Die multiversiteit is ʼn term wat Clark Kerr in 1963 gebruik het om die pluralistiese karakter van die Amerikaanse universiteit te beskryf. In dié studie is daar gepoog om aan te toon dat ʼn pluralistiese begronding van die universiteit ruimte laat vir ideologiese beïnvloeding. Terwyl die pluralisme voorgee om geen waardeoordele te hê nie, word die teendeel hiervan in die geskiedenis van die Amerikaanse universiteite waargeneem. Daar moet in ag geneem word dat die pluralisme in Amerika binne ʼn sekulêre milieu ontstaan het. Binne die omgewing is die religieuse begrondinge van die universiteit bevraagteken en dit lei daartoe dat die meeste Amerikaanse universiteite Christelike waardes met sekulêre waardes vervang het. Daar word in die studie geargumenteer dat die sekulêre vakuum wat geskep is ruimte laat vir die ontwikkeling van ideologieë. Een van die kenmerke van ideologieë is hulle totalitêre invloed. Terwyl Kerr uitgaan van ʼn pluralistiese standpunt eindig hy met spore van verskeie ideologieë in sy universiteitsmodel. Die identifisering van die ideologieë wys daarop dat daar waarskynlik teenstrydighede teenwoordig is in Kerr se universiteitsmodel. Die kernteenstrydigheid is dat Kerr enige totaliserende religieuse begronding van die universiteit probeer vermy, maar in die proses ʼn slagoffer word van drie leidende ideologieë. Vanuit Kerr se 1963-geskrif “The Uses of the University” is daar sterk spore geïdentifiseer van die geloof in voortdurende vooruitgang, nasionalisme en ekonomisme. In Kerr se beskrywing van die geskiedenis van die universiteit kom hy tot die gevolgtrekking dat die universiteit genoodsaak word om voortdurend aan te pas by die tye. Die geloof in voortdurende vooruitgang speel hier ʼn leidende rol. Die noodsaak van verandering word deur Kerr so sterk beklemtoon dat hy dikwels praat van die “imperatiewe van verandering”. Die veranderinge word in ʼn ewolusionistiese sin beskou as noodsaaklik vir ‘n universiteit se oorlewing. Kerr distansieer hom om dié rede van die historiese eenheidstrewe van die universiteit. Die eenheid van die universiteit is voorheen gekenmerk deur die woord uni van uni-versiteit. Daar word geargumenteer dat die universiteit nie meer ʼn gemeenskap van dosente en studente is nie, en dat daar nie meer iets soos eenheid in die wetenskap moontlik is nie. Kerr se oplossing is om eerder die pluralistiese begronding van die universiteit te omhels, juis omdat dit volgens hom meer bevorderlik is vir vooruitgang. Kerr noem die postmoderne Amerikaanse universiteit om hierdie rede ʼn multi-versiteit. Hy onderskei die Amerikaanse multiversiteit van ouer Duitse en Engelse universiteitsmodelle, met die oogmerk om aan te toon dat die Amerikaanse universiteit op die voorpunt van verandering staan. Daar sal geagumenteer word dat die strewe na voortdurende vooruitgang ideologies bepaal is. Die nasionalistiese motief van die Amerikaanse universiteit kan nie losgemaak word van die geskiedenis van die Amerikaanse universiteit nie. Vanaf die Tweede Wêreldoorlog en die einde van die Koue Oorlog was die Amerikaanse universiteit vir ʼn tydperk van ongeveer 50 jaar intens betrokke by navorsing in sake van nasionale belang. In dié tyd word die taak van nasionale diens tot ʼn hooftaak van die universiteit verhef. Kerr beskryf hoe die staat se betrokkenheid te midde van verskeie probleme tog voordelig was vir Amerika as ʼn nasie. Na die skielike einde van die Koue Oorlog het die Amerikaanse universiteite al hoe meer betrokke geraak by die sakewêreld. Hoewel die kommersialisering van universiteite eers sedert die einde van die Koue Oorlog spoed opgetel het, het Kerr reeds in 1963 voorspel dat universiteite toenemend die vorm van ʼn besigheid sal vertoon. Hy beskryf die universiteit as ʼn kennisindustrie wat die doel het om kennis op ʼn groot skaal te produseer. Die ekonomiese motief word hier verhef tot een van die hooftake van die universiteit. In hierdie studie is daar gepoog om aan te toon dat die pluralistiese universiteitsmodel wat Kerr voorstaan nie vry is van ideologiese beïnvloeding nie. Tog is daar nie een religieuse vertrekpunt wat aan die hoof van die multiversiteit staan nie. Daar is eerder sprake van verskeie potensiële ideologieë wat dreig om die universiteit