No / In this article we reflect on the relatively recent emphasis on Palestinian children's mental health and well-being in the context of exposure to chronic warlike conditions, as we position this trend within the larger framework of the generations-long history of political turmoil and suffering. We describe how a process that started with no attention to psychosocial health of children in relation to exposure to dispossession, expulsion, occupation, repression and military attacks, proceeded with a focus on presumed mental disorders, and the more recent approach of designing context appropriate and community-based psychosocial interventions.

Cette étude des politiques musicales en Allemagne de 1933 à 1949 offre une analyse historique et musicologique des liens inévitables qu’entretinrent musique et politique au gré des événements historiques et sous des systèmes divers et antagonistes : nazisme, communisme,démocraties. Le point de départ de notre réflexion est l’étude du nazisme. Revendiquant une« révolution » par le renversement de la République de Weimar emblématique de ce qu’ Adolf Hitler nomme déjà une « dégénérescence » croissante dans le domaine artistique, il s’est nourri du terreau nationaliste et pangermaniste présent en Allemagne depuis le XIXe siècle pour professer l’idéologie obsessionnelle et excluante de la « pureté de sang » comme élément de définition de la germanité. De ces fondements découle l’organisation de notre travail, qui s’intéresse aux politiques musicales mises en oeuvre depuis la naissance du IIIe Reich jusqu’à la constitution de deux Allemagnes, au regard de trois axes conducteurs. Celui de la pureté tout d’abord, déclinée en réaction contre des définitions très diverses de l’impur ou de l’indésirable selon les régimes politiques et les périodes étudiées ; l’accompagnent les questionnements concernant la recherche de pureté en musique, mais aussi de la « purification » oud’« épuration » musicale. Celui du « peuple » ensuite ; les réalités politiques, géographiques et idéologiques parfois antagonistes inhérentes à ce terme presque métonymique sous-tendent déjà la complexité des liens qu’il entretiendra avec la musique. Celui de la rupture enfin : en étudiant des régimes qui se construisent par l’opposition mutuelle, nous analysons les mises en application des velléités ou des utopies de rupture en lien avec les politiques musicales et nous nous interrogeons sur la possibilité de la rupture dans le domaine artistique lorsque celui-ci est lié au politique. / This historical and musicological study focuses on the politics of Music in Germany, from 1933to 1949. It explores the inherent relationship between music and politics, under diversified andantagonistic regimes. It starts with the Hitler years and the study of Nazism. Professing anational-socialist “revolution”, mainly by the rejection and stigmatization of the WeimarRepublic artistic accomplishments, Hitler defines the music and the new “Aryan” Man he wantsto create primarily by professing an ideology of blood “purity”. This is the concept we startfrom: the ideology of “purity” has many musical consequences throughout the century, leadingto the idea of “purification” or even musical “purge” during and after the Hitler years. We alsotake interest in the links between music and “the people”: the political and geographical contextsleading to a definition as a “racial community” or as an “occupied population” underline thecomplexity of the relationships with the political power and with music itself. Last but not least,we question the concept of “rupture” that defines each regime and its mostly utopian ambition torenew the musical creation, to fit its new political agenda.

Be it the Algerian National Liberation Front, the African National Congress in South Africa or the continued struggle of the Palestinian people, the principle of self-determination is largely central to all projects of national liberation. This paper addresses what is arguably a deficient conception of self-determination by highlighting two factors that contributed to this deficiency. The first is the re-enforcement of dependency in self-determination projects by international institutions, primarily through the Mandate System. The second is a merit-based system of conditionality for the granting of independence, accompanied by a tendency to deformalize the law, relegating self-determination to an empty principle, the substance of which is decided by the negotiations’ context. The case of Palestine is used to demonstrate how those factors are adopted as central means in resolving the Palestinian self-determination problem, which in-turn leads to a deficient conception that does not account for the core content of the right.

Be it the Algerian National Liberation Front, the African National Congress in South Africa or the continued struggle of the Palestinian people, the principle of self-determination is largely central to all projects of national liberation. This paper addresses what is arguably a deficient conception of self-determination by highlighting two factors that contributed to this deficiency. The first is the re-enforcement of dependency in self-determination projects by international institutions, primarily through the Mandate System. The second is a merit-based system of conditionality for the granting of independence, accompanied by a tendency to deformalize the law, relegating self-determination to an empty principle, the substance of which is decided by the negotiations’ context. The case of Palestine is used to demonstrate how those factors are adopted as central means in resolving the Palestinian self-determination problem, which in-turn leads to a deficient conception that does not account for the core content of the right.

No description available.

International Legal Issues Related to the Status of the State of Israel Abstract The emergence and continued existence of the State of Israel, which is completely surrounded by Arab neighbors, may be one of the main causes of the current conflict that began in this part of the region more than seventy years ago. At the same time, the creation of the State of Israel constitutes a certain exception to international law because it was linked to a non-legally binding resolution of a body of an international organization of a universal nature, in particular to the UN General Assembly Resolution 181 (II) of 1947. This resolution foresaw the establishment of both a Jewish and an Arab state in part of the territory of the former Ottoman Empire, which was then administered by Great Britain as a mandate territory. While the state of Israel declared its independence on 14 May 1948, the Arab people of the mandate rejected this resolution, and their right to self-determination was not pursued until many decades later. In relation to this, and as a result of several armed conflicts between the State of Israel and the surrounding Arab states, there has also been a controversial situation with regard to parts of the territory of the former Mandate of Palestine that is at the same time not the territory of the State of...

