La ricerca fornisce una valutazione del livello di armonizzazione e di ravvicinamento della legislazione in materia di criminalità organizzata tra gli stati membri dell'Unione Europea. La valutazione è realizzata mediante due set di indicatori e si basa su diverse fonti di dati. La valutazione dell'armonizzazione individua somiglianze e differenze tra la norme nazionali degli stati membri su specifici aspetti della legislazione penale in materia di criminalità organizzata. La valutazione del ravvicinamento individua il livello di conformità con i requisiti prescritti dalla Decisione quadro 2008/841/GAI relativa alla lotta alla criminalità organizzata / The research provides an assessment of the level of harmonization and approximation of organized crime legislation among EU MS.The assessment is made through two sets of indicators and is based on multiple sources of data. The assessment of harmonization identifies similarities and differences among Member States national norms on specific issues of criminal legislation in the sector of organized crime. The assesssment of approximation identifies the level of compliance with the requirements set by the Framework Decision 2008/841/GAI on the Fight against Organized Crime

The research was conducted as a result of the researcher‟s concern that the possibility exists that members of the different law enforcement agencies in South Africa might have a misconception about the mandate and functions of the Financial Intelligence Centre. If such a misconception in fact exists, it poses a huge challenge towards fruitful co-operation among the Centre and the different law enforcement agencies. The researcher identified certain practical problems, namely, that investigators are not aware of the types of intelligence that the Centre could provide them with, and that investigators might not be informed about the specific procedures to follow when they need to request intelligence from the Centre. The research has shown that, in the past, the Centre has been a useful source of crime intelligence concerning a range of predicate offences including narcotics, fraud and tax related crimes. The research has further found that, although the majority of participants gained a lot of experience in law enforcement and investigations, they had limited awareness about the Financial Intelligence Centre and its functions. This research project studied the utilisation of the Financial Intelligence Centre as a crime intelligence source. / Police Practice / M. Tech. (Forensic Investigation)

In this thesis, I attempt to apply the network perspective to the study of corruption. First, I deal with current state of theory and research on corruption, which I find to be ignoring relations and interactions among offenders themselves. Then I review literature in the field of covert and criminal networks. The theoretical part of this thesis ends with brief descriptions of two major cases of political corruption in the Czech Republic - so called Nagy case and Rath case. In the methodological part, I introduce basic concepts of social network analysis as well as methods for positional analysis, especially the blockmodelling. In my research, I deal with exploratory analysis of both the aforementioned networks. Using proxy data, I analyse cohesion, centralization, centrality measures and cliques in these networks. Then I use conventional blockmodeling to search for roles and positions within these networks. My results suggest that both networks are dense and centralized with overlapping cliques contrary to other covert networks possibly accounting for their eventual disruption and failure. Positional analysis using varius methods such as CONCOR or different types of cluster analysis reveals a structure resembling the core-periphery model, which is supported by measuring coreness and finding a good...

O crescente fluxo de bens e de pessoas iniciado nos anos de 1980 e expandido ao longo dos anos de 1990 gerou a utópica ideia de que as fronteiras do Estado-Nação e as questões de soberania nacional acabariam por desaparecer. Este contexto e os acontecimentos crescentes envolvendo atores não estatais no cenário internacional criaram uma visão imaginária onde o Estado era tão fraco que seria incapaz de enfrentar organizações criminosas ou terroristas transnacionais. No entanto, como este estudo vai apresentar, não só o Estado está longe de estar fraco, de facto, tem vindo a utilizar essas organizações para expandir seu poder, manter sua soberania e conduzir operações clandestinas contra nações rivais. Para tanto foi usada extensa bibliografia baseada em documentos e livros, documentos vazados, entrevistas com pessoas relacionadas ao tema ao redor do mundo além de observação pessoal de campo. Demonstrando que o uso de atores irregulares, especialmente o Crime Organizado, é apenas mais um passo na evolução da guerra e uma importante ferramenta de procuração na geopolítica internacional. / The increasing process flow of goods and people started in the 1980s and expanded over the years of 1990 generated the utopic idea that the Nation-State borders and national sovereignty issues would eventually disappear. This context and the growing events surrounding non-state actors in the international scenario created an imaginary view where the State was so weak that would be incapable to face transnational criminal or terrorist organizations. However, as this study will present, not only the State is far from being a weak in fact it has been using such organizations to expand its power, maintain its sovereignty and conduct clandestine operation against rival nations, for that it was covered an extensive bibliography based on papers and books, leaked documents, interviews with people related to the area across the world and field observation. It demonstrated that the use of irregular actors, especially Organized Crime, is just another step in the evolution of warfare and an important proxy tool in international geopolitics.

