Ernesto Geisel e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva presidiram o Brasil em momentos muito diferentes: este, afiliado a um partido de esquerda, eleito pelo voto popular e assumindo o cargo num mundo onde um único país concentrava os maiores níveis de poder material, militar e ideológico. Aquele, escolhido por uma Junta Militar, num contexto mundial marcado pela disputa entre duas potências. Apesar das diferenças, os dois presidentes carregam pelo menos um elemento em comum: em sua política externa, os dois buscaram adotar uma postura universal, o que acarretou uma aproximação, em especial, do continente africano. Esta pesquisa busca entender a construção discursiva que fundamentou a renovação das relações Brasil-África nestes dois períodos da história brasileira, através de uma análise dos pronunciamentos dos chefes de Estado e dos seus Ministros de Relações Exteriores. Ao observar as construções discursivas, buscaremos determinar quais elementos do discurso se mantém, quais são ressignificados e quais são descartados. Através da comparação dos discursos, buscaremos compreender melhor os paradigmas normativos que sustentaram a política africana do Brasil, bem como a concepção estratégica da África em cada um deles. O método utilizado é o histórico-indutivo, associado ao uso do método comparativo. A partir dos discursos obtidos em livros e sites oficiais, a amostra foi limitada aos pronunciamentos que continham citação ou referência ao relacionamento com a África, sendo posteriormente realizada análise com especial atenção para os componentes textuais e simbólicos discutidos nos marcos teóricos da pesquisa. Os resultados obtidos mostram que as disputas travadas no campo simbólico ajudam a compreender a elaboração do que é entendido como interesse nacional. / Ernesto Geisel and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva were Presidents of Brazil in very different moments: the later, a member of a left-wing party, was elected by popular vote and took office in a world where only one country concentrated the highest levels of material, military and ideological power. On the other hand, the former was chosen by a Military Junta and had to deal with an international reality of constant dispute among two powers. Despite their differences, both Presidents had at leat one element in common: in their foreign policies, both adopted a universal attitude, which led to a rapprochement to Africa. This research aims at understanding the construction of the discourse about the renovation of Brasil-Africa relations in these two periods of Brazilian history, through the analysis of these Heads of State’s speeches, as well as their Foreign Minister’s. Through the observation of the discourse constructions, we seek to determine which elements are maintained, which are re-signified and which are discarded. Through the comparison of speeches, we seek to better understand normative paradigms which have grounded Brazil’s African policies, as well as the strategic dimension of Africa in each. The method used is inductive/historic associated to the comparative method. From speeches obtained in books and online, the research sample was limited to those which mentioned or referred to Brazil’s relations with Africa. Those were analyzed with special attention to textual and symbolic components discussed in the research’s theoretical framework. Results obtained point to the fact that disputes at the symbloci level help understand the elaboration of what is understood as national interest.

Este trabalho analisa, de modo comparativo, a política externa dos governos Geisel (1974-1979) e Lula (2003-2010). Busca-se evidenciar que houve uma “continuidade matizada” na diplomacia brasileira nos dois períodos: muito embora não se vislumbre um processo sem quaisquer rupturas em termos de política externa entre 1974 e 2010, assiste-se à retomada, pelo governo Lula, de diretrizes, métodos e argumentos de política externa prevalecentes à época do governo Geisel. Assume-se que essa retomada esteve ligada a semelhanças relacionadas à concepção do interesse nacional e à adoção de uma estratégia realista de inserção internacional – a despeito de cada um dos governos deparar-se com cenários internacionais diversos e dispor de recursos de poder distintos. / This study analyses the Brazilian foreign policy under Geisel (1974-1979) and Lula (2003-2010) administrations by using the comparative method. One of the study‟s core objectives is to show that one can observe a “relative continuity” in the Brazilian diplomacy during both periods: even though one cannot observe a process without any rupture in the Brazilian foreign policy from 1974 to 2010, it is possible to verify that Lula administration resumed some guidelines, methods and rationales which were employed by the Brazilian foreign policy during Geisel administration. It is assumed that this resumption is related to national interest concept and the adoption of a realist strategy aimed at widening Brazil‟s international projection – in spite of different international contexts and different power resources.

