Bakgrunden till denna studie är framdragningen av kustjärnvägen Norrbotniabanan mellan Umeå och Luleå med stationslägen i bland annat Skellefteå och Piteå. Järnvägen är en miljövänlig transportlösning för gods men också för persontransporter, som bidrar till att binda samman hela kustlandet. När nya infrastruktursatsningar ska genomföras föregås de av ingående utredningar. De ska klargöras när, var och hur satsningen ska genomföras och av vem. Finansieringen av projektet är också en viktig fråga, är det privata aktörer eller är det samhället som ska betala. Är det samhället som ska finansiera projektet är det av stor vikt att klargöra om effekterna av åtgärden är samhällsekonomiskt hållbara. Dessa infrastruktursatsningar blir ofta identifierade som riksintressen. Tolkningen av riksintressenas överlägsna ställning vid mark- och vattenanvändningsplanering gör att det infaller ett investeringsvakuum direkt Trafikverket identifierat ett infrastrukturprojekt som är av rikets intresse för kommunikationer. Syftet med denna studie är att utreda de konsekvenser som en framdragning av viktig infrastruktur som Norrbotniabanan har på tätortsutvecklingen under utredningsarbetet av projekten och svara på följande frågeställningar: <ol type="1">  Vad innebär järnvägsutredningar för tätortsutvecklingen före byggstarten av järnvägen? <ul type="disc"><ul type="disc">Vilka är de negativa konsekvenserna för den kommunala tätortsutvecklingen av utredningsarbetet? Vilka är de positiva konsekvenserna för den kommunala tätortsutvecklingen av utredningsarbetet? <ol type="1">Hur kan de negativa konsekvenserna av en järnvägsutredning minimeras? Hur kan de positiva konsekvenserna av en järnvägsutredning tillvartas? För att svara på frågeställningarna har en abduktiv ansats med kvalitativa metoder använts i denna studie. En systematisk litteraturstudie har kompletterats med semistrukturerade intervjuer. För att ytterligare fördjupa förståelsen har en Planstudie genomförts av Piteå kommuns översiktsplan samt påverkade detaljplaner. De viktigaste slutsatserna av denna studie är att utredningskorridoren för Norrbotniabanan har påverkat tätortsutvecklingen i Piteå kommun negativt. Hur stora de negativa konsekvenserna varit är svårt att konkretisera. De negativa konsekvenserna som framkommit av studien är bland annat: Skapar osäkerhet, med allt vad det innebär av uteblivna investeringar i verksamheter men också bostadsbyggande. Förbättringsåtgärder försvåras på befintliga anläggningar. Påverkar fastighetsmarknaden negativt då försäljningar uteblir. Skapar planeringssvårigheter, eftersom alternativa lägen ofta måste väljas. Påverkar tillgången på etableringsbar mark i kommunen. Verksamhetsmarken i kommunen är slut och önskvärda etableringslägen för bostäder i centrum påverkas. En positiv konsekvens av utredningsarbetet för Norrbotniabanan är att det planeras för en regionsammankopplande järnväg. / The background to this study is the development of the Norrbotniabanan coastal railway between Umeå and Luleå with including stations in Skellefteå and Piteå. The railroad is an environmentally friendly solution for goods but also for passenger transport, which helps to tie together the entire coastal region. When new infrastructure initiatives are to be implemented, they are preceded by in-depth investigations. It has to be clarified when and how the investment will be carried out and by whom. Financing the project is also an important issue, is it private actors or is the society going to pay. If the society is financing the project, it is important to clarify whether the impact of the measure is socio-economic. These infrastructure initiatives are often identified as national interests. The interpretation of the supreme position of national interest in land and water use planning makes it an investment vacuum area directly The Swedish Transport Administration (Trafikverket) has identified an infrastructure project that is of the public interest in communications. The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of a project on important infrastructure like Norrbotniabanan has on urban development during the investigation of the project and answer the following questions. What do railway investigations mean for urban development before the construction of the railway? What are the negative consequences for the municipal urban development of the investigations? What are the positive consequences for the municipal urban development of the investigations? How can the negative impact of a railway investigation be minimized? How can the positive consequences of a railway investigation be improved? To answer the questions an abductive approach whit qualitative method has been used in this study. A systematic literature study has been supplemented with semi structured interviews. To further deepen the understanding, a Plane study has been conducted by Piteå municipality's overview plan and affected detailed plans. The main conclusions of this study are that the investigation corridor for Norrbotniabanan has negatively affected urban development in Piteå municipality. How big the negative consequences have been is difficult to concretize. The negative consequences identified by the study include: • Creates uncertainty, with all that it means of missing investments in businesses but also housing construction. Improvement measures are made difficult at existing facilities. Have effects on the property market in the municipality, due to missing house sales. • Creates planning difficulties, because alternative modes often have to be selected. Have effects on the availability of plannable land in the municipality. The industrial in the municipalities have ended and desirable establishments for housing in the center are affected. A positive consequence of the investigations work for the Norrbotniabanan railway is that it is planned for a regional connecting railway.

