Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:52:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alexandre Akio Motonaga.pdf: 558538 bytes, checksum: cd5c0647f8e92d6f9d09dd10f2d00076 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-21 / This paper's main objective is to extract the Federal Constitution of 1988 the principle of national interest. This is a principle implied, which is already in the current Federal Constitution, but that should be identified, interpreted and constructed. On the other hand, started with the premise that a Constitution drawn up democratically and with the participation of representatives of the people is an instrument that informs the general will of the Brazilian people. Thus, the principle of national interest, together with other constitutional principles relating to foreign relations, form a subsystem of international relations that, together, bind and obligate the government in the formulation and execution of Brazilian foreign policy. In this context, governments should also take into account public opinion, which is changing the face of the recent and profound changes in the Information Age / Este trabalho tem como objetivo principal extrair da Constituição Federal de 1988 o princípio do interesse nacional. Este é um princípio implícito, que já se encontra na atual Constituição Federal, mas, que deve ser identificado, interpretado e construído. Por outro lado, partiu-se do pressuposto de que uma Constituição elaborada de forma democrática e com a participação de representantes do povo é um instrumento que informa a vontade geral do povo brasileiro. Dessa forma, o princípio do interesse nacional, juntamente com outros princípios constitucionais atinentes às relações exteriores, forma o subsistema das relações internacionais que, em seu conjunto, vinculam e obrigam os governantes na formulação e execução da política externa brasileira. Nesse contexto, os governantes devem ainda levar em conta a opinião pública, que se encontra em transformação face às recentes e profundas mudanças da Era da Informação

As inovações tecnológicas em um mundo globalizado estão alterando o papel do Estado e as relações sociais. As relações jurídicas brasileiras também sofrem consequências de uma economia cada vez mais internacional. De outra banda, toda regulação econômica do Brasil deve observar a Constituição Federal. A Constituição brasileira possui diversos princípios, trabalha com conceitos que devem ser interpretados em seus contextos e mirando os objetivos constitucionais. Não há na Constituição palavras inúteis e a alteração promovida pela Emenda Constitucional n.º 85/2015 busca harmonizar a regulação com a nova economia baseada na inovação que mitiga a importância das distâncias geográficas na economia global e respeita as liberdades individuais. De todos os temas da economia internacional o que mais estressa a relação entre Estado e empresas é o investimento estrangeiro, cuja escala tem exigido novas respostas regulatórias. O Brasil determina que toda a regulação dos investimentos estrangeiros seja disciplinada com base no interesse nacional, de modo que este conceito precisa ser definido juridicamente. O presente trabalho tem por objetivo estudar a estrutura regulatória do Estado brasileiro, o que é essa nova economia, a relação desta com a regulação estatal, a regulação dos investimentos estrangeiros, para que ao final, consigamos propor um conceito de interesse nacional que deve nortear as leis que disciplinam o investimento estrangeiro no Brasil, com um recorte especial para essa contexto da nova economia que surge com mudanças bastante significativas comparadas a outras eras econômicas. Nesse contexto, entendemos que o interesse nacional deve ser identificado da seguinte forma: observados os princípios da administração pública, os princípios que regem as relações internacionais, os princípios da ordem econômica, e o dever de fomentar a inovação inclusive nas empresas, e respeitando as liberdades individuais garantidas constitucionalmente e os respectivos deveres, interesse nacional é a soma dos interesses dos nacionais nas suas buscas individuais ao desenvolvimento econômico e à vida digna, em uma sociedade livre, justa e solidária, visando erradicar a pobreza e reduzir as desigualdades, promovendo o bem de todos sem nenhuma forma de discriminação. / Technological innovations in globalized world have been changing State role and social relations. Brazilian legal relations have been suffering consequences from an each time more international economy. In other perspective, every Brazilian economic regulation must observe it´s Federal Constitution. Brazilian Constitution have many principles and works with concepts that shall be interpret within contexts and aiming constitutionals goals. There are no useless word in Constitutional text, and Constitutional Amendment n. º 85/2015 pursuit harmonizing the innovation based new economy that mitigate geographical distances relevance in global economy and respect individual liberties. From all international economy subjects, the one that most stress State-companies relations its foreign investment, what has been requiring new regulatory answers. Brazil set that all foreign investment regulation shall be based under national interest, requiring this concept definition. This text aims research regulatory structure of Brazilian administration, what is this new economy, this new economy relation with public regulation, foreign investment regulation, so that, at the end, it can be settle national interest concept that shall guide foreign investment regulation in Brazil in an new economy context that upraised significant changes comparing to other economic eras. In this context, we understand that national interest shall be identified as: observed public administration principles, international relations principles, economic order principles and the legal duty to promote innovation (also in companies), and observing individual liberties constitutionally guaranteed and its counterparties duties, national interest is the sum of interests of national citizens in theirs individual pursuits of economic development, dignity in life, in a fair, solidarity and free society, seeking to end poverty and reduce inequalities, promoting the well being for all without any form of discrimination.