permanent te verander. Die ideologie van voortdurende voortuitgang dreig om die universiteit van sy historiese wortels te vervreem. Wanneer die universiteit, in diens van die Amerikaanse nasionalisme, diens aan die nasie as sy hoogste taak beskou, het dit byvoorbeeld uitgeloop op die vervaardiging van genoeg kernwapens om die aarde tien maal te vernietig. Waar die universiteit strewe om volgens besigheidsnorme ingerig te word, het dit ʼn dehumaniserende uitwerking op dosente en studente. Dit alles dui daarop dat daar vandag ʼn groot gevaar bestaan dat die universiteit op ideologiese wyse vir eie gewin misbruik kan word deur die samelewing, deur die nasie en deur die sakewêreld. In Kerr se boek “The Uses of the University” skryf hy optimisties oor die verskeie nuwe gebruikers van die universiteit. In hierdie studie word daar meer pessimisties gewys op die gevare van ideologiese beïnvloeding wanneer die universiteit toelaat dat ander aan haar voorskryf wat haar eintlike taak en roeping in die wêreld is. / MPhil, North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

Die multiversiteit is ʼn term wat Clark Kerr in 1963 gebruik het om die pluralistiese karakter van die Amerikaanse universiteit te beskryf. In dié studie is daar gepoog om aan te toon dat ʼn pluralistiese begronding van die universiteit ruimte laat vir ideologiese beïnvloeding. Terwyl die pluralisme voorgee om geen waardeoordele te hê nie, word die teendeel hiervan in die geskiedenis van die Amerikaanse universiteite waargeneem. Daar moet in ag geneem word dat die pluralisme in Amerika binne ʼn sekulêre milieu ontstaan het. Binne die omgewing is die religieuse begrondinge van die universiteit bevraagteken en dit lei daartoe dat die meeste Amerikaanse universiteite Christelike waardes met sekulêre waardes vervang het. Daar word in die studie geargumenteer dat die sekulêre vakuum wat geskep is ruimte laat vir die ontwikkeling van ideologieë. Een van die kenmerke van ideologieë is hulle totalitêre invloed. Terwyl Kerr uitgaan van ʼn pluralistiese standpunt eindig hy met spore van verskeie ideologieë in sy universiteitsmodel. Die identifisering van die ideologieë wys daarop dat daar waarskynlik teenstrydighede teenwoordig is in Kerr se universiteitsmodel. Die kernteenstrydigheid is dat Kerr enige totaliserende religieuse begronding van die universiteit probeer vermy, maar in die proses ʼn slagoffer word van drie leidende ideologieë. Vanuit Kerr se 1963-geskrif “The Uses of the University” is daar sterk spore geïdentifiseer van die geloof in voortdurende vooruitgang, nasionalisme en ekonomisme. In Kerr se beskrywing van die geskiedenis van die universiteit kom hy tot die gevolgtrekking dat die universiteit genoodsaak word om voortdurend aan te pas by die tye. Die geloof in voortdurende vooruitgang speel hier ʼn leidende rol. Die noodsaak van verandering word deur Kerr so sterk beklemtoon dat hy dikwels praat van die “imperatiewe van verandering”. Die veranderinge word in ʼn ewolusionistiese sin beskou as noodsaaklik vir ‘n universiteit se oorlewing. Kerr distansieer hom om dié rede van die historiese eenheidstrewe van die universiteit. Die eenheid van die universiteit is voorheen gekenmerk deur die woord uni van uni-versiteit. Daar word geargumenteer dat die universiteit nie meer ʼn gemeenskap van dosente en studente is nie, en dat daar nie meer iets soos eenheid in die wetenskap moontlik is nie. Kerr se oplossing is om eerder die pluralistiese begronding van die universiteit te omhels, juis omdat dit volgens hom meer bevorderlik is vir vooruitgang. Kerr noem die postmoderne Amerikaanse universiteit om hierdie rede ʼn multi-versiteit. Hy onderskei die Amerikaanse multiversiteit van ouer Duitse en Engelse universiteitsmodelle, met die oogmerk om aan te toon dat die Amerikaanse universiteit op die voorpunt van verandering staan. Daar sal geagumenteer word dat die strewe na voortdurende vooruitgang ideologies bepaal is. Die nasionalistiese motief van die Amerikaanse universiteit kan nie losgemaak word van die geskiedenis van die Amerikaanse universiteit nie. Vanaf die Tweede Wêreldoorlog en die einde van die Koue Oorlog was die Amerikaanse universiteit vir ʼn tydperk van ongeveer 50 jaar intens betrokke by navorsing in sake