O objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar as monografias premiadas do Concurso História de Bairros de São Paulo, refletindo sobre as escritas e narrativas da história que se fizeram presentes nessas produções. A partir dessas monografias buscamos entender a natureza do Concurso e a pertinência do mesmo ao ser promovido pela Secretaria Municipal de Cultura através da divisão de Patrimônio Histórico e do Arquivo Histórico Municipal , tendo sobrevivido por mais de três décadas. Neste período, o Concurso atravessou diferentes gestões, mudanças de partidos políticos, a ditadura militar e a redemocratização. Entendemos que a partir da análise das monografias premiadas do Concurso História de Bairros podemos encontrar diferentes elementos de reflexão sobre a importância e consumo do conhecimento histórico fora dos muros da universidade e refletir sobre a produção e divulgação das obras fronteiriças de história, inclusive como instrumento de divulgação do conhecimento histórico científico. / The aim of this research is to analyze the winners monographs of the Contest History of São Paulos neighborhoods, reflecting on the written narratives of history that were presented in these productions. Throughout these monographs, we seek to understand the nature of this Contest and its relevance to be promoted by The Municipal Secretariat of Culture over the division of the Historical Heritage and the State Historical Archive - having survived for over three decades, across different administrations, changes of political parties, the military dictatorship and the redemocratization. We comprehend that, from the analysis of monographs winning the Contest History of Neighborhoods, it is able to find different elements of reflection on the importance and absorption of historical knowledge outside the walls of university. It is also possible to reflect on the production and dissemination of boundary works of history, including them as a tool to diffuse the scientific historical knowledge.

Pour faire face à la « crise du lien social », le sport associatif est appelé par les politiques publiques, depuis les années 1980, à jouer un rôle d'intégration et d'insertion des populations considérées comme « en difficulté ». Le cadre associatif est ainsi appréhendé comme un bastion pacificateur où se développe une citoyenneté et des comportements civiques complémentaires de l'école et de la famille. Pour autant, tous les clubs implantés au cœur, en périphérie ou à l'extérieur des quartiers populaires se préoccupent de façon inégale des problématiques socio-éducatives (CHARRIER, JOURDAN, 1999). L'implication des clubs affiliés aux fédérations unisports dans les dispositifs d'intégration et d'insertion par le sport semble résulter de l'intensité et de la durabilité d'engagement d'individus d'exception (CHARRIER, 1999 ; GASPARINI, VIEILLE MARCHISET, 2008). La thèse proposée s'intéresse aux mécanismes porteurs de la dynamique d'innovation sociale (FONTAN, KLEIN, TREMBLAY, 1995) au sein des clubs sportifs implantés ou souhaitant s'implanter dans les quartiers populaires. A travers une enquête de terrain réalisée dans cinq clubs sportifs durant trois ans ainsi qu'une enquête exploratoire auprès de vingt-quatre clubs dans le cadre d'une recherche-action, des relevés ethnographiques et des entretiens réalisés auprès des principaux acteurs participant au réseau porteur de la dynamique d'innovation (CALLON, 1999) ont été réalisés. Suivant les principes fondateurs de la théorie Enracinée (STRAUSS, CORBIN, 2004), les résultats se concentrent sur des mécanismes cognitifs, managériaux et coopératifs, identitaires et territoriaux. Les dirigeants associatifs interrogés repèrent des indices d'un changement d'état du sport et d'une transformation de la société où le club se présente à la fois comme un réceptacle de ces maux et un espace possible de création de réponses. Le projet associatif est alors questionné par l'émergence de besoins et de solutions qui peuvent s'inscrire en marge des normes en place et des valeurs défendues (ALTER, 1993). Une réorganisation de l'association se produit alors en passant par la redéfinition des places et des rôles des acteurs autour d'une problématique de développement du club, dont les approches varient d'un club à un autre. Au regard de l'esprit du club, des dirigeants, des usagers réceptifs, des acteurs-passerelle et des porte-paroles prennent place dans la dynamique d'innovation sociale pour en infléchir son mouvement. Au-delà des acteurs, des alliances et des coopérations, notamment autour de tandems de dirigeants, s'organisent et redéfinissent les pratiques démocratiques. La dynamique d'innovation sociale n'est pas uniquement l'affaire des seuls membres du club qui s'organisent pour faire émerger des actions destinées à répondre aux besoins sociaux dans ou en marge du club. Elle est une activité en réseau qui déborde le périmètre des membres et des proches du club. Le réseau porteur de l'innovation sociale est composé d'acteurs institutionnels et/ou collectif qui vont attribuer une légitimité à l'action associative innovante. Les clubs sportifs vont composer avec ces deux types de réseau (inter-personnel de quartier et institutionnel) privilégiant ainsi le référentiel identitaire d'acteur de « quartier » dont la pratique sportive est une ressource ou celui d'acteur du « sport » dont l'approche territoriale est un moyen supplémentaire de développement / No English abstract available

Art is often used as a catalyst to stimulate redevelopment and neighborhood change. This often occurs inadvertently as the presence of artists in certain communities can attract both public and private investment to revalorize economically depressed areas. Marginal neighborhoods in inner-urban areas offer inspiration and diversity to artists seeking lower-cost housing. Their presence effectively makes these marginal communities "safe" for middle-class residents looking to live in a funky, urban neighborhood. Ultimately, however, artists are eventually priced out of the communities they helped to create. The Alberta district in northeast Portland, Oregon has used art to create an identity that distinguished it from other redeveloped neighborhoods throughout the city, having become known as the Alberta Arts District. The research presented in this thesis traces the history of the Alberta district from its roots as a thriving streetcar community through its years as a dilapidated, crime-ridden neighborhood, and into its current state as a vibrant arts district. I show how the commercial corridor along Alberta Street has evolved to reflect the changing demographic composition of the surrounding neighborhood. Additionally, housing in the surrounding residential neighborhood has experienced a dramatic increase in average sale price and an upfiltering of aesthetic appearance. Many are attracted to the Alberta district for its vibrancy and diversity, the people and businesses that contribute to the diverse atmosphere may disappear as real estate becomes increasingly more expensive.