The analysis of security policy, in its variations, regularly deals with the question of what each actor wants to promote in domestic or international politics, in other words, what is his interest. The term "national interest" is not an abstract category and a rhetorical turn legitimizing government action in front of the public audience or in dispute with political opposition. One of the aims of the presented thesis is to present the concept of national interest as a useful tool enabling closer research of domestic policy within the security context. Our main thematic focus, in which we examine the constitution of national interest, is the Czech counterterrorism policy in the context of the reaction of the Czech government and security forces to the terrorist attacks in Paris in autumn 2015 and in Brussels in March of the following year. An extraordinary measure after the attacks in Brussels in the form of the deployment of the Czech Army performing police tasks in mixed patrols in three Czech cities is for us a key manifestation of counterterrorism policy. This constitution of the security policy, we are further investigating. The main motivation is to explain the reasons why the mentioned security measure took place, which has no analogs in the history of the Czech Republic. We conclude that...

The diploma thesis analyzes the way of promoting the national interest of the Czech Republic in Georgia and describes possible changes as a result of the Czech EU Presidency. The national interest is examined based on the assumption that the state foreign policy is the expression of the national interest. Therefore, the primary sources for this analysis are official foreign policy documents of the Czech Republic. The aim is to confirm or disprove the hypothesis that Czech foreign-policy towards Georgia in the period from 2007 to 2011 was driven by the aim to maximize own profit through EU structures. Given the size of the Czech Republic and its geopolitical importace, the analysis is based on the theory of neo-liberal institutionalism, and in accordance with this theory the national interest operationalized into four criteria, namely: 1) Compliance of EU and Czech interests, 2) Profiting from the EU presidency to promote the Czech interests, 3) Long-term consistency of interests, and 4) Economic interests as the main priority. The set of criteria helped to identify whether the Czech Republic behaved in accordance with the theory of neo-liberal institutionalism, and whether the Czech interests were promoted either through multilateral or bilateral relations. The analysis shows that in the studied...

Daniel Dolejší The causes of continuing existence of the French Foreign Legion 2015 Abstract The core theme of this diploma thesis is the French Foreign Legion that is examined from the point of view of national interests and strategic culture of France. It is very unusual in developed countries to have foreigners as a part of national army. Goal of the thesis is to discover and describe the causes of continuing existence of the French Foreign Legion. First of all, the author defines national interests and strategic culture of France for certain periods, and then he assesses the contribution of the Legion to fulfillment of goals connected to the national interests and the strategic culture. To the main conclusions of this work belongs that the first hypothesis was confirmed, the French Foreign Legion helped to reach goals based on national interests in certain periods. On the other hand, the second hypothesis was not completely confirmed. The author expected that the strategic culture always stabilizes and supports the role of the Legion, but he found out the opposite for the interwar period. The author supposes higher importance of the Legion in the area of peacekeeping operations under a mandate of the UN or NATO because the EU currently lacks troops prepared to be deployed abroad.

This Master's thesis deals with the emerging international norm Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in French Foreign Policy between 2008 and 2013. Responsibility to Protect was created in 2001 by the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty and endorsed by the UN World Summit in 2005. It has changed the understanding of state sovereignty in international relations by emphasizing the responsibility component of sovereignty. It gives priority to the security of individuals. France has been an active agenda-setter in the field of human protection norms in the 1980s and 1990s and it has showed a supportive approach towards R2P. The thesis examines whether the conceptualization of R2P in current French foreign policy is coherent with this tradition. The research is based on the concepts of ethical foreign policy and alternative national interest. The analysis of strategic documents setting the priorities of French foreign policy between 2008 and 2013 as well as an examination of the three military interventions based on R2P (Libya, Côte d'Ivoire and Central African Republic) in which France played an active role have shown that in the France's foreign policy is based on moral principles which it upholds in strategic documents. In practice ethical foreign policy also prevails over...