O presente estudo trata acerca do Tráfico de Seres Humanos. Analisando a realidade por trás desse mercado ilícito através de seu desenvolvimento histórico, sua evolução passada até os dias de hoje; sua territorialidade e geografia, demonstrando que o tema é um problema de territorialização, com fluxos e fontes bem definidas; seu mercado e economia, para entender seu processo operacional. Objetivo será então o aprofundamento do tema para entender seu funcionamento geral e a desmistificação de problemáticas que giram em torno do assunto. / The study focuses on Trafficking in Human Beings. Looking at the reality behind this illicit market through its historical development, the evolution until today; its territoriality and geography, demonstrating that theme is a territorial problem, with well-defined streams and sources; its market and economy, to understand the operational process. Then the main goal will be to deepen the theme to understanding the general functioning and the demystification of issues that revolve around the subject.

[pt] Este trabalho analisa o funcionamento, as ambigüidades e as implicações políticas dos discursos mais correntes contemporâneos sobre o tráfico internacional de pessoas. Neste sentido, são escolhidos três exemplos de interpretação da questão: o tráfico como problema de crime organizado; o tráfico como problema moral; e o tráfico como problema de migração. Baseando-se em conceitos de Michel Foucault, o enfoque do trabalho está na inter-relação entre o estabelecimento de regimes de verdade por meio de discursos, e a produtividade destes, ou seja, dependendo da definição da questão, distintas formas de solucionar o assunto são reivindicadas. O trabalho adverte que os discursos analisados, embora se apresentem em nome da proteção das vítimas do tráfico, na verdade, são utilizados para justificar a instalação de mecanismos de controle no sentido foucaultiano. Assim, a pesquisa visa a desconstruir estes discursos para, deste modo, problematizar as práticas políticas atuais que se baseiam prevalentemente neles, e para possibilitar uma compreensão mais diferenciada do assunto complexo de tráfico humano. / [en] The present thesis analyses the working, the ambiguity and the political implications of contemporary discourses about trafficking in persons. Three examples were chosen to illustrate the most common interpretation of the issue: trafficking as a problem of organized crime, as a moral concern and as a question of migration. Based on concepts of Michel Foucault, the main focus of the investigation is the interplay between the establishment of regimes of truth by the discourses and their productivity. Depending on the definition of the issue there are different ways that claim to resolve the question. The work challenges the common understanding of strategies against trafficking developed in the name of protection of the victim and furthermore elaborates that these discourses are used to install mechanisms of control in Foucault´s sense. Thus, the investigation aims at deconstructing these discourses in order to highlight the problems of current anti-trafficking policies and therefore enables a more differentiated understanding of the complex topic of human trafficking.

