area for bilateral aid projects. The aim of this thesis is to answer ”What is the affinity between the ideological principles behind the Swedish welfare policy and the Swedish initiatives to population control?" and "Does Sweden express a unique overpopulation discourse influenced by the ideological principles behind the Swedish welfare policy?"In the thesis I examine whether it is an affinity between the Swedish welfare ideology and the Swedish initiative to population control. I do this partly by examining how Alva Myrdal – one of the ideological architects behind the swedish welfare state – implemented ideological principles in an international political context and partly how the welfare state's ideological principles took expression in the swedish family planing aid. I also investegating whether it is possible to interpret an overpopulation discourse shaped by the experiences of Swedish welfare policy and what in that case characterizes it. By using  the concept ”governmentality” I distinguishes different key actors in the swedish family planing organisation and thereby I problematize the concept overpopulation discourse. The thesis demonstrates fragmented perceptions within the swedish family planing organisation where a prophylactic line inspired by the welfare ideologies end up getting preference based on its benefits to get political legitimacy. The prophylactic line promoted to change peoples preferences towards population control instead of using coercion which has ideological affinity with the Swedish welfare policy. One of my conclusions is that local circumstances in South Asia like high rate of illiteracy and ” widespread apathy” (not my expression) among the locals made key actors in the family planing aid sceptical towards the efficency of using profylactic policies in the third world. That partly explains the swedish family planing aid shift towards suporting more coercive methods during the 1960s.Keywords: Alva Myrdal, Ceylonproject, Welfare ideology, Population control, govermentality, overpopulation discourse, 20th century.

81p. / Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-03-06T16:04:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Amilcar%20Carvalhoseg.pdf: 449217 bytes, checksum: 08e309c6e299a3ea03a694e9af981f21 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Vania Magalhaes(magal@ufba.br) on 2013-03-14T12:27:52Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Amilcar%20Carvalhoseg.pdf: 449217 bytes, checksum: 08e309c6e299a3ea03a694e9af981f21 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-03-14T12:27:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Amilcar%20Carvalhoseg.pdf: 449217 bytes, checksum: 08e309c6e299a3ea03a694e9af981f21 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / A economia conduzida apenas pelas forças de mercado gera falhas de mercado significativas. Essas falhas de mercado perpetuam-se gerando efeitos regressivos sobre a economia, destacando-se entre estes a estagnação econômica e a elevação dos indicadores de pobreza e da desigualdade de renda, através de um processo de causação circular acumulativo em descensão, cuja interrupção acontece com intervenções governamentais adequadas que promovam um combate contínuo e sustentável à pobreza, estímulos à geração de emprego e maior integração nacional, reduzindo as desigualdades sociais e regionais. Foi feita então uma análise dos últimos 26 anos da economia brasileira, com ênfase na dinâmica entre as diversas políticas econômicas, os efeitos regressivos, as forças de mercado, crescimento econômico, desigualdade de renda e indicadores de pobreza (número de pessoas em domicílios pobres, número de pessoas em domicílios indigentes, percentual de pobres da população, percentual de indigentes da população, participação da renda dos 10 % mais ricos sobre a renda nacional, a participação dos 20 % mais pobres sobre a renda ) sob a teoria de Myrdal. Verificou-se a estagnação econômica em todo o período analisado, elevação da desigualdade de renda e dos indicadores de pobreza nos anos 80, pequena redução destes últimos na década de 90 e no período de 2000 a 2006, com a ressalva de que houve certa estabilização do percentual de pessoas que habitam domicílios pobres e do percentual das que moram em domicílios indigentes. / Salvador

Doct. diss.--Gothenburg, 1990. / Bibliogr. p.250-259. Résumé en anglais.

