本文之目的在於探討冷戰後時期「中俄戰略協作夥伴關係」（Sino-Russian Partnership of Strategic Coordination）對戰略三角政治互動的意涵及其對台海安全的可能影響與衝擊。本文將以「系統理論研究途徑」（System Theory Approach）作為中心分析概念架構（central organizing concept）進行研究分析。 冷戰結束後，隨著蘇聯解體，冷戰時期的兩極格局已不復存在，大國之間的關係實行了相對的調整。在新的國際格局中，中國與俄羅斯兩國基於遏制「北約東擴」和防止「美日安保」條約的圍堵（Containment），雙方除了極力倡導多極化國際體系外，並進一步建立「戰略協作夥伴關係」，冀由強化雙邊的多層面關係，來共同對抗「美國霸權」局面。 中俄戰略協作夥伴關係之建立為新世紀中、俄兩國關係的發展奠定了良好基礎。10年來，中俄關係發展相當順利。1992年-2001年，中俄關係的發展，連續上了四個台階，這就是:（一）92年「互視為友好國家關係」;（二）94年「建設性夥伴關係」;（三）96年「戰略協作夥伴關係」。在此以後，中俄戰略協作夥伴關係在實踐中不斷得到充實和發展。（四）2001年7月中俄雙方簽署了一份歷史性文件「中俄睦鄰友好合作條約」（China-Russia Good-neighborhood, Friendship and Cooperation Treaty），標誌雙方關係又進入一個新的發展階段。 在冷戰時期，中國、蘇聯與美國的戰略三角關係是影響國際政治變動的主要因素。蘇聯解體後，中俄關係發生重大變化，兩國已建立一個面向二十一世紀的戰略協作夥伴關係。作為冷戰後時期的世上唯一超強，美國非常關注中俄軍事合作面向之擴大。對美國而言，中國與俄羅斯為其全球戰略部署兩個最重要的國家，它們的重要性是因為它們的幅員、經濟潛力和軍事力量。其中最值得注意的是，中俄雙方在軍事和技術層面的合作，包括俄羅斯對中國的軍售。美國擔心中俄發展戰略協作夥伴關係，會導致中國軍力的增強，以及亞太區域「權力平衡」（Balance of Power）之改變。 本文認為，中俄戰略協作夥伴關係，就短程而言: 中俄「戰略匯合」（the Strategic Convergence between China and Russia）將使中俄在「政治」、「經濟」、「軍事」、「外交戰略」等合作面向獲得若干程度的「實質利益」（substantial interests）。同時中俄戰略協作夥伴關係之條約化將對美國在亞太區域戰略地位造成影響，從而衝擊到台海均勢與安全。然而，就長程而言: 未來中俄戰略協作夥伴關係發展，顯然仍有其「地緣政治」、「歷史上陰影」因素之侷限。 關鍵字: 中國、俄羅斯、系統理論分析途徑、現實主義、 國家利益、戰略三角互動、中俄戰略協作夥伴關係 / The purpose of this study is to explore the impact of the“Sino-Russian Partnership of Strategic Coordination” in the Post Cold War Era, on the strategic triangle politics and its implication for the security and balance of power across the Taiwan Straits. In this thesis, the “System Theory Approach” will be the central organizing concept, applied to the analysis. After the Cold War, the bi-polar system has been broken since the collapse of the USSR. Relations among great powers were adjusted accordingly. PRC and Russia initiated multi-polar system and become“Partnership of Strategic Coordination ” to resist the “American hegemony” It has laid a solid foundation for the development of Sino-Russian relations in the new century. In the past ten years, Sino-Russian relations witnessed a smooth progress. From 1992-2001, the relations progressed from“Friendly neighbors” to “Constructive partnership” to“Partnership of strategic coordination”. Since then,“China-Russia Good-neighborhood, Friendship and Cooperation Treaty”signed by the PRC and the Russia Federation in July 2001, marked a new era in the development of bilateral relations. The Sino-Soviet-US triangular relations were the most dominant factor which affected the change of international politics in the Cold War period. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the Sino-Russian relations have developed to a certain degree that the two countries have established a strategic partnership aimed at the 21st century. As the sole world super power, the United States is wary of Expanded Sino-Russian military cooperation. For the US, China and Russia are the two most important countries in the world. Their importance is derived from their size, their economic potential, and their military power. The US is much concerned about the development of Sino-Russian Strategic relations which may lead to a buildup of China’s military power and a change of Asia-pacific “Balance of Power”. It is believed in this study that,“Sino-Russian Partnership of Strategic Coordination,” in the short term: “The Strategic Convergence between China and Russia,” China and Russia will gain to some degree the substantial interests from the bilateral cooperation, such as “Political” ,“Economic ”,“Military”,“Foreign Policy Strategy.”At the same time, the stipulation of the mechanism of Chinese-Russo partnership in the treaty will create impact on the US strategic position in the Taiwan Straits and security of Taiwan. Nevertheless, in the long term: In the future, the development of” Chinese-Russo strategic partnership” still has its limits in the terms of “Geopolitical” and “ Historical Shadow” conditions. Key word: China, Russia, System Theory Approach, Realism, National Interest, Strategic Triangle Interaction, Sino-Russian Partnership of Strategic Coordination