Brott är generellt sett ett område som motsvarar många kriterier för nyhetsvärdering inom journalistiken och ämnet lockar till läsning. När media rapporterar om olika händelser i världen får därför framförallt våldsbrott mycket publicitet. Det finns tidigare forskning som visar att medias frekventa rapportering om brott skapar en obefogad rädsla hos befolkningen. Mycket forskning kring brott i media finns både nationellt och internationellt, men denna studie fokuserar på en viss typ av brottslighets plats i media som inte alls är lika utforskat, nämligen organiserad brottslighet. Vi tittar på hur den organiserade brottsligheten gestaltas i svensk nyhetsmedia, vilka skillnader det finns i rapporteringen av denna typ av brott i jämförelse med annan kriminalitet, samt om rapporteringen i morgonpress och kvällspress skiljer sig från varandra. Undersökningen gjordes genom en kvantitativ innehållsanalys på 200 artiklar. Hälften av dessa var publicerade i Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet som representerar morgonpress medan den andra hälften hämtats från Aftonbladet och Expressen som i undersökningen representerar kvällspress. Artiklarna är också uppdelade där 100 stycken behandlar organiserad brottslighet och de resterande 100 annan typ av kriminalitet. Undersökningen visade att rapporteringen om de olika typerna av brott skiljer sig. Organiserad brottslighet får mer fysisk plats i tidningarna då de i fler fall finns med bilder. Denna typ av kriminalitet framställs som ett större hot/risk än annan brottslighet, händelser gestaltas mer förstorat, och bilderna i dessa artiklar förstärker ofta en hotfull känsla. Organiserad brottslighet gestaltas som farligare än annan brottslighet. Vi såg utöver detta också skillnader i de olika typerna av press. Kvällspress skriver på ett mer förstorat sätt om organiserad brottslighet än vad morgonpress gör, vilket i denna studie innebär att de använder fler ord som endast finns där i syfte att förstärka olika känslor. Kvällspress använder sig också mer av bilder för att befästa de känslorna artikeln ska förmedla. Med stöd av dagordningsteorin, nyhetsvärdering och nyhetsurval, gestaltningsteorin samt kriminaljournalistik har vi utefter våra resultat analyserat och diskuterat vår forskningsfråga. Vi förstår varför organiserad brottslighet får mycket plats då den uppfyller kriterier för att skapa mediedramaturgi, men anser att det kan vara problematiskt då media med hjälp av sin gestaltning kan skapa en obefogad oro och rädsla bland publiken. Detta påverkar inte bara individen utan även samhället i stort eftersom människors bild av den kriminella världen kanske inte stämmer överens med verkligheten. Eftersom detta kan ge effekt på hela samhället anser vi att studien är relevant för makthavare i landet och Polismyndigheten. Under denna studie har det framgått att forskning om organiserad brottslighet är begränsad. Det finns dåligt med statistik och fakta om denna typ av brott och vi ser gärna att man i framtiden forskar vidare i fältet. Som påbyggnad av detta finns det inte heller mycket forskning att hitta om organiserad brottslighet i förhållande till media. Detta saknas framförallt i svensk forskning och vi skulle gärna se framtida svenska forskare fördjupa sig mer i detta område, till exempel genom en liknande studie, med ett större empiriskt material, för att få en ännu bättre bild av gestaltningen av organiserad brottslighet i media. / Crime is an area that meets the requirements for being highly valued as a news topic and is often something that attracts the readers. When media is reporting about what’s going on in the world is especially violent crimes getting much publicity. Previous research shows that medias frequent way to report about crimes creates an uncalled-for fear among the population. There is a lot of national and international research about crime in media, but this study will focus on a special type of crime and the place it has in media, namely organized crime. We look at how organized crime is portrayed in Swedish news media, which differences it is compared to other crimes, and also if morning press and tabloid press reports in different ways and in that case how. The study was done by a quantitative content analysis on 200 articles. Half of these were published in Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet which is morning press while the other half is from Aftonbladet and Expressen which represents the tabloid press. The articles is also divided in to 100 articles about organized crimes and the remaining 100 about other crimes. The study shows that the reporting about the two types of crimes has differences. Organized crime gets more physical space in the papers due to the fact that these crimes more often has pictures in the articles. This type of crime is portrayed like a bigger threat and risk compared to other crimes, it is often written in a magnified way and the pictures is used to increase the sense of threat/risk. Organized crime is portrayed as much more dangerous than other crimes. We also saw differences in the two types of newspaper. Tabloid press is writing in a more magnified way than morning press, which in this study means that they more often use words that is only there in the purpose of increasing the sense of threat. Tabloid press is also using more pictures to fortify the feeling that the article is supposed to mediate. With the support of the agenda setting theory, valuation and selection of news, framing theory and court journalism did we along our results analyze and discuss the research question. We understand why organized crime is getting as much publicity as it does, due to the fact that it fulfills the criterias to create media dramaturgi, but we also see it as a problem as media with its portraying can create an uncalled-for fear and concern among the crowd. It does not just affect the person but also the society since the image of the criminal world that people has disagree with the reality. Since this can affect the entire society we mean that this study is relevant for rulers of the country and the police. During the study has it been stated that research about organized crime is limited. There is not much statistics and facts about this type of crime, so we would like to see more research in this field overall. Build up on this there is not much research to find about organized crime in relation to media either. Above all it is the swedish research that’s lacking in this field and we would like to see future swedish researchers immerse themselves into this field. For example, through a study like this, but with a bigger empirical data, to get a better understanding of the relationship between organized crime and media.

Na década de 1980 o sistema brasileiro de segurança pública experienciou mudanças, no contexto da transição democrática. Foi nesse momento que se buscou efetivar, em São Paulo, a agenda política conhecida como Políticas de Humanização dos Presídios. Trataremos aqui de uma dessas experiências: um canal de comunicação e de representação de presos no sistema penitenciário paulista chamado Comissões de Solidariedade. Analisaremos como tais Comissões foram deslegitimadas publicamente por meio de uma denúncia: a existência de um grupo criminoso, organizado por presos no interior da Penitenciária do Estado, e que teria se infiltrado nas Comissões de Solidariedade. O grupo foi anunciado como Serpentes Negras. Desta forma, pretende-se descrever a tentativa de efetivação dessas políticas e como a disputa de interesses afetou os rumos das reformas, se refletindo nas praticas internas às prisões; busca-se também recuperar os efeitos produzidos pela denúncia e, com isso, o debate público em torno das políticas de segurança e dos Direitos Humanos no período, bem como a formação e a circulação de um novo discurso sobre o crime organizado em São Paulo, cuja atualidade não pode ser desprezada. / In the 1980s the Brazilian public security system experienced changes in the context of democratic transition. It was at this moment that the political agenda known as \"Humanization Policies of Prisons\" was sought to be implemented in São Paulo. We will deal with one of these experiences: a channel of communication and representation of prisoners in the prison system of São Paulo called Commissions for Solidarity. We will analyze how these Commissions were publicly delegitimized by means of a complaint: the existence of a criminal group, organized by prisoners inside the State Penitentiary, and which would have infiltrated the Solidarity Commissions. The group was announced as Black Serpents. In this way, the intention is to describe the attempt to put these policies into effect and how the dispute of interests affected the direction of the reforms, being reflected in the internal practices of the prisons; It also seeks to recover the effects produced by the denunciation and thus the public debate on security and human rights policies in the period, as well as the formation and circulation of a new discourse on organized crime in São Paulo, whose actuality can not be overlooked.