This thesis aims to analyze oil as a security challenge for the European Union. The energy security policy is getting more and more important with the decrease of energy sources, which holds and shapes the balance of power in the world. Especially in the future, energy sources will be the key to political strategies. The European nations have created energy security policies in order to protect their benefits. The central argument of this thesis is that although the EU has attempted to create a common EU energy policy throughout its history, it could not escape from the impact of the national energy policy of the member states. The main focus is on the oil policy of the community. Thus, the aim of the thesis is to explore the policies created for oil security, especially in the Middle East, and why the EU could not implement these policies it created.

The U.S. has been building the security umbrella in Asia-Pacific after the World War II, from Japan and South Korea in the north, to Philippine, Thailand, Australia and New Zealand in the south, to protect its homeland security and interests in Asia-Pacific from communist threat like Communist China. When the Cold War ended which saw the decline of USSR as a world power, the U.S. security umbrella continues but it now faces a new challenge posed by the rise of China. While Australia is part of the security umbrella of U.S., it is quite different from Japan, South Korea, Philippine and Thailand. Australia is a state with cultures and values similar to the West but is geographically located in Asia-Pacific. It has huge territory that ranks top 6 in the world but sparsely populated with only around twenty one million people. Trade contributes significantly to its economic development due to its relatively small population and abundant resources. China's influence is rising after its economic reform. China has been the most important trade partner of Australia since 2007. However, when Australia seeks a wider bilateral interaction with China, it is expected that this will have an impact on the Australia-United States bilateral relations. The concept of a ¡§Strategic Triangle¡¨ has been used in this dissertation to observe the changes of the Australia-United States-China relationship in different stages. The national interests approach is applied to interpret the importance of relationships of Australia-United States and Australia-China to Australia. Therefore, the contents of Australia¡¦s national interests and Australia's foreign policies are explored first. Then, the bilateral relationship between U.S.-China is examined for its impacts on Australia¡¦s choices between U.S. and China. The Australia-U.S. relationship and Australia-China relationship are also examined respectively to understand the rationale behind Australia's approach toward U.S. and China. Finally, Australia's strategies are reviewed and the possible strategic choices for Australia are discussed. The strategic choices made by Australia could be interpreted from the Australia-U.S.-China triangular relationship.

A presente dissertação investiga a construção do interesse nacional brasileiro em relação à Argentina no jornalismo de revista. Utilizando-se de quatro das principais publicações semanais nacionais de informação geral (CartaCapital, Época, IstoÉ e Veja) para o estudo do discurso jornalístico, procura-se entender como este participa na conformação das percepções acerca do “outro”, envolvendo tanto formas de representação deste quanto indícios de como agir em relação a ele. A partir da ideia de construção social da realidade, propõe-se uma ponte entre o jornalismo e as relações internacionais. O interesse nacional é entendido aqui como uma forma de enquadramento, e para a investigação das notícias que abordam a relação Brasil-Argentina, faz-se uso da análise de discurso de escola francesa. / This paper investigates the construction of Brazilian national interest in relation to Argentina in magazine journalism. Using four of the leading national weekly publications of general information (CartaCapital, Época, IstoÉ e Veja) for the study of media discourse, seeks to understand how it participates in shaping the perceptions of "other", involving both ways of representation as evidence of how to act toward him. From the idea of social construction of reality, is proposed a bridge between journalism and international relations. The national interest is perceived here as a form of framing, and to research news about the relation between Brazil and Argentina, is used the discourse analysis, the French school.

A presente dissertação investiga a construção do interesse nacional brasileiro em relação à Argentina no jornalismo de revista. Utilizando-se de quatro das principais publicações semanais nacionais de informação geral (CartaCapital, Época, IstoÉ e Veja) para o estudo do discurso jornalístico, procura-se entender como este participa na conformação das percepções acerca do “outro”, envolvendo tanto formas de representação deste quanto indícios de como agir em relação a ele. A partir da ideia de construção social da realidade, propõe-se uma ponte entre o jornalismo e as relações internacionais. O interesse nacional é entendido aqui como uma forma de enquadramento, e para a investigação das notícias que abordam a relação Brasil-Argentina, faz-se uso da análise de discurso de escola francesa. / This paper investigates the construction of Brazilian national interest in relation to Argentina in magazine journalism. Using four of the leading national weekly publications of general information (CartaCapital, Época, IstoÉ e Veja) for the study of media discourse, seeks to understand how it participates in shaping the perceptions of "other", involving both ways of representation as evidence of how to act toward him. From the idea of social construction of reality, is proposed a bridge between journalism and international relations. The national interest is perceived here as a form of framing, and to research news about the relation between Brazil and Argentina, is used the discourse analysis, the French school.