論及影響美國外交政策產出的因素，地緣政治一向扮演著重要角色。無論是馬漢的海權論、肯楠的圍堵理論，乃至後冷戰時期布里辛斯基的歐亞大棋盤、杭亭頓的文明衝突論，都是地緣政治學門裡獨到的見解。而地緣政治基本要素—空間、邊界、權力—的交互作用也已然內化於外交政策制訂中，深刻影響美國對外政策走向。冷戰後在缺乏明顯單一的敵對目標、本身又成為超級大國的情況下，美國面對的是更為複雜難測的國際局勢：區域衝突、文化糾葛、全球化進程與波折、世界經濟體系萎縮等等問題，外交政策維護國家利益的功能也隨之彰顯。 本研究以911事件為轉捩點，觀察美國對中亞五國外交政策的調整，分析導致政策轉變的地緣因素與動機。本研究指出，中亞地區在蘇聯解體之後，政治局勢長期呈現真空狀態，基於能源安全的考量，中亞豐富的油氣資源是吸引美國聚焦於此區的關鍵。輸油管道計畫提供政治框架讓美國影響力得以介入，而反恐作戰則正式讓美國勢力進駐此一政治真空帶。中亞五國位處具有重大地緣政治意義的心臟地帶，但獨立時間尚短，國內民主建制、經濟發展未臻完備，伊斯蘭基本教義派與分離主義是導致此區紛擾不斷的主因。美國藉由反恐合作，對此區提撥大量經濟挹注與軍事協助，中亞五國的重要性在911事件之後陡升，美國也成為此區優勢領導者。簡言之，美國在911事件後更加強對區域穩定的關注，全面揚棄冷戰時代的圍堵思維，採取主動的先發制人戰略，企圖在中亞掌握政治、經濟主控權，鞏固國家安全與保障美國在此區的國家利益。

Indépendant depuis 1971, le Qatar a longtemps fait partie des micro-États. Le pays a ensuite vécu une forme de révolution avec l’accession au pouvoir de Hamad ben Khalîfa al-Thânî en juin 1995. Le nouvel émir a alors entrepris une politique volontariste de reconnaissance internationale. Le périmètre de son action diplomatique s'est renforcés dans un contexte où l’augmentation de la rente pétrolière a permis à la famille royale de satisfaire les demandes sociales des nationaux. Comme de nombreux États du monde arabe, le régime qatarien devait se doter d’une légitimité prenant en partie appui sur le socle religieux. Cette formule de légitimité a trouvé une part de sa réponse dans la relation nouée avec Yûsuf al-Qaradhâwî.Figure majeure de la scène islamiste contemporaine, cet ouléma a mené une intense activité de prédication. Sa longue présence dans l’émirat lui a permis de tisser un lien particulier avec la dynastie au pouvoir. Souffrant d’un déficit en matière de légitimité religieuse, celle-ci a cherché à utiliser le charisme de l’ouléma au service d’un dessein politique. Se faisant, quels ont été les mécanismes de cette relation originale entre les deux partenaires ? En mobilisant plusieurs concepts de la sociologie politique comme la théorie des champs ou celui des transactions collusives, notre thèse expliquera comment cette interaction a pu produire un dispositif complexe où le Qatar a tiré profit du réservoir de légitimité dont Yûsuf al-Qaradhâwî était le récipiendaire tout en assurant à ce dernier un large périmètre de liberté lui permettant de mobiliser, au profit de l’émirat, ce que nous avons qualifié de « soft power islamique de complémentarité » / Independent since 1971, Qatar has been part of the micro-States. The country then experienced a form of a revolution with the accession to the power of Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani in June 1995. As a matter of fact, the new Emir undertook a determined policy, internationally recognized, ignoring Saudi Arabia’s role in the region. His diplomatic action was strengthened in a context in which the increase in the oil rent enabled the royal family to satisfy the social demands of the nationals. Like many states in the Muslim world, the Qatari regime had to acquire a legitimacy based on the religious foundation. A legitimacy that found its way into the relations forged with the Islamic scholar Yusuf al-Qaradhawi. Major figure in the contemporary Islamist scene, the ulema has carried out an intense activity of preaching by impelling strong faith-based media coverage with a political aim. His long presence in the emirate allowed him to weave a particular link with the dynasty in power. Suffering from a religious legitimacy deficit, this latter sought to use the charism of the ulema to serve a political purpose whose aim was to diminish the Saudi cultural impact while embodying a competing social model. What were the mechanisms of this original relationship between the two partners? By utilizing several concepts of political sociology such as field theory or collusive transactions, our thesis will explain how this interaction produced a complex mechanism where Qatar exploited Yusuf al-Qaradhawi’s legitimate religious authority figure by enabling him to mobilize, for the benefit of the emirate, what we have called « Islamic soft power for complementary »