This study takes a cultural perspective in studying the "Alberta Arts District," a gentrifying neighborhood in Northeast Portland in which bohemian cultural production/consumption has become the dominant and commodified vision of the community. Survey data demonstrates residents' general opinions and levels of participation in the changing neighborhood. Forty long-time residents, black and white, homeowners and renters, are interviewed in-depth regarding their perceptions of change. Long-time residents of gentrifying neighborhoods are often overlooked as a less powerful group that only has to negotiate rising rents and property values. This study approaches the meaning of neighborhood changes for long-time residents who have the potential to react culturally, socially, and economically in a neighborhood where racial and economic differences are structured by segregation and divestment. In the course of identifying positive, negative, and mixed feelings about changes, long-time residents also establish their belonging in the neighborhood as it changes around them. This is often done through constructing symbolic boundaries around newcomers, new businesses, and new cultural events in the neighborhood. This study finds that although most long-time residents perceive changes to be positive, race and homeownership affect different outcomes for different groups. Particularly, long-time black residents may establish belonging as being black in a diminishing black community, whereas long-time white homeowners may establish belonging by being homeowners in the context of positive changes.

The aim of the master thesis is to understand how neighborhood, family and school influence on the educational attainment of young people. Within the scope of this work, I conducted thirty two in-depth interviews with youth living in the G&uuml / zelyaka gecekondu (squatter) neighborhood in Ankara. Gecekondu neighborhoods are residential areas where rural migrants might initially or permanently move when they come to the city in order to improve their life standards. However, many of them have to survive here against conditions such as poverty and the insufficiency of social services during the early years of their migration. Nevertheless, families can develop survival strategies based on self-help networks like kinship and hemSehri (people with same geographic origins) connections. Throughout this master thesis, I discuss how young people&rsquo / s interactions within the disadvantaged neighborhoods, school climate around the neighborhood, family background, conditions at home and parental involvement influence the educational attainment of youth The research revealed that despite the specific conditions of gecekondu neighborhoods and heterogeneity amongst working class families, there is little variation in educational attainment of the youth. The main reason for this low level of educational attainment is the poverty they experienced or are still experiencing at home. While such poverty may compel them to take up positions in the labor market participation early in life, the influence of peer groups also discourages school attendance, as the environment is one in which schools provide neither a good quality education, nor a competitive educational environment. Furthermore, poverty, the disadvantaged nature of the neighborhood and the strength of the family network among the residents all serve to reproduce the inferior value of iv education in their life. On the other hand, family practices regarding education vary with the transformation towards a nuclear family life, improvement in household income and with increasing length of stay. Early migrant families who have better life standards are more likely to encourage their children to stay in school in order to find regular income jobs than are newcomer families who need a supplement to the family budget since they are exposed to the worst conditions in the neighborhood. The younger parents among early migrant families are more involved in their children&rsquo / s schooling, and provide personal space for their children, enabling them to adequately complete school work.

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published_or_final_version / Public Administration / Master / Master of Public Administration

published_or_final_version / Architecture / Master / Master of Architecture

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Esta dissertação estuda os processos de formação e produção de bairros exclusivos para a população de alta renda, que se concentram no setor sul de Bauru-SP. O recorte espacial é definido pelos cinco loteamentos Jardins Estoril, com área aproximada de 110 hectares, de propriedade de uma única família. A aprovação do primeiro loteamento estritamente residencial unifamiliar, o Jardim Estoril 1, em 1957, e a implantação do último, o Residencial Jardim Estoril 5, em 2008, definem o recorte temporal. Através da análise da inserção da família Martha em Bauru, da atuação de suas empresas no mercado imobiliário, dos processos de aprovação, implantação e comercialização dos loteamentos e dos investimentos públicos no setor sul, mostra-se como a concepção de loteamento estritamente residencial unifamiliar se mantém, ao mesmo tempo em que se adéqua às demandas do setor imobiliário, ao longo de cinquenta anos. / This essay studies the formation and produce of exclusive neighborhoods to highincome population that is concentraded in the southern sector of Bauru-SP. The spacial area is defined by the five allotments Estoril yard, with an area of 110 hectares approximately, owned by a single family. The approval of the first strictly single-family residential allotment, the Estoril 1 yard, in 1957, and the implantation of the last one, the Residential Estoril 5 yard, in 2008, set the temporal cut. Through the analysis of Marthas family involvement in Bauru, of the approval processes, implantation and marketing of housing developments and public investments in the southern sector, shows itself as the design of strictly single-family residential subdivision remains, at the same time that fits the demands of the real estate sector over fifty years.