A presente dissertação investiga a construção do interesse nacional brasileiro em relação à Argentina no jornalismo de revista. Utilizando-se de quatro das principais publicações semanais nacionais de informação geral (CartaCapital, Época, IstoÉ e Veja) para o estudo do discurso jornalístico, procura-se entender como este participa na conformação das percepções acerca do “outro”, envolvendo tanto formas de representação deste quanto indícios de como agir em relação a ele. A partir da ideia de construção social da realidade, propõe-se uma ponte entre o jornalismo e as relações internacionais. O interesse nacional é entendido aqui como uma forma de enquadramento, e para a investigação das notícias que abordam a relação Brasil-Argentina, faz-se uso da análise de discurso de escola francesa. / This paper investigates the construction of Brazilian national interest in relation to Argentina in magazine journalism. Using four of the leading national weekly publications of general information (CartaCapital, Época, IstoÉ e Veja) for the study of media discourse, seeks to understand how it participates in shaping the perceptions of "other", involving both ways of representation as evidence of how to act toward him. From the idea of social construction of reality, is proposed a bridge between journalism and international relations. The national interest is perceived here as a form of framing, and to research news about the relation between Brazil and Argentina, is used the discourse analysis, the French school.

Un territoire correspond à une entité spécifique et à une logique qui lui est propre. Le rôle du juriste est de créer des règles et des concepts pour prévenir, gérer et protéger ledit territoire. Ce territoire doit être géré de manière intégrée, que ce soit au niveau terrestre ou au niveau maritime. On note bien que cette gestion intégrée du littoral méditerranéen, et plus particulièrement la gestion intégrée des zones côtières, a une influence directe sur la plaine du Var. Réciproquement, la partie terrestre avec l’outil juridique de l’Opération d’Intérêt National promeut une gestion intégrée de ladite plaine. Ce concept de ville durable de la plaine du Var se traduit juridiquement par des règles d’urbanisme (OIN) qui sont en adéquation avec un développement durable et des normes protectrices de l’environnement. Le régime juridique utilisé sur ce territoire est dérogatoire au droit commun de l’urbanisme. Il reste l’une des dernières manifestations de la puissance publique, caractéristique de la France. Ce régime juridique cultive les paradoxes et présente donc un intérêt scientifique de premier ordre. / A territory corresponds with a specific entity which has its own logic. The jurist’s role is both to create rules and concepts in order to organize prevention, protection and management of the aforementionned territory: the “Var’s Plain”. It is well noticed that this integrated management of the Mediterranean Coast and more particulary, coastal’s zones integrated management has a direct impact on the “Var’s Plain”. Reciprocally, the land territory with legal tool of the Interest National Operation promotes one integrated management of the aforementioned Plain. Moreover, the tittle of the thesis suggests the idea according which there‘s a mutual influence, an elective affinity as would say Max WEBER, from the earth towards the coast and vice-versa, in order to manage sustainably the territory. This management is done by the establishement of legal provisions. The legal regime commonly used on this territory is an exception of the common law of urbanism. However, it remains one of the last demonstration of public authorities, which is a characteristic of France. This legal regime cultivates paradoxes and thus presents a leading science interest of first class.

This thesis seeks to examine the characteristics of the Turkish Lobby in the United States and the strategies it has utilized in its approach to countering the Armenian Lobby's efforts at official Recognition of the Armenian Genocide. While the Armenian Lobby and its approach to Genocide Recognition in the United States has been well-documented, the organizational structure of the Turkish Lobby and its approach to counter Genocide Recognition has been less explored. The Turkish Lobby consists of various Turkish-American organizations with close ties to Ankara, as well as professional lobbying and public relations firms contracted by the Turkish government for millions of dollars annually. The variety of actors that compose the Turkish Lobby is a reflection of Turkey's multi-pronged approach to preventing Genocide Recognition. This seeks to examine the primary strategies the Turkish Lobby has employed to counter Genocide Recognition, as well as its strengths and weaknesses according to indicators of effective ethnic group lobbying. Two case studies are presented in order to gain a better understanding of the characteristics of the Turkish Lobby and the strategies it employed to prevent two House Resolutions calling for Genocide Recognition. The findings show that the Turkish Lobby fulfills several...

Presented thesis analyzes the Icelandic fisheries as a national interest and its role in foreign policy. Importance of fisheries confirms the fact that in the first half of the twentieth century marine products accounted for over 90% of Iceland's exports and the Icelandic economy was fully dependent on one sector. Gradual diversification of the economy in the seventies, however, caused a decline in exports of fish products to one-third of total exports. The thesis assumes that the Icelandic fisheries have a significant impact on foreign policy, even though its economic importance is declining. The research is carried out on three historical events, such as the cod wars in the fifties and the seventies, mackerel dispute in 2010 and the withdrawal of Iceland's application to the EU in 2015. It would be expected that due to the economic ties and Icelandic membership in international organizations (NATO, EFTA) the Icelandic government would primarily seek peaceful solutions in international conflicts. However, it could be observed in the Icelandic case that due to the pressure of the domestic politics the government does not respond as it would be expected. According to the neoclassical realism the thesis should verify a hypothesis that in a case of security threat, the Icelandic government will give...