O crescente fluxo de bens e de pessoas iniciado nos anos de 1980 e expandido ao longo dos anos de 1990 gerou a utópica ideia de que as fronteiras do Estado-Nação e as questões de soberania nacional acabariam por desaparecer. Este contexto e os acontecimentos crescentes envolvendo atores não estatais no cenário internacional criaram uma visão imaginária onde o Estado era tão fraco que seria incapaz de enfrentar organizações criminosas ou terroristas transnacionais. No entanto, como este estudo vai apresentar, não só o Estado está longe de estar fraco, de facto, tem vindo a utilizar essas organizações para expandir seu poder, manter sua soberania e conduzir operações clandestinas contra nações rivais. Para tanto foi usada extensa bibliografia baseada em documentos e livros, documentos vazados, entrevistas com pessoas relacionadas ao tema ao redor do mundo além de observação pessoal de campo. Demonstrando que o uso de atores irregulares, especialmente o Crime Organizado, é apenas mais um passo na evolução da guerra e uma importante ferramenta de procuração na geopolítica internacional. / The increasing process flow of goods and people started in the 1980s and expanded over the years of 1990 generated the utopic idea that the Nation-State borders and national sovereignty issues would eventually disappear. This context and the growing events surrounding non-state actors in the international scenario created an imaginary view where the State was so weak that would be incapable to face transnational criminal or terrorist organizations. However, as this study will present, not only the State is far from being a weak in fact it has been using such organizations to expand its power, maintain its sovereignty and conduct clandestine operation against rival nations, for that it was covered an extensive bibliography based on papers and books, leaked documents, interviews with people related to the area across the world and field observation. It demonstrated that the use of irregular actors, especially Organized Crime, is just another step in the evolution of warfare and an important proxy tool in international geopolitics.

Na década de 1980 o sistema brasileiro de segurança pública experienciou mudanças, no contexto da transição democrática. Foi nesse momento que se buscou efetivar, em São Paulo, a agenda política conhecida como Políticas de Humanização dos Presídios. Trataremos aqui de uma dessas experiências: um canal de comunicação e de representação de presos no sistema penitenciário paulista chamado Comissões de Solidariedade. Analisaremos como tais Comissões foram deslegitimadas publicamente por meio de uma denúncia: a existência de um grupo criminoso, organizado por presos no interior da Penitenciária do Estado, e que teria se infiltrado nas Comissões de Solidariedade. O grupo foi anunciado como Serpentes Negras. Desta forma, pretende-se descrever a tentativa de efetivação dessas políticas e como a disputa de interesses afetou os rumos das reformas, se refletindo nas praticas internas às prisões; busca-se também recuperar os efeitos produzidos pela denúncia e, com isso, o debate público em torno das políticas de segurança e dos Direitos Humanos no período, bem como a formação e a circulação de um novo discurso sobre o crime organizado em São Paulo, cuja atualidade não pode ser desprezada. / In the 1980s the Brazilian public security system experienced changes in the context of democratic transition. It was at this moment that the political agenda known as \"Humanization Policies of Prisons\" was sought to be implemented in São Paulo. We will deal with one of these experiences: a channel of communication and representation of prisoners in the prison system of São Paulo called Commissions for Solidarity. We will analyze how these Commissions were publicly delegitimized by means of a complaint: the existence of a criminal group, organized by prisoners inside the State Penitentiary, and which would have infiltrated the Solidarity Commissions. The group was announced as Black Serpents. In this way, the intention is to describe the attempt to put these policies into effect and how the dispute of interests affected the direction of the reforms, being reflected in the internal practices of the prisons; It also seeks to recover the effects produced by the denunciation and thus the public debate on security and human rights policies in the period, as well as the formation and circulation of a new discourse on organized crime in São Paulo, whose actuality can not be overlooked.