Uppsatsen syftar till att utreda tillämpningen av 4:4 miljöbalkens geografiska begränsning. Lagparagrafen reglerar riksintresseområde för ”högexploaterad kust” där endast fritidshusbebyggelse får komma till stånd undantagsvis och då ifall de utgör komplettering till befintlig bebyggelse eller ifall fritidshusbebyggelsen utgör en naturlig avrundning till ett redan bebyggt område. Kustområdena som denna lagparagraf reglerar anger specifikt vissa ortsnamn, men är ändå inte tydlig med vilka geografiska gränser som faktiskt gäller, exempelvis hur långt in i landet ett kustområde sträcker sig. Så var går gränsen? I detta arbete behandlas i urval fyra rättsfall, spridda över tiden avseende exploatering i riksintresseområde där 4:4 MB har varit en central paragraf i fråga. Rättsfallen avser samtliga tiden från det att miljöbalken vann laga kraft 1998. Ett av dessa rättsfall utföll så att 4:4 MB inte ansågs vara tillämpligt och frågan hänvisades tillbaka till kommunen för vidare handläggning. Därmed är det inte klarlagt ifall det genomfördes någon sorts exploatering i fallet i slutändan. Vad jag generellt finner i rättsfallen är att rättsinstanserna oftast dömer så att någon exploatering inte tillåts, men att sakägarna som för ärendena inför domstol är inte kommunerna utan privatpersoner som bor i de aktuella områdena. I studien kontaktades ett antal länsstyrelser och kommuner för att få en tydligare bild av hur 4:4 MB tillämpas. Kommunerna som studerats i arbetet har olika mycket hantering av 4:4 MB. Vissa kommuner har stort tryck på exploatering i kustområden medan andra har mindre efterfrågan, och mängden ärende med anknytning till 4:4 MB verkar samvariera med exploateringsintresset. Något som flera företrädare för kommunerna i studien tar upp i de genomförda intervjuerna är avsaknaden av sorts mall eller liknande som förtydligar vad för värden som regelverket avses skydda, definitioner av ord i lagen så som ”tätort” och ”fritidsbebyggelse”, och vad det är för utveckling av områdena som eftersträvas. Av de valda länsstyrelsernas informationsutgivning, på deras respektive hemsidor framgår det oftast ungefärligt samma sak angående riksintressen. Det som brukar tas upp, med avseende på 4 kapitlet MB eller allmänt riksintresse, är en återgivning av lagtexten, en hänvisning till var detta regelverk är tillämpligt i länet och därefter en avslutning med hänvisning till en GIS-karta. Tillämpningen av 4:4 MB skiljer sig åt mellan länsstyrelser och kommuner. Vad de flesta länsstyrelser och kommuner verkar ha gemensamt är att de använder sig av ett GIS-skikt. Kommunerna som studerats i arbetet har olika mycket hantering av 4:4 MB. Detta beror på att, liksom länsstyrelser, exploateringstrycket varierar och därmed mängden ärende med 4:4 MB varierar. För vidare forskning anser jag att ett förtydligande av 4 :4 MB är nödvändig. Vidare bör en inventering ske om de nu i lagrummet reglerade områdena är aktuella att klassa som riksintresse. Även definition av andra ord i 4:4 MB skulle vara önskvärt, så som en definition av ”tätort” respektive ”fritidsbebyggelse”, samt ett förtydligande avseende vilka värden som staten avser skydda. Sammanfattningsvis tillämpas lagparagrafen hos länsstyrelser och kommuner idag med stor grund i ett GIS-skikt och med stöd i tidigare ärenden. Dock förfaller varken länsstyrelser eller kommuner någon helt klar bild avseende vilka värden som ska skyddas och kan därmed inte vara helt säkra på var den geografiska avgränsningen bör vara. Dock verkar den geografiska avgränsningen inte vara det största problemet med 4:4 MB, utan definitioner av uttryck exempelvis ”tätort” och ”fritidshus” och vilka värden som lagstiftaren syftar till att bevara. / This study aims to investigate the practical use of the 4:4 Environmental Code in Sweden. The paragraph regulates national interest areas of high-exploited coast where only vacation buildings exceptionally may be constructed and in that case the vacation buildings must make a complement to the already existing settlement or they must make a natural rounding to an already built area. The coastal areas this paragraph regulates specifies some location name s, but it is still not clear which geographical limits to apply. For example, how far inland does the coastal area extends. Where is the limit? In this work four legal cases are treated. These cases are within the field of exploitation in the national interest area where 4:4 Environmental Code have been a key paragraph. All the legal cases refer to the time after the Environmental Code became legally valid in 1998. One of these legal cases showed that the 4:4 Environmental Code was not applicable and the question was sent back to the municipality for further processing. Thereby it is not clear if there was any exploitation in the case in the end. What I generally find in the legal cases is that the courts often sentence so that