van nasionale belang. In dié tyd word die taak van nasionale diens tot ʼn hooftaak van die universiteit verhef. Kerr beskryf hoe die staat se betrokkenheid te midde van verskeie probleme tog voordelig was vir Amerika as ʼn nasie. Na die skielike einde van die Koue Oorlog het die Amerikaanse universiteite al hoe meer betrokke geraak by die sakewêreld. Hoewel die kommersialisering van universiteite eers sedert die einde van die Koue Oorlog spoed opgetel het, het Kerr reeds in 1963 voorspel dat universiteite toenemend die vorm van ʼn besigheid sal vertoon. Hy beskryf die universiteit as ʼn kennisindustrie wat die doel het om kennis op ʼn groot skaal te produseer. Die ekonomiese motief word hier verhef tot een van die hooftake van die universiteit. In hierdie studie is daar gepoog om aan te toon dat die pluralistiese universiteitsmodel wat Kerr voorstaan nie vry is van ideologiese beïnvloeding nie. Tog is daar nie een religieuse vertrekpunt wat aan die hoof van die multiversiteit staan nie. Daar is eerder sprake van verskeie potensiële ideologieë wat dreig om die universiteit permanent te verander. Die ideologie van voortdurende voortuitgang dreig om die universiteit van sy historiese wortels te vervreem. Wanneer die universiteit, in diens van die Amerikaanse nasionalisme, diens aan die nasie as sy hoogste taak beskou, het dit byvoorbeeld uitgeloop op die vervaardiging van genoeg kernwapens om die aarde tien maal te vernietig. Waar die universiteit strewe om volgens besigheidsnorme ingerig te word, het dit ʼn dehumaniserende uitwerking op dosente en studente. Dit alles dui daarop dat daar vandag ʼn groot gevaar bestaan dat die universiteit op ideologiese wyse vir eie gewin misbruik kan word deur die samelewing, deur die nasie en deur die sakewêreld. In Kerr se boek “The Uses of the University” skryf hy optimisties oor die verskeie nuwe gebruikers van die universiteit. In hierdie studie word daar meer pessimisties gewys op die gevare van ideologiese beïnvloeding wanneer die universiteit toelaat dat ander aan haar voorskryf wat haar eintlike taak en roeping in die wêreld is. / MPhil, North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

N.P. van Wyk Louw redefined the context-bound Afrikaans literature and criticism in the thirties to establish a new ‘national’ creative and critical discourse in Afrikaans. The central premise of this study is the correlation between Louw’s conceptualisation of a ‘national’ literature and Paul Ricoeur’s interpretation of utopia. In the essay collections Berigte te velde and Lojale verset (1939) Louw offers a new and confrontational grasp on the established Afrikaans literature and criticism (social and literary) within the context of Afrikaans nationalism. Louw formulates his directives for literature and society in a system of oppositional concepts. The central dualism in as well as the intellectual and structural foundation of his innovative ideas is the conceptualisation of a ‘national’ and ‘colonial’ literature. In accordance with Ricoeur’s oppositional analysis of utopia and ideology (1978a, 1981b, 1986), Louw’s distinction between a ‘national’ and ‘colonial’ literature is investigated in this study as a binary opposition based on the dualism utopia/ideology. The exploration of the ‘national’ literature as utopia and the ‘colonial’ as ideology includes the role of subordinate oppositions, among which are individual/nation and individual/national identity, in the sustaining of this polar structure. The unavoidable conflict between and exclusion of opposing elements are demonstrated by an analysis of the breaks in the reconciliation which Louw tries to effect between the ‘national’ and ‘colonial’ literatures. With reference to Ricoeur and Thompson (1984) the function of power as the common factor in utopia/ideology and the ‘national’/’colonial’ literature is investigated, and the realisation of an element of power in Louw’s critical discourse is explored. Key words: N.P. van Wyk Louw, Paul Ricoeur, binary opposition, Afrikaner nationalism, national literature, utopia, ideology, identity, power

Please read the abstract in the section 07 back of this document / Dissertation (MA (Cultural History))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Historical and Heritage Studies / unrestricted