Financial dependency and a trend in donor-driven gender equality and women’s empowerment projects in the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt) have undoubtedly had an effect on the way in which NGOs are working and evolving: often projects are designed to fulfill donor requirements – and thereby policies - instead of creating an agenda which is politically and socially “home grown”. This paper analyses the USAID gender policy paper (as an example of foreign donor policy) and interviews conducted with legal, programme and gender experts in the oPt, exploring the challenges and gaps between policy and practice. The research uses qualitative research methods to analyze USAID discourse - exploring concepts such as representation, ideology and power - and general assumptions and perspectives towards women’s equality and empowerment in the Opt versus how this translates into practice.

A presente dissertação procurou investigar o fenômeno aqui identificado como digitalização da ocupação da Palestina contemporânea, por meio de reflexões analíticas e históricas sobre as técnicas e tecnologias de controle e monitoramento implantadas pelo que entendemos como um esforço colonial na Palestina contemporânea, tal como a intersecção dessas técnicas e tecnologias com a emergência do Estado de Israel como um nicho global high tech. Sustenta-se que o nomeado processo se dá, em primeiro lugar, em concordância com uma tendência de privatização do setor de segurança - também no que se refere a seu envolvimento nos Territórios Palestinos Ocupados (TPOs) - e, em segundo lugar, com uma narrativa de eficiência, precisão e higienização da guerra, correspondente a um movimento de desresponsabilização do Estado sobre a população nos TPOs e sobre as violações e abusos perpetrados sobre ela. Por fim, no contexto aparentemente contraditório entre a multiplicação das tecnologias de informação e comunicação e sua promessa de superação de fronteiras, e o endurecimento do controle da Ocupação, serão localizadas manifestações e possibilidades de resistência do povo palestino à consolidação das dimensões cibernéticas da colonização da Palestina. / The present dissertation intended to investigate the phenomenon here identified as the digitalization of the occupation of contemporary Palestine, by means of analytical and historical reflexions regarding the techniques and technologies of control and surveillance implanted by what is hereby understood as a colonial effort in Palestinian territory, as well as the intersections of these techniques and technologies with the emergence of the State of Israel as a global high tech niche. It is understood that the referred process takes place, at first, in coherence with a privatization trend in the security sector - as well as its correspondence in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) - and, secondly, as a narrative of efficiency, precision and sanitation of war, corresponding with the outsourcing of responsibility over violations and abuses perpetrated against the Palestinian population. Finally, in the seemingly contradictory context between the multiplication of information technologies and its promise regarding borders overruns, and the hardening of the Occupations control mechanisms, we shall discuss the possibility of resistance manifestations, from the Palestinian people in face of the cybernetic dimensions of the colonization of Palestine.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-04T18:28:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Caroline Cristiane de Sousa.pdf: 983215 bytes, checksum: f3563d47d6f00050299a5422667cce2d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-12-13 / The emergence of new social movements is marking the political scenery in the last decades. The importance of these movements is given to the perspective in which are presented new ways of political participation, with new actors involved in the social dynamics, asking for traditional political theories and distribution of the power in the capitalist society. In order to understand the possible quotidian articulations of these new social movements, it was chosen a research field which presents the coexistence of two distinct movements. The studied context consists of the Flask?, a factory that since eight years went bankruptcy, and it was occupied by workers, and also the Popular and Worker's Village, an urban occupation, constituted by a group of houses that were built in the vicinity of this factory. The factory's occupation proposal, as an alternative production way, is supported through the organization of a social movement for employment, the Occupied Factory Movement. At the Popular and Worker's Village, the discussion about the occupation's proposal of urban area and access to suitable houses may be featured as a social movement which emerges from the organization of this community and articulation with the Flask?'s workers. With this study, it was intended to know the quotidian life of the Popular and Worker's Village and the main actions of that community as a social movement for houses, aiming to understand the established relation with the movement of the Flask?'s workers and to identify approaches and distances between them. The survey was held in accordance with ethnographic focus base. So, participating observations and records were carried out in field diary about the situation of quotidian life in the studied context, as well the observation of other interactions with social movements, such as cultural activities, political formation and public acts. Pictures were also utilized and they helped the contextualization of surveyed field. The survey results indicate that surveyed movements have certain independence in relation to the internal decision processes, however they constitute basically an unit when external questions are dealt, such as negotiations with the government and articulation with other social movements. Therefore it was found that the emergence of a new base social movement was strengthened by means of the articulation with another more comprehensive movement, becoming part of a wider movement network. In this articulation process, the movements get legitimacy in the public sphere and also among their participants, creating references for the quotidian action and mobilization However, conflicts permeate this process because not always the interests converge in order to define priority issues, situations which should be opposed and strategies to be utilized. / O surgimento de novos movimentos sociais tem marcado o cen?rio pol?tico nas ?ltimas d?cadas. A import?ncia desses movimentos se d? na perspectiva em que apresentam novas formas de participa??o pol?tica, com novos atores envolvidos na din?mica social, questionando as teorias pol?ticas tradicionais e a distribui??o de poder na sociedade capitalista. Para compreender as poss?veis articula??es cotidianas desses novos movimentos sociais foi escolhido um campo de pesquisa que apresenta a coexist?ncia de dois movimentos distintos. O contexto estudado ? composto pela Flask?, uma f?brica que, h? oito anos, entrou em processo de fal?ncia e foi ocupada por trabalhadores, e tamb?m pela Vila Oper?ria e Popular, uma ocupa??o urbana, formada por um conjunto de moradias, constru?das no entorno dessa f?brica. A proposta de ocupa??o da f?brica, enquanto forma alternativa de produ??o ? sustentada por meio da organiza??o de um movimento social por trabalho, o Movimento das F?bricas Ocupadas. Na Vila Oper?ria e Popular, o debate sobre a proposta de ocupa??o de espa?o urbano e acesso ? moradia digna pode ser caracterizado enquanto um movimento social que emerge a partir da organiza??o dessa comunidade e da articula??o com os trabalhadores da Flask?. Com este estudo, buscou-se conhecer o cotidiano de Vila Oper?ria e Popular e as principais formas de atua??o dessa comunidade enquanto movimento social por moradia, com o objetivo de compreender as rela??es estabelecidas com o movimento dos trabalhadores Flask? e identificar aproxima??es e distanciamentos entre eles. A pesquisa foi realizada de acordo com os fundamentos do enfoque etnogr?fico. Assim, foram realizadas observa??es participantes e registros em di?rio de campo sobre situa??es da vida cotidiana no contexto estudado, bem como a observa??o de outros momentos de intera??o entre os movimentos sociais, como atividades culturais, de forma??o pol?tica e atos p?blicos. Tamb?m se fez uso de fotografias, que auxiliaram na contextualiza??o do campo pesquisado. Os resultados da pesquisa apontam que os movimentos pesquisados possuem certa independ?ncia quanto aos processos de decis?o internos, entretanto constituem basicamente uma unidade quando se trata de quest?es externas, como negocia??es com o poder p?blico e articula??o com outros movimentos sociais. Assim, verificou-se que o surgimento de um novo movimento social de base foi potencializado por meio da articula??o com outro mais abrangente, tornando-se parte de uma rede de movimentos mais ampla. Nesse processo articulat?rio, os movimentos ganham legitimidade na esfera p?blica e tamb?m entre seus participantes, criando refer?ncias para a atua??o e mobiliza??o cotidiana. Entretanto os conflitos permeiam esse processo de articula??o, pois, nem sempre, os interesses convergem no sentido de definir quest?es priorit?rias, as situa??es que devem ser combatidas e as estrat?gias a serem utilizadas.