Ernesto Geisel e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva presidiram o Brasil em momentos muito diferentes: este, afiliado a um partido de esquerda, eleito pelo voto popular e assumindo o cargo num mundo onde um único país concentrava os maiores níveis de poder material, militar e ideológico. Aquele, escolhido por uma Junta Militar, num contexto mundial marcado pela disputa entre duas potências. Apesar das diferenças, os dois presidentes carregam pelo menos um elemento em comum: em sua política externa, os dois buscaram adotar uma postura universal, o que acarretou uma aproximação, em especial, do continente africano. Esta pesquisa busca entender a construção discursiva que fundamentou a renovação das relações Brasil-África nestes dois períodos da história brasileira, através de uma análise dos pronunciamentos dos chefes de Estado e dos seus Ministros de Relações Exteriores. Ao observar as construções discursivas, buscaremos determinar quais elementos do discurso se mantém, quais são ressignificados e quais são descartados. Através da comparação dos discursos, buscaremos compreender melhor os paradigmas normativos que sustentaram a política africana do Brasil, bem como a concepção estratégica da África em cada um deles. O método utilizado é o histórico-indutivo, associado ao uso do método comparativo. A partir dos discursos obtidos em livros e sites oficiais, a amostra foi limitada aos pronunciamentos que continham citação ou referência ao relacionamento com a África, sendo posteriormente realizada análise com especial atenção para os componentes textuais e simbólicos discutidos nos marcos teóricos da pesquisa. Os resultados obtidos mostram que as disputas travadas no campo simbólico ajudam a compreender a elaboração do que é entendido como interesse nacional. / Ernesto Geisel and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva were Presidents of Brazil in very different moments: the later, a member of a left-wing party, was elected by popular vote and took office in a world where only one country concentrated the highest levels of material, military and ideological power. On the other hand, the former was chosen by a Military Junta and had to deal with an international reality of constant dispute among two powers. Despite their differences, both Presidents had at leat one element in common: in their foreign policies, both adopted a universal attitude, which led to a rapprochement to Africa. This research aims at understanding the construction of the discourse about the renovation of Brasil-Africa relations in these two periods of Brazilian history, through the analysis of these Heads of State’s speeches, as well as their Foreign Minister’s. Through the observation of the discourse constructions, we seek to determine which elements are maintained, which are re-signified and which are discarded. Through the comparison of speeches, we seek to better understand normative paradigms which have grounded Brazil’s African policies, as well as the strategic dimension of Africa in each. The method used is inductive/historic associated to the comparative method. From speeches obtained in books and online, the research sample was limited to those which mentioned or referred to Brazil’s relations with Africa. Those were analyzed with special attention to textual and symbolic components discussed in the research’s theoretical framework. Results obtained point to the fact that disputes at the symbloci level help understand the elaboration of what is understood as national interest.

Este trabalho analisa, de modo comparativo, a política externa dos governos Geisel (1974-1979) e Lula (2003-2010). Busca-se evidenciar que houve uma “continuidade matizada” na diplomacia brasileira nos dois períodos: muito embora não se vislumbre um processo sem quaisquer rupturas em termos de política externa entre 1974 e 2010, assiste-se à retomada, pelo governo Lula, de diretrizes, métodos e argumentos de política externa prevalecentes à época do governo Geisel. Assume-se que essa retomada esteve ligada a semelhanças relacionadas à concepção do interesse nacional e à adoção de uma estratégia realista de inserção internacional – a despeito de cada um dos governos deparar-se com cenários internacionais diversos e dispor de recursos de poder distintos. / This study analyses the Brazilian foreign policy under Geisel (1974-1979) and Lula (2003-2010) administrations by using the comparative method. One of the study‟s core objectives is to show that one can observe a “relative continuity” in the Brazilian diplomacy during both periods: even though one cannot observe a process without any rupture in the Brazilian foreign policy from 1974 to 2010, it is possible to verify that Lula administration resumed some guidelines, methods and rationales which were employed by the Brazilian foreign policy during Geisel administration. It is assumed that this resumption is related to national interest concept and the adoption of a realist strategy aimed at widening Brazil‟s international projection – in spite of different international contexts and different power resources.

本文研析2011年至2016年期間，中國在人道干預立場上對利比亞和敘利亞的差異比較，試圖分析中國在「國家保護責任」（Responsibility to Protect）上的態度轉變。中國於安理會1970號和1973號針對利比亞內戰所涉及的人道干預決議案，不但同意將利比亞情勢送交國際刑事法院，更間接默許西方軍事干預利比亞，此與一向不干預他國內政、尊重他國主權為外交原則的中國相違背。然而，發生於同時期、同受到阿拉伯之春影響、同為推翻獨裁政權的敘利亞內戰，中國卻多次否決對其進一步軍事干預，形成人道干預立場上的矛盾。 而本文試圖利用「國家利益」和「形象建構」兩大分析途徑，探究中國隨著負責任大國的形象建立，和在國際事務上話語權漸增的情況下，於人道干預立場的考量是否有所改變或偏向。本文認為中國在利比亞案例上突破以往不干預他國內政的立場，並不代表中國對「國家保護責任」態度的轉變。其次，中國當前在人道干預立場上，仍以國家利益為主，形象建構為輔，特別是中共政權維穩、國家安全為首要。此外，中國也正試圖擺脫俄羅斯和西方國家的單方影響，建立一套獨立自主的人道干預外交原則。