De nombreuses études concluent à la supériorité des démocraties dans la guerre. A travers notre analyse des relations unissant aujourd’hui les piliers de la trinité clausewitzienne classique – pouvoir politique, peuple et armée – notre recherche s’attache à mettre en évidence l’importance, à cet égard, de la définition du « sens de l’action ». Complexe à conceptualiser, cet objet naît de l’interaction des trois piliers de la trinité qui contribuent à le construire. Cette dynamique prend son origine dans le sens conféré, par le discours politique,à la décision de recourir à la force. Ce sens politique repose sur les intérêts nationaux tels qu’appréhendés par les décideurs, mais également, du fait de la contrainte démocratique, sur les préférences de l’opinion publique telles que perçues par le politique. Le soutien public apparaît essentiel pour alimenter la volonté politique dans le conflit, mais influence aussi le moral des militaires déployés en opérations. Notre étude s’attache donc, en second lieu, à analyser les composantes du sens conféré par les militaires à la mission qu’ils exécutent, afin de déterminer dans quelle mesure un sens politique insuffisamment clair peut influencer le soutien public et, in fine, une éventuelle perte de sens chez les soldats. Cette analyse multiscalaire cherche en définitive à répondre à la question de savoir pourquoi l’on se bat, en approfondissant deux cas d’étude : la participation de l’Armée de terre française à la FIAS, en Afghanistan, et à la FINUL renforcée, au Liban. Elle peut s’inscrire, plus largement, dans le courant d’analyse cherchant à déterminer les facteurs d’efficacité dans la guerre, en esquissant l’idée que les démocraties peuvent, du fait des contraintes qui leur sont propres, présenter une faiblesse à cet égard. / Many studies have determined that democracies perform better in war. Through our analysis of the relationship that links the pillars of today’s clasewitzian trinity – political leaders, people and soldiers – our study seeks to highlight the importance, to this regard, of defining the « meaning of the action ». In spite of a complex conceptualization, this object can be apprehended by analyzing the interactions of the three pillars, within the frame of a military intervention abroad. This interactional dynamic’s origin lies in the meaning given by the political discourse to the decision to use force. This political meaning leans on national interests (as perceived by policymakers), but also on public preferences (as perceived by policymakers), due to democratic constraint. Public support appears essential to underpin the political will during a conflict, but it also affects soldiers’ morale in the field. Secondly, our study thus seeks to analyse the components of the meaning given by soldiers to their mission,in order to determine to what extent an uncleared or blurred political meaning might affect public support and ultimately provoke a loss of meaning among the military. This multiscale approach aims to answer to the ultimate question of knowing why are we fighting, by deepening two case studies : the French Army contribution to ISAF (in Afghanistan) and UNIFIL II (in Lebanon). It can more broadly come within the framework of previous researchs studying strategic and battlefield effectiveness, by underlying that democracies might have a weakness in this regard.