A presente dissertação procurou investigar o fenômeno aqui identificado como digitalização da ocupação da Palestina contemporânea, por meio de reflexões analíticas e históricas sobre as técnicas e tecnologias de controle e monitoramento implantadas pelo que entendemos como um esforço colonial na Palestina contemporânea, tal como a intersecção dessas técnicas e tecnologias com a emergência do Estado de Israel como um nicho global high tech. Sustenta-se que o nomeado processo se dá, em primeiro lugar, em concordância com uma tendência de privatização do setor de segurança - também no que se refere a seu envolvimento nos Territórios Palestinos Ocupados (TPOs) - e, em segundo lugar, com uma narrativa de eficiência, precisão e higienização da guerra, correspondente a um movimento de desresponsabilização do Estado sobre a população nos TPOs e sobre as violações e abusos perpetrados sobre ela. Por fim, no contexto aparentemente contraditório entre a multiplicação das tecnologias de informação e comunicação e sua promessa de superação de fronteiras, e o endurecimento do controle da Ocupação, serão localizadas manifestações e possibilidades de resistência do povo palestino à consolidação das dimensões cibernéticas da colonização da Palestina. / The present dissertation intended to investigate the phenomenon here identified as the digitalization of the occupation of contemporary Palestine, by means of analytical and historical reflexions regarding the techniques and technologies of control and surveillance implanted by what is hereby understood as a colonial effort in Palestinian territory, as well as the intersections of these techniques and technologies with the emergence of the State of Israel as a global high tech niche. It is understood that the referred process takes place, at first, in coherence with a privatization trend in the security sector - as well as its correspondence in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) - and, secondly, as a narrative of efficiency, precision and sanitation of war, corresponding with the outsourcing of responsibility over violations and abuses perpetrated against the Palestinian population. Finally, in the seemingly contradictory context between the multiplication of information technologies and its promise regarding borders overruns, and the hardening of the Occupations control mechanisms, we shall discuss the possibility of resistance manifestations, from the Palestinian people in face of the cybernetic dimensions of the colonization of Palestine.