I min uppsats så har jag valt att studera den ideologi som ledde fram till skapandet av det svenska samhällets särart. Detta ämne har nu för tiden utvecklats till att i huvudsak vara historia, eftersom dess ursprung nu ligger så långt tillbaka i tiden. Mitt val av detta ämne beror huvudsakligen på att jag önskar öka förståelsen för hur välfärden och folkhemsidealet kom att utmärka Sverige. För att uppnå detta har jag främst studerat socialdemokratin, då den som det framgår i bakgrund och appendix var den drivande faktorn i denna utveckling. Jag har dock i den mån det påverkat det socialdemokratiska beslutsfattandet redovisat även andra faktorer. Därtill har jag valt att bege mig tillbaka till den tid då de första idéerna som skulle resultera i det socialdemokratiskt dominerade Sverige växte fram. Jag önskar nämligen också uppvisa hur socialdemokratins ideologi påverkades och förändrades under händelsernas inflytande för att därmed ge en mer heltäckande bild. Jag finner det även nödvändigt att beskriva den utveckling som ledde socialdemokratin fram till folkhemstanken för att ge en uppfattning om dess natur då dessa ideal började växa inom den. Naturligtvis så har jag bara kunnat täcka de mest basala delarna av ideologi och händelser, men jag har strävat efter att i den mån det är möjligt få med de viktigare tankegångarna. Mitt val av slutpunkt har bestämts delvis av det begränsade utrymmet i en studentuppsats, men också av övertygelsen att den värld som socialdemokratin samverkade med efter andra världskrigets slut hade förändrats fundamentalt. Mitt syfte med uppsatsen är att visa och analysera vad socialdemokrati betydde under tiden mellan 1928 och 1939 genom att analysera några av den tidens betydelsefulla socialdemokratiska tänkares uttalanden och skrifter. Min ambition är att i denna ideologianalys därmed kunna finna både deras gemensamma tankegångar och skillnaderna. Därtill har jag också för avsikt att undersöka de argument som socialdemokraterna använde sig av och därigenom få en uppfattning om vad de motsatte sig och varför. Min huvudfrågeställning är: Hur såg den socialdemokratiska ideologin ut under tiden mellan 1928 och 1939 tolkad genom olika socialdemokratiska röster? För att besvara den har jag valt att använda mig av följande frågor: Vad förespråkade socialdemokraterna? På vilka grunder kritiserade socialdemokraterna sina motståndare? Hur motiverade de det? I vilka sammanhang uttalade de sig? Kan skillnaden hänföras till personliga skillnader? Skälet till valet av dessa frågor är att jag finner att de i stort sett täcker den socialdemokratiska ideologin samtidigt som de bidrar till att placera den i sitt tidssammanhang.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1970. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

A discussion and analysis is offered of Gunnar Myrdal's contributions to the theory of political development. Attention is focused on his conception of the role of the state as an agent of development. The paper is divided into two parts. Part I is concerned with the development of the state in the advanced welfare democracies of the West. We find that this development both affects and is affected by the emergence of an organized institutional infrastructure. We discuss the political development of the West --the development of a strong, capable, and effective state --in terms of the liberal interlude, the organization of markets, the spread of equality and the emergence of the "welfare state" as an "organizational state." We find that Myrdal seriously underestimates the critical requisites for an effective yet democratic "organizational state." Part II discusses Myrdal's application of his model of development to the underdeveloped world. Here we find that Myrdal is ideologically compatible with those elites who stipulate that the state must be the main agent of development. Yet through a discussion of the "modernization ideals" of socialism, political democracy and state planning as well as the exigencies of corruption and personal insecurity we do not find an organized institutional infrastructure underpinning the strong, capable, and effective state. Rather we find the "soft-state." For what we characterize as rational political reasons the "soft-state" is marked by low citizen obedience and few obligations placed on the citizens by the political leaders. We argue that this is intimately related to the low degree of equality between individuals and groups. In fact, since so many receive so little from the outputs of state activity, the state is unable to enforce a network of citizen obligations. We find that the "soft-state" is characterized by two things: ambivalence among the elites; and, stability of the system. Yet this stability is a stability of stagnation not development .On the basis of Myrdal's discussion of the agricultural sector we suggest that the only way the "soft-state" will be hardened into a more capable state is through a selective retrenchment of state activities. It would appear that the underdeveloped world would profit from a liberal interlude of reduced state activities. Moreover, by giving encouragement to those groups in society who are less bound by convention and who do not have a vested interest in the status quo, (e.g. the progressive agriculturalists), it may be possible to secure political development, that is, the development of an organized institutional infrastructure, making for a strong, capable, and effective state. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Frihet är ett viktigt tema under nittonhundratalet, kanske särskilt decennierna omkring 1970 med allt vad den tiden innehåller av frigörelsekamp, uppror mot gamla traditioner, individualism och kollektivism. Den här avhandlingen spårar det temat genom tre genrer i den svenska litteraturen, från sextiotalet och framåt: den självbiografiska barndomsskildringen, reseskildringen och science fiction-romanen. De olika genrerna erbjuder olika möjligheter för en författare att diskutera och gestalta frihetstemat, explicit och implicit. Skilda narratologiska utgångspunkter skapar skilda förutsättningar. Genomgående frågeställningar är vilka hinder som finns för att friheten ska kunna uppnås, vilka utvägar mot friheten som ändå existerar och vilka innebörder frihetsbegreppet ges. Avslutningsvis diskuteras resultaten i förhållande till de skilda genrevillkoren men även till det som texterna har gemensamt, exempelvis utopiska drag, mötet med det obekanta och främmande, sökandet efter en subjektiv sanning eller 1968-årens tidsanda. På så sätt kan något sägas om den sköna litteraturens särart jämfört med andra slags texter. / Freedom is an important theme of the twentieth century, perhaps particularly during the decades around 1970, that time of struggle for liberation, the rebellion against the old ways, of individualism and collectivism. This thesis traces that theme through three genres of Swedish literature, from the sixties onwards: the autobiographical childhood novel, the travelogue and the science fiction novel. The different genres offer different possibilities for an author to discuss and depict the theme of freedom, explicitly and implicitly. Different narratological starting points create different conditions. Some returning issues are which restrictions on, opportunities for and meanings of freedom are visible in the texts. Finally, the results are discussed in relation to the different conventions of genre but also in relation to what the texts have in common, such as features of utopia, the encounter with the unfamiliar and strange, the search for a subjective truth or the zeitgeist of the year 1968. In that way, something can be said about the specific nature of fictive or partly fictive texts compared to other kinds of prose.