Text in Afrikaans / Die doel met hierdie studie is om te bepaal of daar 'n verband is tussen die aktivering van die middelpuntsoekende en middelpuntvliedende kragte van nasionalisme enersyds en andersyds die tegnieke van demokrasie in die hedendaagse staat. In die ondersoek na so 'n verband, is die nasie beskou as 'n versameling individue wat in terme van 'n bepaalde identiteit assosieer ten einde 'n stel belange te realiseer. Belange wat uitgesonder word is: selfidentiteit, die noodsaaklikheid om met ander mense te kan assosieer, selfdeterminasie as 'n motiverende krag in menslike gedrag, en die persepsie dat die vermoe bestaan om belange te kan realiseer. Die spanning tussen die selfdeterminerende aard van die menslike natuur enersyds, en andersyds die onvermydelike groepkonteks van die mens, word in hierdie studie beklemtoon. Ten einde hierdie spanning te minimiseer, sal die individu die eise van die groep (in hierdie konteks die nasie), as sy eie internaliseer. Ten einde 'n selfdeterminerende individu midde in die nasie te bly, word die selfdeterminasie van die nasie belangrik. Selfdeterminasie word verder beskou, as 'n belangrike kenmerk van liberale demokrasie. Ongelukkig is die groepkonteks en die spanning tussen die belange van die individu enersyds en andersyds die eise van die samelewing weer eens onvermydelik. Verskeie tegnieke van demokrasie word evalueer in terme van hul sukses om die selfdeterminasie van die individu en die realisering van sy belange te verseker. Daar is bevind dat geen tegniek 'n waarborg in hierdie verband kan bied nie. In die studie is bevind dat negatiewe persepsies oor selfdeterminasie en belangerealisering in die algemeen, die middelpuntvliedende kragte in die staat kan aktiveer. Die verskillende tegnieke van demokrasie kan inderdaad die bron van negatiewe persepsies wees. Verder is bevind dat indien hierdie negatiewe persepsies saamval met etniese en/of regionale subidentiteite in die staat, hulle aanleiding kan gee tot rebelse nasionalisme. Die verskillende tegnieke van demokrasie verleen dikwels die meganismes waardeur hierdie subidentiteite georganiseer en gemobiliseer kan word. / The purpose of this study is to determine whether there is a relationship between the activation of the centripetal and the centrifugal powers of nationalism, on the one hand and on the other hand, the techniques of democracy in the contemporary state. In researching this relationship, the nation is regarded as a collection of individuals who associate in terms of a particular identity in order to realise a set of interests. Interests that are singled out in this study are: self-identity, the need to associate with fellow human beings, self-determination as a motivational force in human behaviour, and the perception of being able to realise particular interests. The tension between the self-determining nature of human beings, on the one hand and the inevitable group context of human beings, on the other hand, is stressed in this study. In order to minimize this tension, the individual will internalize the demands of the group (in this context the nation) as his own. Thus for the individual to remain a self-determining human being within the nation, the self-determination ofthe nation becomes important. It is further pointed out that self-determination of the individual is an important feature of liberal democracy. Unfortunately the group context and the tension between the interests of the individual on the one hand and the demands of society on the other hand, are also inevitable. Various techniques of democracy are evaluated in order to determine their success in safe-guarding the selfdetermination of the individual and the realization of his interests in general. It is pointed out that no technique can in fact provide a guarantee in this regard. In the study it was found that negative perceptions regarding self-determination and the realization of interests in general, may activate the centrifugal powers within the state. The various techniques of democracy may indeed be the source of these negative perceptions. It was furthermore found that when these negative perceptions coincide with ethnic and regional subidentities, they may give rise to rebellious nationalisms. The various techniques of democracy often provide the mechanisms through which these subidentities could be organized and mobilized. / Political Sciences / D.Litt. et Phil. (Staatsleer)