there is no exploitation, but that it is private individuals which live in the current area, that take the case to court and not the municipality. In this study, county governments and municipalities were contacted to get a better understanding of how 4:4 Environmental Code is used. The municipalities that where studied in this work have some very different management of 4:4 Environmental Code. Some municipalities have a lot of pressure on exploitation in coastal areas while other municipalities have less pressure, and the amount of errands with connection to 4:4 Environmental Code seems to match the exploitation interest. Something that several representatives of the municipalities bring up in the conducted interviews is the lack of some sort of template or something similar that clarifies the values the Code intend to protect, definitions of word in the law such as “urban area” and “vacation building”, and what development is being sought. In general, the information regarding the national interests available on the websites of the chosen county governments respectively, is the same. What is usually brought up, regarding the fourth chapter in the Environmental Code or generally about national interest s, is a rendering of the paragraph, a reference to where in the county this paragraph is applicable and thereafter a closure with another reference to a GIS-map. The county governments and the municipalities apply 4:4 Environmental Code differently. What the most county governments and municipalities seem to have in common is their use of the GIS-map. The studied municipalities in this work have many different managements of 4:4 Environmental Code. This is because, as in the case with the county governments, that the pressure on exploitation varies and thereby does the amount of errands about 4:4 Environmental Code vary as well. For further research, I consider that a clarification of the 4:4 Environmental Code is necessary. Furthermore, there should be an inventory to see if the paragraph’s regulated areas are still current enough to be classified as national interest areas. Also the definition of other words in 4:4 Environmental Code would be desirable, such as a definition of “urban area“ and “vacation building“, and as well as a clarification of what values the Swedish state intends to protect.  In conclusion, the paragraph is applied today at the county governments and municipalities with a great support of a GIS-map and other previous errands. However, neither the county governments or the municipalities seems to have a totally clear picture regarding what values that are supposed to be protected and can therefore not be completely sure about where the geographical delimitation should be. But the geographical delimitations do not seem to be the greatest problem about the 4:4 Environmental Code, but definitions of expressions for instance “urban area“ and “vacation building “, and which values that the legislature aims to preserve.

Cette thèse se propose d’explorer les modalités de constitution d’un domaine de production de savoirs dits académiques dépendant du pouvoir politique. La première partie examine la convergence de trajectoires individuelles vers une activité relativement nouvelle, située au carrefour de champ professionnels et centrée sur l’analyse de la politique étrangère turque menée depuis 2003 par le gouvernement du parti AKP. Partant de là, la seconde partie s’attache plus particulièrement aux liens des acteurs de l’espace identifié avec les responsables gouvernementaux. Il apparaît que ce domaine constitue un champ d’activité dont la structure concentrique découle de la proximité d’une communauté épistémique en son sein avec le champ politique. Par voie d’institutionnalisation et de cooptation du reste du champ, les membres de cette communauté parviennent à imposer une conception utilitaire des sciences sociales permettant de produire des savoirs convergent avec les priorités politiques du moment. La troisième partie examine donc le contenu de ces savoirs de sorte à démontrer le rôle de médiateur joué par le champ expert. Il se confirme alors que sa vocation est de convaincre diverses parties-prenantes, en Turquie et à l’étranger, de la légitimité et l’opportunité du projet hégémonique du gouvernement turc en direction du Moyen-Orient arabe. En définitive, par l’étude de cette configuration experte, a été aussi posé la question de la profondeur de la rupture créée par l’AKP dans le mode de gouvernement et les orientations géopolitique de la Turquie. L’analyse conclut à une rupture dans la continuité / This Ph. D. research offers an opportunity to explore the form of dependency to political power maintained by a self-labelled academic knowledge production domain. This study is based on the case study of Turkish Middle Eastern policy expertise. The first part examines the convergence of individual