Ce mémoire de maîtrise porte sur l'économiste Suédois Gunnar Myrdal et son œuvre. Gunnar Myrdal est un institutionnaliste dont les idées s'insèrent dans la discipline de l'économie du développement. La vie, les études, la carrière et l'influence de cet auteur sur la discipline de l'économie du développement et sur la politique seront abordés et analysés pour répondre à la question de recherche : Quel regard Gunnar Myrdal pose-t-il sur le développement, comment cela se traduit-il dans ses écrits et quelle fut son influence en politique et sur la pensée en économie politique? En plus de se pencher sur les principaux concepts de l'œuvre de Gunnar Myrdal qui sont le développement centré sur l'humain, la démocratie et l'égalité, la planification économique, l'État-providence national et l'État-providence mondial, ce mémoire tentera une comparaison des idées de l'auteur avec les autres penseurs de l'économie du développement pour arriver à le situer dans cette discipline. Ce mémoire démontre l'importance de Gunnar Myrdal et de ses idées car cet auteur prolifique a non seulement joué un rôle prédominant dans la politique de développement de son pays, la Suède, mais avec ses idées innovantes, il a contribué à influencer tout le domaine de l'économie du développement. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Gunnar Myrdal, Économie du développement, Institutionnalisme.

It has been roughly 86 years since Gunnar Myrdal’s book “The Political Element in the Development of Economic Theory” was published, in which he declared economic thought and theory as being established by hidden ideological premises. As well as accusing modern economic theory of being the subject of a pseudo-scientific construct. As such, this study seeks to test Myrdal’s critical view on Swedish economic education in upper secondary school. The study also seeks to determine how teachers deal with objectivism in economic teaching, how they themselves view economy as a scientific method and what they feel is the most important to teach the new generation of Swedish citizens. To complement the theoretical standpoint, the study will also emphazise on discussing the problems of objectivism in social sciences. The data presented is the result of conducted observations on four classes in the Swedish upper secondary school, two of the observed classes are based around an economic focus while the two other are based on a social scientific focus. As a compliment to the observations made, the study will also present conducted interviews with the teachers present at said observed occasions. The core questions to be examined are: “How do teachers approach objectivism in economic teaching in classes determined by a social scientific- and economic focus?”; “Which aspects of economy and economic history are highlighted- and valued in (economic) education?” and “How is the relationship between economics and science viewed upon?”

It has been roughly 86 years since Gunnar Myrdal’s book “The Political Element in the Development of Economic Theory” was published, in which he declared economic thought and theory as being established by hidden ideological premises. As well as accusing modern economic theory of being the subject of a pseudo-scientific construct. As such, this study seeks to test Myrdal’s critical view on Swedish economic education in upper secondary school. The study also seeks to determine how teachers deal with objectivism in economic teaching, how they themselves view economy as a scientific method and what they feel is the most important to teach the new generation of Swedish citizens. To complement the theoretical standpoint, the study will also emphazise on discussing the problems of objectivism in social sciences. The data presented is the result of conducted observations on four classes in the Swedish upper secondary school, two of the observed classes are based around an economic focus while the two other are based on a social scientific focus. As a compliment to the observations made, the study will also present conducted interviews with the teachers present at said observed occasions. The core questions to be examined are: “How do teachers approach objectivism in economic teaching in classes determined by a social scientific- and economic focus?”; “Which aspects of economy and economic history are highlighted- and valued in (economic) education?” and “How is the relationship between economics and science viewed upon?”