Text in Afrikaans / Die doel met hierdie studie is om te bepaal of daar 'n verband is tussen die aktivering van die middelpuntsoekende en middelpuntvliedende kragte van nasionalisme enersyds en andersyds die tegnieke van demokrasie in die hedendaagse staat. In die ondersoek na so 'n verband, is die nasie beskou as 'n versameling individue wat in terme van 'n bepaalde identiteit assosieer ten einde 'n stel belange te realiseer. Belange wat uitgesonder word is: selfidentiteit, die noodsaaklikheid om met ander mense te kan assosieer, selfdeterminasie as 'n motiverende krag in menslike gedrag, en die persepsie dat die vermoe bestaan om belange te kan realiseer. Die spanning tussen die selfdeterminerende aard van die menslike natuur enersyds, en andersyds die onvermydelike groepkonteks van die mens, word in hierdie studie beklemtoon. Ten einde hierdie spanning te minimiseer, sal die individu die eise van die groep (in hierdie konteks die nasie), as sy eie internaliseer. Ten einde 'n selfdeterminerende individu midde in die nasie te bly, word die selfdeterminasie van die nasie belangrik. Selfdeterminasie word verder beskou, as 'n belangrike kenmerk van liberale demokrasie. Ongelukkig is die groepkonteks en die spanning tussen die belange van die individu enersyds en andersyds die eise van die samelewing weer eens onvermydelik. Verskeie tegnieke van demokrasie word evalueer in terme van hul sukses om die selfdeterminasie van die individu en die realisering van sy belange te verseker. Daar is bevind dat geen tegniek 'n waarborg in hierdie verband kan bied nie. In die studie is bevind dat negatiewe persepsies oor selfdeterminasie en belangerealisering in die algemeen, die middelpuntvliedende kragte in die staat kan aktiveer. Die verskillende tegnieke van demokrasie kan inderdaad die bron van negatiewe persepsies wees. Verder is bevind dat indien hierdie negatiewe persepsies saamval met etniese en/of regionale subidentiteite in die staat, hulle aanleiding kan gee tot rebelse nasionalisme. Die verskillende tegnieke van demokrasie verleen dikwels die meganismes waardeur hierdie subidentiteite georganiseer en gemobiliseer kan word. / The purpose of this study is to determine whether there is a relationship between the activation of the centripetal and the centrifugal powers of nationalism, on the one hand and on the other hand, the techniques of democracy in the contemporary state. In researching this relationship, the nation is regarded as a collection of individuals who associate in terms of a particular identity in order to realise a set of interests. Interests that are singled out in this study are: self-identity, the need to associate with fellow human beings, self-determination as a motivational force in human behaviour, and the perception of being able to realise particular interests. The tension between the self-determining nature of human beings, on the one hand and the inevitable group context of human beings, on the other hand, is stressed in this study. In order to minimize this tension, the individual will internalize the demands of the group (in this context the nation) as his own. Thus for the individual to remain a self-determining human being within the nation, the self-determination ofthe nation becomes important. It is further pointed out that self-determination of the individual is an important feature of liberal democracy. Unfortunately the group context and the tension between the interests of the individual on the one hand and the demands of society on the other hand, are also inevitable. Various techniques of democracy are evaluated in order to determine their success in safe-guarding the selfdetermination of the individual and the realization of his interests in general. It is pointed out that no technique can in fact provide a guarantee in this regard. In the study it was found that negative perceptions regarding self-determination and the realization of interests in general, may activate the centrifugal powers within the state. The various techniques of democracy may indeed be the source of these negative perceptions. It was furthermore found that when these negative perceptions coincide with ethnic and regional subidentities, they may give rise to rebellious nationalisms. The various techniques of democracy often provide the mechanisms through which these subidentities could be organized and mobilized. / Political Sciences / D.Litt. et Phil. (Staatsleer)