trajectories towards a relatively new activity in Turkey, located at the intersection of various professional fields and centered on the analysis of the AKP government foreign policy since 2003. The second part then focuses on the links that exist between the previously identified actors and statesmanship. It soon appears that this knowledge production forms a field of activity which concentric structure derives from the proximity of the epistemic community at its very center with the political arena. Through institutionalization and cooptation with the State’s material support, the epistemic community members manage to impose its utilitarian conception of social sciences to the whole expertise field, thereby bringing its actors to design knowledge convergent with the time’s policy priorities. The last part of this work consists of a study of this expertise’s content in order to demonstrate the go-between function played by experts. It appears ultimately that their mission is to convince foreign policy stakeholders in Turkey and abroad of the legitimacy and opportunity of Turkey’s hegemonic project towards the Arab Middle East (2003-2013). Finally, through the study of this expert configuration, it is the question of policy change and geopolitical shift that has been examined. The thesis concludes on the hypothesis of change within continuity

Ernesto Geisel e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva presidiram o Brasil em momentos muito diferentes: este, afiliado a um partido de esquerda, eleito pelo voto popular e assumindo o cargo num mundo onde um único país concentrava os maiores níveis de poder material, militar e ideológico. Aquele, escolhido por uma Junta Militar, num contexto mundial marcado pela disputa entre duas potências. Apesar das diferenças, os dois presidentes carregam pelo menos um elemento em comum: em sua política externa, os dois buscaram adotar uma postura universal, o que acarretou uma aproximação, em especial, do continente africano. Esta pesquisa busca entender a construção discursiva que fundamentou a renovação das relações Brasil-África nestes dois períodos da história brasileira, através de uma análise dos pronunciamentos dos chefes de Estado e dos seus Ministros de Relações Exteriores. Ao observar as construções discursivas, buscaremos determinar quais elementos do discurso se mantém, quais são ressignificados e quais são descartados. Através da comparação dos discursos, buscaremos compreender melhor os paradigmas normativos que sustentaram a política africana do Brasil, bem como a concepção estratégica da África em cada um deles. O método utilizado é o histórico-indutivo, associado ao uso do método comparativo. A partir dos discursos obtidos em livros e sites oficiais, a amostra foi limitada aos pronunciamentos que continham citação ou referência ao relacionamento com a África, sendo posteriormente realizada análise com especial atenção para os componentes textuais e simbólicos discutidos nos marcos teóricos da pesquisa. Os resultados obtidos mostram que as disputas travadas no campo simbólico ajudam a compreender a elaboração do que é entendido como interesse nacional. / Ernesto Geisel and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva were Presidents of Brazil in very different moments: the later, a member of a left-wing party, was elected by popular vote and took office in a world where only one country concentrated the highest levels of material, military and ideological power. On the other hand, the former was chosen by a Military Junta and had to deal with an international reality of constant dispute among two powers. Despite their differences, both Presidents had at leat one element in common: in their foreign policies, both adopted a universal attitude, which led to a rapprochement to Africa. This research aims at understanding the construction of the discourse about the renovation of Brasil-Africa relations in these two periods of Brazilian history, through the analysis of these Heads of State’s speeches, as well as their Foreign Minister’s. Through the observation of the discourse constructions, we seek to determine which elements are maintained, which are re-signified and which are discarded. Through the comparison of speeches, we seek to better understand normative paradigms which have grounded Brazil’s African policies, as well as the strategic dimension of Africa in each. The method used is inductive/historic associated to the comparative method. From speeches obtained in books and online, the research sample was limited to those which mentioned or referred to Brazil’s relations with Africa. Those were analyzed with special attention to textual and symbolic components discussed in the research’s theoretical framework. Results obtained point to the fact that disputes at the symbloci level help understand the elaboration of what is understood as national interest.