Studien grundar sig i den ständigt ökade stadsbefolkningen vilket bidrar till att städerna behöver utvecklas. En lösning på detta kan vara förtätning. Det kan leda till konsekvenser i de befintliga kvarteren med nya byggnader som oftast ska placeras i känsliga miljöer som i detta fall är ett kulturhistoriskt värdefullt område. För att inte förvanska kulturhistoriska miljöer är det viktigt att förtätning sker varsamt. Studien behandlar ett kvarter i centrala Växjö som är av högt kulturhistoriskt värde. Syftet i följande studie är att undersöka vilka prioriteringar som sker vid utformning av nybyggnation vid förtätning av kulturhistoriska miljöer. Målet är att ta fram ett förslag på hur en förtätning i ett kulturhistoriskt område kan gå till. Undersökningen baseras på en enkätundersökning och områdesanalyser samt litteraturstudier. Resultatet visar att exploatering kan genomföras om det sker på ett varsamt sätt. Det sätter synnerligen höga krav på fasadutformning, detaljer, material, kulörval, markanslutningar, volym, skala och proportioner samt samspelet med omkringliggande byggnader och miljöer. Att visa respekt för de befintliga områdena och ha ett varsamt förhållningssätt vid förtätningsprojekt för nutida och framtida behov är väsentligt. / The study is based on the ever-increasing urban population, which contributes to the development needs of cities. A solution to this can be densification. This can lead to consequences in the existing neighborhoods with new buildings, which will often be placed in a sensitive environment, which in the case of this study is a cultural-historical area. In order not to distort cultural-historical areas, it is important that densification takes place with care. The study deals with a current area in central Växjö which is of high cultural and historical value. The purpose of the following study is to examine what priorities take precedence while designing new constructions during densifying in cultural-historical environments. The goal is to suggest how densification in a cultural-historical area can look like. The study is based on a survey and observations. The results show that exploitation can be achieved gently. It places truly high demands on facade design, details, materials, color choices, ground connections, volume, scale and proportions as well as interaction with surrounding buildings and environments. Showing respect for existing areas and maintaining a gentle approach when developing cities for contemporary and future needs is essential.

This diploma thesis deals with strategies of promoting Czechs as ambassadors of the EU (HoD) since the launch of the European External Action Service to the present. The main research goal of this thesis is to find out whether the Czech Republic promotes its candidates to the HoD positions in the countries of its priority interests. So far, a Czech citizen has become an HoD in six cases. These cases are confronted with a categorization of priority countries of the Czech Republic which has been elaborated by the author. Then, the Czech activities in promoting citizens are analysed based on interviews with relevant employees of the Czech state organs. These actions are consequently put into categorization of lobbying methods of the smaller states in the EU. Based on the categorization of the Czech territorial priorities, it can be claimed that the Czechs have not been sent as HoDs to the countries of the Czech interests so far. Even their other applications have not been meant to place them to the countries of the Czech interests. On the other hand, there is a bulk of activities embraced by the Czech Republic to reverse this trend. First, the Czech administration exacerbates networking and informal meetings among the Czechs based in Brussels. Second, the Czech state officials have developed formal...

The Master's Thesis "The Special Relationship, the ESDP and the British National Interest at the Turn of the New Millenium" analyses the relationship of the United Kingdom to both the United States and the European Union during the premiership of Tony Blair. By using critical discourse analysis and applying three criteria within the framework of the procedural concept of national interest, the work seeks to determine whether the creation and further development of the European Security and Defence Policy was in the British national interest and whether it was compatible with the close UK-US relationship. After having examined the British public political discourse of three main political parties on security and defence, this thesis arrives at the conclusion that for Britain it was essential to keep NATO at the centre of its security, to maintain the close relationship with the US and to improve Britain's position in Europe. The core attitudes of the British political elite remained unchanged in the respected period. On the discourse level, the ESDP was in the British national interest as it was presented as an effort to strengthen the European pillar within NATO. Predicate and metaphor analysis of Blair's speeches unveiled that the British Prime Minister, considered as the initiator of a more...

The aim of this thesis is to answer how and why France intervenes in Sub-Saharan Africa in the new millennium. This region represented the pivotal part of French colonial empire and France maintained close mutual relationship even after decolonization, partly due to the numerous military interventions. Security and defence policy towards Sub-Saharan Africa underwent gradual changes since the 1990s', France started to participate in multilateral peace operations and outside its traditional sphere of influence. Since 2003, when the European Union launched the first operation on the African continent, the vast majority of French interventions took place within the Common Security and Defence Policy of the EU. There were twelve new operations in the examined period 2003-2012, from which four military missions were selected for the purpose of this research: Operation Artemis in the Democratic Republic of Congo in 2003, EUFOR DR Congo ibidem in 2006, EUFOR Chad/CAR in Chad and Central African Republic from 2008 to 2009 and naval operation EU NAVFOR Atalanta launched by the coast of Somalia in 2008. The thesis compares these cases in order to analyse motives which lead France to intervene in Sub-Saharan Africa and to prefere multilateral type of operation. The motives are assessed in the context of the...

Arguing from the traditional point of view with regard to the concept of securitization, this work analyses the effects securitization has on international environmental policy on the example of four case studies—the Rio Conference, the climate change regime, the ozone depletion regime as well as the fragmented forest regime. Contrasting securitization to the variables of regime complexity and the national interest, its twofold effects become evident. While succeeding in “raising the stakes” of an issue, securitization at the same time provokes conflicts between either the actors involved (e.g., forest convention negotiations) or the actors and the regime itself (e.g., climate change regime).