Text in Afrikaans / Afrikanisering en universiteitsonderwys: 'n histories-opvoedkundige deurskouing en evaluering In hierdie studie is 'n beskrywing van en verklaring vir die ontstaan, ontwikkeling en betekenis van die begrip afrikanisering gegee. Daar is bevind dat die begrip afrikanisering 'n emosiebelaaide en polities sensitiewe begrip is wat saam met verbandhoudende begrippe soos Afrika-persoonlikheid, Negritude, Afrosentrisme, Ethiopianisme, lokalisering en swartbewussyn 'n ge"integreerde deel vorm van die strewe om nie net politieke onafhanklikheid vir Afrika-kolonies en Afrikane te verkry en te handhaaf nie, maar om hierdie onafhanklikheid ook op sosio-ekonomiese en kulturele gebiede te verseker. Die standpunte van verskeie pleitbesorgers van afrikanisering is ontleed en na aanleiding daarvan is 'n vergelyking tussen vroeere afrikaniseringspogings in Brits Wes-Afrika en die in Suid-Afrika getref. Nadat 'n aantal implikasies van afrikanisering vir Suid-Afrikaanse universiteite aangedui is, is enkele toekomsperspektiewe rakende die afrikanisering van universiteite in Suid-Afrika geformuleer. / Africanisation and university education: an historical-educational explication and evaluation In this study a description of and explanation for the origin, development and meaning of the concept africanisation is given. It can be concluded that the concept africanisation is emotive and politically sensitive and together with related concepts such as African personality, Negritude, Afrocentrism, Ethiopianism, localisation and Black consciousness it forms an integrated part of the aspiration not only to gain and maintain political independence for African colonies and Africans, but also to secure this identity in the socio-economic and cultural fields. The views of various advocates/proponents of africanisation were analysed and based on this analysis a comparison between the earlier africanisation attempts in British West Africa and those in South Africa was drawn. After some implications of africanisation for South African universities were indicated, a number of future perspectives with regard to the africanisation of universities in South Africa were formulated. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (Historiese Opvoedkunde)

Text in Afrikaans / Afrikanisering en universiteitsonderwys: 'n histories-opvoedkundige deurskouing en evaluering In hierdie studie is 'n beskrywing van en verklaring vir die ontstaan, ontwikkeling en betekenis van die begrip afrikanisering gegee. Daar is bevind dat die begrip afrikanisering 'n emosiebelaaide en polities sensitiewe begrip is wat saam met verbandhoudende begrippe soos Afrika-persoonlikheid, Negritude, Afrosentrisme, Ethiopianisme, lokalisering en swartbewussyn 'n ge"integreerde deel vorm van die strewe om nie net politieke onafhanklikheid vir Afrika-kolonies en Afrikane te verkry en te handhaaf nie, maar om hierdie onafhanklikheid ook op sosio-ekonomiese en kulturele gebiede te verseker. Die standpunte van verskeie pleitbesorgers van afrikanisering is ontleed en na aanleiding daarvan is 'n vergelyking tussen vroeere afrikaniseringspogings in Brits Wes-Afrika en die in Suid-Afrika getref. Nadat 'n aantal implikasies van afrikanisering vir Suid-Afrikaanse universiteite aangedui is, is enkele toekomsperspektiewe rakende die afrikanisering van universiteite in Suid-Afrika geformuleer. / Africanisation and university education: an historical-educational explication and evaluation In this study a description of and explanation for the origin, development and meaning of the concept africanisation is given. It can be concluded that the concept africanisation is emotive and politically sensitive and together with related concepts such as African personality, Negritude, Afrocentrism, Ethiopianism, localisation and Black