The aim of this thesis is to discuss the concepts of humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect (R2P), and; to investigate how best to apply the concepts in the face of humanitarian crises, in order to address concerns about their implementation. The failure of the Security Council to react to grave human rights abuses committed in the humanitarian crises of the 1990s, including Iraq (1991), Somalia (1992), Rwanda (1994), Bosnia (1993-1995) Haiti (1994-1997), and Kosovo (1999),triggered international debatesabout: how the international community should react when the fundamental human rights of populations are grossly and systematically violated within the boundaries of sovereign states, and; the need for a reappraisal of armed humanitarian intervention. Central to the debate was whether the international community should continue to adhere unconditionally to the principle of non-intervention enshrined in Article 2(7) of the UN Charter, or take a different course in the interest of human rights. The debate culminated in the establishment of the Canadian International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) in 2000, with the mandate to find a balance between respect for sovereignty and intervention, for purposes of protecting human rights. Much of the scholarly literature on military intervention for human protection purposes deals with the legality and legitimacy of the military dimension of the concepts. The significance of the thesis is that: it focusesthe investigation on the potential abuse of the use of force for human protection purposes, when moral arguments are used to justify an intervention that is primarily motivated by the interests of the intervener, and; the propensity to use disproportionate force in the attainment of the stated objective of human protection, by powerful intervening states. The central argument of the thesis is that there are double standards, selectivity, abuses, andindiscriminate and disproportionate use of force in the implementation of R2P by powerful countries, and; that, whether a military intervention is unilateral, or sanctioned by the UN Security Council, there is the potential for abuse, and in addition, disproportionate force may be used.The thesis makes recommendations to address these concerns, in order to ensure the survival of the concept. / Public, Constitutional and International Law / LL.D.

This paper work analyses the foreign policy of Italy from its foundation in 1861 until nowadays. Its main aim is to provide a comprehensive overview of the Italian actions and its position within the international system as well as to examine core objectives, means and factors of the Italian foreign policy making. The country went through different stages during its 154-year existence and experienced various types of state organisation and ideologies which were all reflect in its foreign policy making. The analysis verifies that the approach to the foreign policy making, targets and means to achieve them in Italy differed in each phase. These phases were the Kingdom of Italy, the First Republic and the Second Republic. Hence, the foreign policy of Italy is examined in the framework of these stages and each chapter thus corresponds to one of them. A theoretical chapter is also incorporated into this paper work in order to facilitate the understanding of the forthcoming analysis further in the text.

Concept des Relations Internationales justifiant l'action extérieure des États, l'intérêt national est une notion toujours omniprésente dans les discours des gouvernants, mais dont la nature et la finalité s'avèrent à la fois subtiles et diversifiées. L'avènement du Multilatéralisme et son objectif de la sécurité internationale, en constitue une parfaite mise à l'épreuve. En effet, malgré l'émergence des structures légitimes, l'État, par un discours et une implication opérationnelle dans ses actions extérieures, s'affirme en tant qu'acteur de la sécurité internationale. Cet investissement, loin du discours sur des objectifs relevant du symbolique, participe dans la réalité, à une stratégie minutieusement orchestrée au nom de l'intérêt national. Sur le continent africain, on assiste ainsi à une émergence de politiques étrangères et d'actions diplomatiques étatiques apparemment vouées à la sécurité internationale mais relevant de l'intérêt national. La présente analyse, par une approche constructiviste, entend ainsi démontrer que la pratique des médiations entreprise par le Burkina Faso dans la sous-région de l'Afrique de l'Ouest, loin des discours sur la sécurité de la zone véhiculés, est une illustration de cette tendance. / As concept of International Relations justifying foreign action of States, the national interest is a notion always present in the governement leaders speeches about foreign affairs. But its meaning and its purpose are subtle and diversified as the introduction of Multilateralism and its objective of international security show. Despite the emergence of legitimate structures, the State gets involved for international security in foreign actions through discourse and implication. This implication, far from a discourse of symbolic objectives, takes part in an accurately orchestrated strategy in the name of national interest. Thus, on the African continent, we attend the emergence of foreign policies and national diplomatic actions dedicated to international security. This analysis demonstrates by the constructivist approach that the practices of mediation by Burkina Faso in West Africa participates in this trend - in contrast to the disseminated discourse of security in this subregion.