雖則蘇聯已經解體，世界進入了後冷戰時代。在冷戰時期相互抗衡的美蘇關係，仍是學界研究的熱點之一。自1990年冷戰終結之後，蘇聯、原本在舊蘇聯中的國家及中國大陸檔案資料的陸續開放，對韓戰研究可說有了新的突破。以美國學者John Lewis Gaddis為首的冷戰國際史學派補充或批判了前面包括傳統學派、修正學派等研究的不足之處。 本文引用檔案和韓戰研究學者的論點與分析，重新梳理在韓戰前後蘇中的國家安全政策考量，並深入析論有關下列幾項當今學者尚未分析或深入研究的種種問題。 本研究嘗試結合國際關係與冷戰國際史(Cold War International History Project)兩學門之跨領域研究，藉以澄清韓戰時期國際體系成員的互動及其造成的影響。另外，也試著使用理性決策模式來分析中蘇兩國領導人的國家安全決策。 研究結果顯示中蘇兩國領導人都是以理性判斷認為自己的決策是正確的，然而事實結果卻並非如此。莫斯科對平壤所提之韓戰計畫錯誤地開放了「綠燈」，北京在多次以外交方式警告華盛頓無效之後，認為美國可能進攻中國東北，並對其新興政權造成威脅，以致最後出兵介入韓戰。戰爭的結果最後還是在38度線附近簽署了停戰協定，但南北韓仍舊尚未統一，無數人員卻因此喪失寶貴的生命。 本文結論提出在美軍進逼鴨綠江和蘇聯的雙重壓力下，中共最後決定出兵介入韓戰，主因是國家安全利益。中共軍事戰略因戰局轉變而改變其戰略：前期是「間接路線」與「殲滅戰」，後期則是「消耗戰」。不論是在軍事戰略或是外交戰略上，莫斯科扮演之角色是在背後指揮協調北京和平壤。蘇聯使中共成為「責任承擔者」(buck-catcher)，本國則扮演「離岸平衡者」(offshore balancer)的角色。中共和北韓事事都要通報莫斯科，由莫斯科做出最後決定─即使北京和平壤兩方都想停戰，莫斯科仍堅持不停戰。戰爭後期蘇聯為削弱美國和中共實力，支持中共續戰。 韓戰停戰協議之簽署是因史達林去世之後。莫斯科認為戰爭再繼續有損蘇聯國家利益，乃通知平壤和北京有關停戰的解決方針的策略。韓戰協議的簽署基本上是在莫斯科新政府的領導與調停之下，北京和平壤最後遵循了莫斯科的指示才停戰。 中蘇兩造在共同利益驅使之下為追求個別利益，在利益衝突之間尋求合作利益。兩國且於韓戰之中各自為該國的國家利益著想，盟友關係只是暫時的而非永久的。 / In this study, an attempt is made to clarify the interactions between the members of the international system during the Korean War in an interdisciplinary approach combining the International Relations and the Cold War International History. Based on the materials from opened archives in the former Soviet Union and Communist China, the considerations, objectives and national security strategies of the leaders are analyzed in the light of the rational decision-making model. The results show that although the leaders made their own judgments based on rational thinking, the outcome of the war is the armistice agreement demarcating the 38th parallel as the borderline between the two Koreas with minor changes; North and South Korea are still yet to be reunified, despite numerous soldiers and civilians losing their precious lives. The conclusion is as follows. China decided to send troops to intervene in the Korean War mainly due to national security interest to cope with the threat of the approaching US forces and the Soviet Union pressure. To cope with the varying war situation, China’s military strategy changed from the “war of annihilation” and the “indirect approach strategy” in the former phase, to the “strategy of exhaustion” in the later phase. Whether in the military or diplomatic field, Moscow played a commanding role and coordinated of Beijing and Pyongyang behind. Soviet Union made China the “buck-catcher”, meanwhile played the role as the “offshore balancer”. Soviet Union pushed for the continuation of the war to weaken the strength of United States, in spite of the reluctance of China and North Korea. It was after Joseph V. Stalin’s death than the Armistice Agreement was finally signed. The signing of the agreement was essentially under the lead of the new leadership in Moscow. Both Soviet Union and China sought their own national interest during the Korean war. The Sino- Soviet alliance was only temporary rather than permanent.

Este trabalho analisa, de modo comparativo, a política externa dos governos Geisel (1974-1979) e Lula (2003-2010). Busca-se evidenciar que houve uma “continuidade matizada” na diplomacia brasileira nos dois períodos: muito embora não se vislumbre um processo sem quaisquer rupturas em termos de política externa entre 1974 e 2010, assiste-se à retomada, pelo governo Lula, de diretrizes, métodos e argumentos de política externa prevalecentes à época do governo Geisel. Assume-se que essa retomada esteve ligada a semelhanças relacionadas à concepção do interesse nacional e à adoção de uma estratégia realista de inserção internacional – a despeito de cada um dos governos deparar-se com cenários internacionais diversos e dispor de recursos de poder distintos. / This study analyses the Brazilian foreign policy under Geisel (1974-1979) and Lula (2003-2010) administrations by using the comparative method. One of the study‟s core objectives is to show that one can observe a “relative continuity” in the Brazilian diplomacy during both periods: even though one cannot observe a process without any rupture in the Brazilian foreign policy from 1974 to 2010, it is possible to verify that Lula administration resumed some guidelines, methods and rationales which were employed by the Brazilian foreign policy during Geisel administration. It is assumed that this resumption is related to national interest concept and the adoption of a realist strategy aimed at widening Brazil‟s international projection – in spite of different international contexts and different power resources.