consciousness it forms an integrated part of the aspiration not only to gain and maintain political independence for African colonies and Africans, but also to secure this identity in the socio-economic and cultural fields. The views of various advocates/proponents of africanisation were analysed and based on this analysis a comparison between the earlier africanisation attempts in British West Africa and those in South Africa was drawn. After some implications of africanisation for South African universities were indicated, a number of future perspectives with regard to the africanisation of universities in South Africa were formulated. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (Historiese Opvoedkunde)

The problem statement mainly deals with the curtailment of the high function status of Afrikaans in South Africa since 1994 as this has a negative impact on the six million mother tongue speakers of Afrikaans as well as on non-mother tongue speakers for whom the language has an instrumental value. The question is raised as to whether myth making around Afrikaans can be held partly responsible for this loss in status. The term “myth” and the impact of myths are looked into. “Myth” is not used in this thesis as a “story without ground” (as in the dictionary definition), but, according to the work of Jung, Campbell, Leroux, Malan and others, as a story/narrative that gives voice to man’s search for meaning and significance. The main points of departure are: · The viewpoint of the well-known twentieth-century mythologist, Joseph Campbell, who states: “Myths are stories of our search through the ages for truth, for meaning, for significance (Campbell in Flowers 1988:5); and · The statement of Malan (1978:39) namely that myth has always been the way in which man has tried to explain the sense, significance and purpose of the cosmos by means of a simple narrative. Myth making within groups (Anderson 1991: “imagined communities”) is viewed and the role of of political myth making explicitly stated. In this regard the statement of Leonard Thompson is relevant. Thompson (1985:3) points to two kinds of myths, namely: 1) “conservative myths” (for example about the origins of a group); and 2) “radical myths” (that aim to discredit the regime of “the other”). In the discourse about myths around Afrikaans the point of departure is that the specific myth is regarded as positive or negative in terms of its impact on the status and position of Afrikaans in South Africa. The two “main” myths around Afrikaans are discussed by exemplification and by means of anecdotes and the impact of the said myths on Afrikaans is evaluated. The two myths are: · Afrikaans as mythical binding force in Afrikaner nationalism in (mainly) the first fifty years of the twentieth century; and · Afrikaans as metaphorical language of the oppressor, especially in the period of institutionalized apartheid. The impact of the above myths within various Afrikaans systems (among others the historiography and literature of Afrikaans and the school syllabi) is furthermore exemplified with the purpose of indicating how great this impact has been. Finally the question is asked: ”And now, Afrikaans?” (with acknowledgement to the title of a publication by Hans du Plessis, 1992: “En nou, Afrikaans?”). The conclusion is that the status of Afrikaans in the so-called high language functions is daily under more pressure as a result of the hegemony of English in the country. There should be rational and firm negotiations about this unconstitutional curtailment of the rights of Afrikaans. The speakers of Afrikaans can, however, help to preserve the language by: 1. Living with the myths around Afrikaans in the sense that they develop and demonstrate understanding and empathy for the myths of other groups; 2. Using Afrikaans daily for all functions, especially seeing that Afrikaans is indeed suitably developed to meet any need; and 3. Working towards new myth making around Afrikaans, by – among other things – pointing to the fact that Afrikaans, as a language of Africa, has a greater claim to national language status in South Africa than the international language, English. / Thesis (DLitt (Afrikaans))--University of Pretoria, 2005. / Afrikaans / unrestricted

By the end of the twentieth century, there were many secessionist groups, but, the move towards Taiwanese secessionism has arguably been the most significant of these. It triggered the 1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis, which resulted in a historical military confrontation between Mainland China and the US. As will be shown, from 1988 to 2000, Lee Teng-hui, as president of Taiwan, manipulated the political Cross-Straits relationship to promote what was ultimately a secessionist policy. This caused Mainland China to react strongly and triggered sharp tension between Taiwan and Mainland China. This thesis considers what motivated Lee Teng-hui to implement a secessionist Cross-Straits policy and why he supported unification while adopting a substantive secessionist policy. It looks at how he was able to instigate Taiwanese hostility towards Mainlanders, to transform the hostility into a sense of Taiwanese national identity and ultimately into Taiwanese secessionist ideology. A historical approach was used in exploring the origins of secessionism, and descriptive and analytical methods to review systematically and comprehensively political developments in the ROC and its civil war, and to study Lee Teng-hui’s life; the national identity of Taiwan and Mainland China; the implementation of Lee Teng-hui’s political Cross-Straits policy; and the reaction of Mainland China. The study showed that the main cause of Taiwanese secessionism was ethnic conflict between Taiwanese and Mainlanders. It originated from the 228 Incident of 1947, in which Mainlander-led troops slaughtered many Taiwanese. Soon after, the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan from Mainland China, and many Taiwanese (including Mainlanders) were killed during the State of Emergency in the 1950s and 1960s. Since the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan in its original central government form, the Mainlander élite occupied key positions in the government during the 1950s and 1960s. It resulted in unfair power-sharing for Taiwanese, and caused the Taiwanese élite to believe that they had to establish their own government (nation). Lee Teng-hui had participated in the CCP and had been under political surveillance by the Mainlander-led government for over twenty years. He weathered these political difficulties, but by reasonable inference, there was a close relationship between the political oppression by the Mainlander-led government and his secessionist political Cross-Straits policy. Because Taiwanese residents were indoctrinated by Chiang Ching-kuo and his father, Chiang Kai-shek’s administration for about 40 years, Chinese ideology was dominant and Lee Teng-hui initially paid lip-service to Cross-Strait unification whilst working towards secessionism as reflected in the Chingdao-Lake Incident (1994); the private dialogue between Lee Teng-hui and Shiba Ryotaro (1994); the address at Cornell University (1995); and his two-state theory (1999). However, due to strong pressure from Mainland China, he did not reach his secessionist goal during his presidential term (1988-2000). In conclusion, this thesis shows that Taiwan Island’s geopolitical importance is at the heart of the US’ support for Taiwan’s secession from the Mainland. Therefore, Lee’s secessionist Cross-Strait policy aside, US national interests lie in containing Mainland China and it has, therefore, always played an important role in the secessionist issue and always will. From the perspective of Mainland China, either in terms of nationalism or national security, Taiwan’s secession is a life-and-death issue. If Taiwanese authorities were to declare independence, the only option for Mainland China would be to launch a unification war. For the US, Taiwan is only a pawn that it uses to contain Mainland China. Therefore, in the Cross-Strait issue, the US has more options than Mainland China, namely, to use military intervention in the future to deter Chinese unification or to decide to share common peaceful international relations with Mainland China by accepting Cross-Strait unification. / Thesis (DPhil (International Relations))--University of Pretoria, 2004. / Political Sciences / unrestricted